LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF 
CALIFORNIA 

SAN  DIEGO 


777 


1  O  I  RS    OF 
RESS    JOSEPHINE 

fADAME    DE    REMUSAT 
Lady-in-  Waiting  to  the  Empress 

VOLUME    I 


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P     F     COLLIER     &     SON 

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MEMOIRS    OF 
THE    EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE 

BY    MADAME    DE    REMUSAT 
Lady-in-  Waiting  to  the  Empress 

VOLUME    I 


With   a   Special  Introduction 
and    Illustrations 


NEW  YORK 
P     F     COLLIER     &     SON 

PUBLISHERS 


Copyright  1879 
BY  D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY 


Copyright  1910 
BY  P.  F.  COLLIER  &  SON 


CONTENTS 

PAGX 

INTRODUCTION 9 

LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS il 

PREFACE  BY  PAUL  DE  R^MUSAT 13 

PORTRAITS  AND  ANECDOTES  BY  THE  AUTHOR  ....  65 

BOOK  I 

CHAPTER   I 
(1802-1803.) 

Family  Affairs — My  First  Evening  at  Saint  Cloud — General 
Moreau — M.  de  Remusat  is  made  Prefect,  and  I,  Lady  of 
the  Palace — Habits  of  the  First  Consul  and  of  Mme. 
Bonaparte — M.  de  Talleyrand — The  Family  of  the  First 
Consul — Miles.  Georges  and  Duchesnois — Mme.  Bonaparte's 
Jealousy 103 

CHAPTER   II 
(1803.) 

A  Return  to  the  Customs  of  the  Monarchy — M.  de  Fontanes — 
Mme.  d'Houdetot — Rumors  of  War — Meeting  of  the  Corps 
Legislatif — Departure  of  the  English  Ambassador — M. 
Maret — Marshal  Berthier — Journey  of  the  First  Consul  to 
Belgium — A  Carriage  Accident — The  Amiens  Fetes  •  133 

CHAPTER  III 
(1803.) 

Continuation  of  the  Journey  to  Belgium — Opinions  of  the  First 
Consul  on  Gratitude,  on  Glory,  and  on  the  French — Ghent, 
Malines,  and  Brussels — The  Clergy — M.  de  Roquelaure — 
Return  to  Saint  Cloud — Preparations  for  an  Invasion  of 
England — Marriage  of  Mme.  Leclerc — Journey  of  the  First 
Consul  to  Boulogne — Illness  of  M.  de  Remusat — I  rejoin 
him — Conversations  with  the  First  Consul  ...  148 

Vol.  9  3  A — Memoirs 


4  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   IV 
(1803-1804.) 

Continuation  of  the  First  Consul's  Conversations  at  Boulogne — 
Reading  of  the  Tragedy  of  "  Philippe  Auguste  " — My  New 
Impressions — Return  to  Paris — Mme.  Bonaparte's  Jealousy — 
Winter  Fetes  of  1804 — M.  de  Fontanes — M.  Fouche — Savary 
— Pichegru — Arrest  of  General  Moreau  .  .  .171 

CHAPTER  V 

The  Arrest  of  Georges  Cadoudal — The  Mission  of  M.  de  Cau- 
laincourt  to  Ettenheim — The  Arrest  of  the  Due  d'Enghien — 
My  Distress  and  my  Urgency  with  Mme.  Bonaparte— An 
Evening  at  Malmaison — The  Death  of  the  Due  d'Enghien — 
Remarkable  Words  of  the  First  Consul  .  .  .192 

CHAPTER   VI 
(1804.) 

The  Impression  produced  in  Paris  by  the  Death  of  the  Due 
d'Enghien — The  First  Consul's  Efforts  to  dispel  it — Per- 
formance at  the  Opera  House — Death  of  Pichegru — Breach 
between  Bonaparte  and  his  Brother  Lucien — Project  of 
adopting  the  Young  Napoleon — Foundation  of  the  Em- 
pire  213 

CHAPTER  VII 

Effects  and  Causes  of  the  Accession  of  Bonaparte  to  the  Im- 
perial Throne — The  Emperor  converses — The  Grievances  of 
Mme.  Murat — The  Character  of  M.  de  Remusat — The  New 
Court 233 

CHAPTER  VIII 
(1804.) 

The  Trial  of  General  Moreau — Condemnation  of  MM.  de  Pol- 
ignac,  De  Riviere,  etc. — Pardon  of  M.  de  Polignac — A  Letter 
from  Louis  XVIII 256 

CHAPTER  IX 
(1804.) 

Plans  for  the  Invasion— An  Article  in  the  "  Moniteur "— The 
Great  Officers  of  State— The  Ladies-in-Waiting— The  Anni- 


CONTENTS  5 

versary  of  July  I4th — Beauty  of  the  Empress — Projects  of 
Divorce — Preparations  for  the  Coronation      .        .        .    270 

CHAPTER   X 

The  Pope's  Arrival  in  Paris — The  Plebiscitum — The  Marriage  of 
the  Empress  Josephine — The  Coronation  Fetes  in  the 
Champ  de  Mars,  at  the  Opera,  etc. — The  Court  of  the 
Empress 294 

CHAPTER   XI 
(1807.) 

The  Emperor  in  Love — Mme.  de  X . — Mme.  de  Damas — The 

Empress  confides  in  me — Palace  Intrigues — Murat  is  raised 
to  the  Rank  of  Prince 311 


BOOK  II 

CHAPTER   XII 
(1805.) 

Opening  of  the  Session  of  the  Senate — M.  de  Talleyrand's 
Report — Letter  from  the  Emperor  to  the  King  of  England — 
Union  of  the  Crown  of  Italy  to  the  Empire — Mme.  Bacciochi 
becomes  Princess  of  Piombino — Performance  of  "  Athalie  " 
— The  Emperor  goes  to  Italy — His  Dissatisfaction — M.  de 
Talleyrand — Prospect  of  War  with  Austria  .  .  .  331 

CHAPTER   XIII 
(1805.) 

Fetes  at  Verona  and  Genoa — Cardinal  Maury — My  Retired  Life 
in  the  Country — Mme.  Louis  Bonaparte — "  Les  Templiers  " — 
The  Emperor's  Return — His  Amusements — The  Marriage  of 
M.  de  Talleyrand — War  is  declared  ....  350 

CHAPTER   XIV 
(1805.) 

M.  de  Talleyrand  and  M.  Fouche — The  Emperor's  Speech  to  the 
Senate — The  Departure  of  the  Emperor — The  Bulletins  of 
the  Grand  Army — Poverty  in  Paris  during  the  War — The 
Emperor  and  the  Marshals — The  Faubourg  St.  Germain — 
Trafalgar — Journey  of  M.  de  Remusat  to  Vienna  .  .  368 


6  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   XV 
(1805.) 

The  Battle  of  Austerlitz — The  Emperor  Alexander — Negotiations 
— Prince  Charles — M.  d'Andre — M.  de  Remusat  in  Disgrace — 
Duroc — Savary — The  Treaty  of  Peace  ....  388 


VOLUME  II 

CHAPTER   XVI 
(1805-1806.) 

State  of  Paris  during  the  War — Cambaceres — Le  Brun — Mme. 
Louis  Bonaparte — Marriage  of  Eugene  de  Beauharnais — 
Bulletins  and  Proclamations — Admiration  of  the  Emperor 
for  the  Queen  of  Bavaria — Jealousy  of  the  Empress — M.  de 

Nansouty — Mme.    de    . — Conquest    of    Naples — Position 

and  Character  of  the  Emperor 409 

CHAPTER   XVII 
(1806.) 

The  Death  of  Pitt — Parliamentary  Debates  in  England — Public 
Works — Industrial  Exhibition — New  Etiquette — Perform- 
ances at  the  Opera  House  and  at  the  Comedie  Franchise — 

Monotony  of  the  Court Opinions  of  the  Empress — Mme. 

Louis  Bonaparte — Mme.  Murat — The  Bourbons — New 
Ladies-in-Waiting — M.  Mole — Mme.  d'Houdetot — Mme.  de 
Barante 428 

CHAPTER   XVIII 
(1806.) 

The  Emperor's  Civil  List — His  Household  and  its  Expenses — 
Dress  of  the  Empress  and  of  Mme.  Murat — Louis  Bonaparte 
— Prince  Borghese — Fetes  at  Court — The  Empress's  Family — 
Marriage  of  Princess  Stephanie — Jealousy  of  the  Empress — 
Theatricals  at  Malmaison 452 

CHAPTER   XIX 

The  Emperor's  Court — His  Ecclesiastical  Household — His  Mili- 
tary Household — The  Marshals — The  Ladies — Delille — 
Chateaubriand — Mme.  de  Genlis — Romances — Literature 
—Arts 474 


CONTENTS  7 

CHAPTER  XX 
(1806.)      , 

Senatus  Consultum  of  the  30th  of  March — Foundation  of  Mon- 
archies and  Duchies — Queen  Hortense  ....  506 

CHAPTER   XXI 
(1806.) 

I  go  to  Cauterets — The  King  of  Holland — Factitious  Tranquillity 
of  France — M.  de  Metternich — The  New  Catechism — The 
Germanic  Confederation — Poland — Death  of  Mr.  Fox — War 
is  declared — Departure  of  the  Emperor — M.  Pasquier  and  M. 
Mole — Session  of  the  Senate — The  Opening  of  Hostilities — 
The  Court — Reception  of  Cardinal  Maury  .  .  .  528 

CHAPTER   XXII 
(1806-1807.) 

Death  of  Prince  Louis  of  Prussia — Battle  of  Jena — The  Queen 
of  Prussia  and  the  Emperor  Alexander — The  Emperor  and 
the  Revolution — Court  Life  at  Mayence — Life  in  Paris — 
Marshal  Brune — Taking  of  Lubeck — The  Princess  of  Hatz- 
feld — The  Auditors  of  the  State  Council — Sufferings  of  the 
Army — The  King  of  Saxony — Battle  of  Eylau  .  .  553 

CHAPTER   XXIII 
(1807.) 

The  Return  of  the  Empress  to  Paris — The  Imperial  Family — 
Junot — Fouche — The  Queen  of  Holland — Levy  of  the  Con- 
scripts of  1808 — Theatricals  at  Court — Letter  from  the  Em- 
peror— Siege  of  Dantzic — Death  of  the  Empress  of 
Austria — Death  of  Queen  Hortense's  Son — M.  Decazes — 
The  Emperor's  Want  of  Feeling 576 

CHAPTER   XXIV 
(1807.) 

The  Duke  of  Dantzic — Fouche' s  Police — Battle  of  Friedland — M. 
de  Lameth — Treaty  of  Tilsit — Return  of  the  Emperor — M. 
de  Talleyrand — The  Ministers — The  Bishops  .  .  595 

CHAPTER   XXV 

(1807.) 

Vexations  at  Court — Friendship  with  M.  de  Talleyrand — General 
Rapp — General  Clarke — Session  of  the  Legislative  Bodies — 


8  CONTENTS 

The  Emperor's  Speech — Fetes  of  the  i$th  of  August — Mar- 
riage of  Jerome  Bonaparte — Death  of  Le  Brun — The  Abbe 
Delille — M.  de  Chateaubriand — Dissolution  of  the  Tribunate 
— The  Court  removes  to  Fontainebleau  .  .  .  613 

CHAPTER   XXVI 
(1807.) 

The  Power  of  the  Emperor — Resistance  of  the  English — The 
Emperor's  Life  at  Fontainebleau — Plays — Talma — King 
Jerome — The  Princess  of  Baden — The  Grand  Duchess  of 
Berg — Princess  Borghese — Cambaceres — Foreign  Princes — 
Spanish  Affairs — Previsions  of  M.  de  Talleyrand — M.  de 
Remusat  is  made  Superintendent  of  Theatres — The  Fortunes 
and  the  Difficulties  of  the  Marshals  ....  635 

CHAPTER   XXVII 

(1807-1808.) 
Projects  of  Divorce 674 

CHAPTER  XXVIII 
(1807-1808.) 

Return  from  Fontainebleau — The  Emperor's  Journey  in  Italy — 
The  Youth  of  M.  de  Talleyrand — Fetes  at  the  Tuileries — 
The  Emperor  and  the  Artists — The  Emperor's  Opinion  of 
the  English  Government — The  Marriage  of  Mile,  de  Tascher 
— Count  Romanzoff — Marriage  of  Marshal  Berthier — The 
University — Affairs  of  Spain 693 

CHAPTER  XXIX 
(1808.) 

The  War  with  Spain — The  Prince  of  the  Peace — The  Prince  of 
the  Asturias — The  Abdication  of  King  Charles  IV. — The 
Departure  of  the  Emperor — His  Sojourn  at  Bayonne — Letter 
of  the  Emperor — Arrival  of  the  Princes  in  France — Birth  of 
the  Second  Son  of  the  Queen  of  Holland — Abdication  of  the 
Prince  of  the  Asturias 723 

CONCLUSION 742 

POSTSCRIPT  760 


INTRODUCTION 

THE  clear  and  interesting  "Preface"  of  Paul  de 
Remusat,  grandson  of  the  author  of  these  Memoirs, 
renders  unnecessary  a  lengthy  introduction  on  the  part 
of  the  publishers.  The  reader  will  find  there  a  sym- 
pathetic sketch  of  the  talented  lady-in-waiting,  and 
through  her  eyes  a  vivid  portrait  not  only  of  Josephine 
and  Napoleon,  but  of  surrounding  Court  life. 

Madame  de  Remusat,  born  Claire  de  Vergennes, 
was  a  woman  of  superior  descent  and  endowments; 
her  grandson  may  feel  a  pardonable  pride  in  setting 
forth  her  virtues.  Her  father  and  grandfather  were 
among  the  many  political  victims  of  the  Revolution, 
perishing  in  1794  upon  the  same  scaffold,  three  days 
before  the  fall  of  Robespierre.  Her  mother  took  the 
young  girl  and  her  sister  to  a  retired  spot  in  the  valley 
of  Montmorency,  whither  they  were  followed  by  a 
friend  of  the  family,  Augustin  de  Remusat,  who  won 
the  hand  of  Claire. 

Among  the  neighbours,  during  the  months  of  retire- 
ment from  political  storm,  was  Madame  de  Beau- 
harnais,  who  in  1796  became  the  wife  of  Bonaparte, 
and  later  the  famous  Empress  Josephine.  A  warm 
friendship  sprang  up  between  the  two  families,  and 
when  Josephine  removed  to  Paris  to  take  her  exalted 
place,  Madame  de  Remusat  went  with  her  as  a  lady- 
in-waiting;  while  M.  de  Remusat  was  made  Prefect 
of  the  Palace,  in  1802. 

These  Memoirs  are  an  exact  record  of  the  life  of 


INTRODUCTION 

the  author,  as  well  as  a  survey  of  the  first  years  of 
the  nineteenth  century.  They  show  us  what  changes 
the  establishment  of  the  Empire  effected  at  Court,  and 
how  life  there  constantly  shifted  to  reflect  the  chang- 
ing fortunes  of  its  master.  The  figure  of  Napoleon 
stands  out  boldly,  albeit  sketched  with  an  unsympa- 
thetic pen.  The  lady-in-waiting's  loyalty  was  entirely 
upon  the  side  of  her  mistress  in  the  latter's  struggle 
against  the  Bonaparte  family;  and  when  the  downfall 
of  Josephine  occurred,  Madame  de  Remusat  followed 
her  into  retirement.  It  was  then  that  she  took  up  her 
pen  to  write  of  historic  people  and  affairs.  Her  first 
manuscripts,  however,  were  destroyed,  in  1815,  the 
author  fearing  that  they  would  compromise  her  family 
politically  by  their  outspoken  criticisms.  Napoleon 
had  escaped  from  Elba,  and  none  could  prophesy  what 
a  day  might  bring  forth. 

In  1818  she  began  the  subject  afresh,  inspired,  as 
she  says,  by  her  "love  of  truth,"  and  desiring  to  refute 
certain  opinions  advanced  by  Madame  de  StaeTs  newly 
published  "Considerations  upon  the  French  Rev- 
olution." The  circumstances  of  the  renewed  literary 
labour  are  set  forth  interestingly  in  Paul  de  Remusat's 
story.  The  Memoirs,  he  says,  were  to  have  been  di- 
vided into  five  parts,  treating  of  five  distinct  epochs. 
Only  three  were  completed-,  treating  of  the  important 
interval  between  the  years  1802  and  1809.  This 
manuscript  left  unfinished  at  Madame  de  Remusat's 
death,  in  1821,  awaited  publication  for  sixty  years, 
when  the  people  and  the  events  which  it  described  so 
freely  had  long  since  passed  away.  It  was  not  until 
1 88 1,  that  the  grandson  of  the  author  gave  them  to 
the  world.  His  reasons  therefor  and  the  story  of  the 
manuscript  itself  are  an  appetising  foretaste  of  this 
work  written  by  a  person  famed  for  her  sincerity. 
clear  vision,  and  "talent  for  being  true." 


LIST    OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 

VOLUME    I 

CORONATION  OF  THE  EMPRESS  JOSEPHINE 
from  the  painting  by  Louis  David 

"BONAPARTE  LIKED  WOMEN  TO  DRESS  WELL/'  ETC. 
from   the  painting   by  F.  Simm 

SOVEREIGNS,  PRINCES,  MILITARY  OFFICERS,  PRIESTS,  WOMEN 
from   the  painting  by  Adrien  Moreau 


VOLUME   II 

"  MY  POOR  JOSEPHINE,   I  CANNOT  LEAVE  You " 
from  the  painting  by  L.  J.  Pott 

FOR  TWELVE  HOURS  THEY  FOUGHT  WITHOUT  EITHER  SIDE 
BEING  ABLE  TO  CLAIM  THE  VICTORY  " 
from   the  painting   by   F.   Schommer 

QUEEN  LOUISE  TRYING  TO  WIN  FAVOR  FROM  NAPOLEON 

FOR  PRUSSIA 
from  the  painting  by  R.  Eichstadt 


PREFACE 


MY  father  bequeathed  to  me  the  manuscript  of 
the  memoirs  of  my  grandmother,  who  was 
lady-in-waiting  to  the  Empress  Josephine, 
accompanied  by  an  injunction  that  I  should  publish 
them.  He  regarded  those  memoirs  as  extremely  im- 
portant to  the  history  of  the  first  portion  of  the  present 
century,  and  had  frequently  contemplated  publishing 
them  himself ;  but  he  was  always  hindered  from  doing 
so,  either  by  his  other  duties,  by  his  many  labors,  or 
by  certain  scruples.  He  deferred  the  moment  at  which 
the  public  was  to  be  made  acquainted  with  these  val- 
uable reminiscences  of  an  epoch — recent,  indeed,  but 
respecting  which  the  present  generation  is  so  ill 
informed — precisely  because  that  epoch  was  recent, 
and  many  persons  who  had  been  involved  in  its  im- 
portant events  were  still  living.  Although  the  author 
of  these  memoirs  can  not  be  accused  of  intentional 
malice,  she  passes  judgment  upon  persons  and  things 
very  freely.  A  certain  consideration,  which  is  not 
always  consonant  with  the  verity  of  history,  is  due, 
not  only  to  the  living,  but  to  the  children  of  the  dead ; 
the  years  passed  on,  however,  and  the  reasons  for 
silence  diminished  with  the  lapse  of  time. 

About  1848  my  father  would  perhaps  have  allowed 
this  manuscript  to  see  the  light;  but  the  empire  and 

13 


I4  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

the  Emperor  returned,  and  then  the  book  might  have 
been  regarded  either  as  a  piece  of  flattery  tendered  to 
the  son  of  Queen  Hortense,  who  is  very  gently  handled 
by  the  writer,  or  as  a  direct  insult,  on  other  points, 
to  the  dynasty.  Circumstances  had  thus  given  a 
polemic  character — an  aspect  of  actuality,  as  the 
phrase  goes — to  a  work  which  should  be  regarded  as 
a  candid  and  impartial  history,  the  narrative  of  a 
remarkable  woman,  who  relates  with  simple  sincerity 
that  which  she  witnessed  at  the  court  and  during  the 
reign  of  the  Emperor,  and  who  records  her  estimate 
of  him  as  an  individual.  In  any  case,  it  is  probable 
that  the  book  would  have  been  prosecuted,  and  its 
publication  interdicted.  I  may  add,  lest  any  should 
consider  these  reasons  insufficient,  that  my  father, 
who  was  always  willing  that  his  politics,  his  opinions, 
and  his  personal  conduct  should  be  discussed  by  the 
critics  and  the  press,  who  lived  in  the  full  glare  of 
publicity,  yet  shrank  with  great  reluctance  from  plac- 
ing names  which  were  dear  to  him  before  the  public. 
That  they  should  incur  the  slightest  censure,  that  they 
should  be  uttered  with  any  severity  of  tone,  he  dreaded 
extremely.  He  was  timid  when  either  his  mother  or 
his  son  was  in  question.  His  love  for  his  mother 
had  been  the  "  grand  passion  "  of  his  life.  To  her  he 
ascribed  all  the  happiness  of  his  youth,  every  merit 
which  he  possessed,  and  all  the  success  of  every  kind 
that  had  come  to  him  throughout  his  whole  existence. 
He  derived  from  her  his  qualities  alike  of  heart  and 
mind;  he  was  bound  to  her  by  the  tie  of  close  simi- 
larity of  ideas,  as  well  as  by  that  of  filial  affection. 
Her  memory,  her  letters,  her  thoughts  occupied  a  place 
in  his  life  which  few  suspected,  for  he  seldom  spoke 
of  her,  precisely  because  he  was  always  thinking  of 
her,  and  he  would  have  feared  imperfect  sympathy 
from  others  in  his  admiration  of  her  who  was  incom- 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  15 

parable  in  his  eyes.  Who  among  us  does  not  know 
what  it  is  to  be  united  by  a  passionate,  almost  fierce 
affection  to  one  who  is  no  more;  ceaselessly  to  think 
of  that  beloved  one,  to  question,  to  dream,  to  be  always 
under  the  impression  of  the  vanished  presence — of  the 
silent  counsels;  to  feel  that  the  life  gone  from  us  is 
mixed  up  with  our  own  life,  every  day,  not  only  on 
great  occasions,  and  in  all  our  actions,  whether  public 
or  private;  and  yet,  that  we  can  not  bear  to  speak  to 
others  of  the  ever-present  occupant  of  our  thoughts — 
no,  not  even  to  our  dearest  friends — and  can  not  even 
hear  the  dear  name  uttered  without  secret  pain  and 
disquiet?  Rarely,  indeed,  can  even  the  sweetness  of 
praise  lavished  upon  that  name  by  a  friend  or  a 
stranger  avail  to  soothe  our  deep,  mysterious  trouble, 
or  render  it  endurable. 

While,  however,  a  proper  and  natural  sentiment 
dictates  that  memoirs  should  not  appear  until  a  con- 
siderable time  has  elapsed,  it  is  equally  desirable  that 
their  publication  should  not  be  delayed  until  all  trace 
of  the  facts  related,  of  the  impressions  made,  or  of 
the  eye-witnesses  of  events  has  passed  away.  In  order 
that  the  accuracy,  or  at  least  the  sincerity  of  memoirs 
may  not  be  disputed,  each  family  should  be  in  a  posi- 
tion to  substantiate  them  by  its  own  recollections ;  and 
it  is  well  that  the  generation  which  reads  them  should 
follow  that  which  they  depict.  The  records  they 
contain  are  all  the  more  useful  because  the  times 
which  they  chronicle  have  not  yet  become  altogether 
historic.  This  is  our  case  at  the  present  moment,  and 
the  great  name  of  Napoleon  is  still  a  party  battle-cry. 
It  is  interesting  to  introduce  a  new  element  into  the 
strife  which  rages  around  that  majestic  shade.  Al- 
though the  epoch  of  the  First  Empire  has  been  much 
discussed  by  the  writers  of  memoirs,  the  inner  life  of 
the  imperial  palace  has  never  been  handled  freely,  and 


16  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

in  detail;  and  for  this  good  reasons  have  existed. 
The  functionaries  or  the  frequenters  of  the  court  of 
Napoleon  I.  did  not  care  to  reveal  with  entire  unre- 
serve the  story  of  the  time  they  had  passed  in  his 
service.  The  majority,  having  joined  the  Legitimist 
ranks  after  the  Restoration,  were  humiliated  by  the 
remembrance  that  they  had  served  the  usurper,  espe- 
cially in  offices  which  are  generally  held  to  be  enno- 
bled only  by  the  hereditary  greatness  of  him  who 
confers  them;  and  their  descendants  would  have  been 
disconcerted  had  such  manuscripts  been  left  to  them, 
by  their  authors,  with  the  obligation  of  giving  them 
to  the  world.  It  would,  perhaps,  be  difficult  to  find 
another  editor,  also  a  grandson,  who  could  publish 
such  a  work  so  willingly  as  I.  The  talent  of  the 
writer  and  the  utility  of  her  book  affect  me  much  more 
than  the  difference  between  the  opinions  of  my  grand- 
mother and  those  of  her  descendants.  My  father's 
life,  his  renown,  the  political  creed  which  is  his  most 
precious  bequest  to  me,  absolve  me  from  any  necessity 
for  explaining  how  and  why  it  is  that  I  do  not  neces- 
sarily adopt  all  the  views  of  the  author  of  these 
Memoirs.  On  the  contrary,  it  would  be  easy  to  find 
in  this  book  the  first  traces  of  that  liberal  spirit  which 
animated  my  grandparents  in  the  first  days  of  the 
Revolution,  which  was  transmitted  to  and  happily 
developed  in  their  son.  It  was  almost  being  liberal 
already  not  to  regard  the  principles  of  political  liberty 
with  hatred  at  the  end  of  the  last  century,  when  so 
many  people  were  ready  to  lay  crimes  which  tarnished 
the  Revolution  to  the  charge  of  that  liberty,  and  to 
pass  judgment,  notwithstanding  the  true  admiration 
and  the  deep  gratitude  with  which  they  regarded  the 
Emperor,  on  the  defects  of  his  character  and  the  evils 
of  despotism. 

Such  valuable  impartiality  was  rare  indeed  among 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  17 

the  contemporaries  of  the  great  Emperor,  nor  have  we 
met  with  it  in  our  own  time  among  the  servants  of 
a  sovereign  far  less  likely  to  dazzle  those  who  ap- 
proached him.  Such  a  sentiment  is,  however,  easy  at 
the  present  day.  Events  have  brought  France  into  a 
state  in  which  she  is  ready  to  receive  everything  with 
equanimity,  to  judge  every  one  with  equity.  We  have 
observed  many  changes  of  opinion  concerning  the 
early  years  of  the  present  century.  One  need  not  have 
reached  a  very  advanced  stage  of  life  to  recall  a  time 
when  the  legend  of  the  Empire  was  accepted  even  by 
the  enemies  of  the  Empire;  when  it  might  be  admired 
with  impunity;  when  children  believed  in  an  Emperor, 
who  was  at  once  a  grand  personage  and  a  good  fellow, 
somewhat  like  the  notion  of  God  entertained  by 
Beranger,  who  indeed  turned  both  God  and  Napoleon 
into  heroes  for  his  odes.  The  most  determined  adver- 
saries of  despotism,  those  who  were  themselves  des- 
tined to  undergo  persecution  by  a  new  Empire, 
brought  back  to  France  the  mortal  remains  of  Napo- 
leon the  Great — his  "  ashes,"  as,  lending  an  antique 
coloring  to  a  modern  ceremony,  it  was  the  fashion  to 
say  just  then.  At  a  later  date,  experience  of  the 
Second  Empire  opened  the  eyes,  even  of  those  who  do 
not  admit  passion  into  politics,  to  the  truth  respecting 
the  first.  The  disasters  brought  upon  France  in  1870, 
by  Napoleon  III.,  have  reminded  us  that  it  was  the 
other  Emperor  who  commenced  that  fatal  work;  and 
an  almost  general  malediction  rises  to  the  lips  of  the 
nation  at  that  name — Bonaparte — which  was  once 
uttered  with  respectful  enthusiasm.  So  fluctuating  is 
the  justice  of  nations!  It  is,  however,  allowable  to 
say  that  the  justice  of  France  to-day  comes  nearer  to 
true  justice  than  at  the  time  when,  swayed  by  the  long- 
ing for  rest  and  the  dread  of  liberty,  she  surrendered 
herself  to  the  passion  for  military  glory.  Between 


i8  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

these  two  extremes  how  many  modes  of  opinion  have 
arisen,  and  gone  through  their  several  phases  of  tri- 
umph and  decline !  It  will  be  evident  to  all  readers,  I 
hope,  that  the  author  of  the  following  Memoirs,  who 
came  to  the  Court  in  her  youth,  regarded  those 
problems  which  were  then  and  still  are  in  debate, 
although  General  Bonaparte  thought  he  had  solved 
them,  with  an  entire  absence  of  prejudice.  Her  opin- 
ions were  formed  by  degrees,  like  the  opinions  of 
France  itself,  which  was  also  very  young  in  those  days. 
She  was  at  first  dazzled  and  aroused  to  enthusiasm  by 
the  great  genius  of  the  age,  but  she  afterward  re- 
covered the  balance  of  her  judgment  by  the  aid  of 
events  and  of  contact  with  other  minds.  More  than  one 
of  our  contemporaries  may  find  in  these  Memoirs  an 
explanation  of  the  conduct  or  the  state  of  mind  of 
some  persons  of  their  kin  whose  Bonapartism  or 
Liberalism  at  different  epochs  has  hitherto  appeared 
inexplicable  to  them.  And  also — not  their  least  merit 
in  my  eyes — these  Memoirs  will  reveal  to  the  reader 
the  first  germs  of  a  remarkable  talent,  which  was 
developed  in  the  writer's  son  to  a  supreme  degree. 

A  brief  summary  of  the  life  of  my  grandmother, 
or  at  least  of  the  period  which  preceded  her  arrival 
at  Court,  is  indispensable  to  the  reader's  comprehen- 
sion of  the  impressions  and  the  remembrances  which 
she  brought  thither.  My  father  had  frequently  pro- 
jected a  complete  biography  of  his  parents,  and  had, 
indeed,  sketched  out  some  portions  of  the  work.  He 
did  not  leave  any  of  it  in  a  finished  condition;  but  a 
great  number  of  notes  and  fragments  written  by  his 
own  hand,  concerning  the  members  of  his  family,  his 
own  youthful  opinions,  and  persons  whom  he  had 
known,  render  it  easy  to  narrate  the  incidents  of  my 
grandmother's  early  years,  the  feelings  with  which 
she  entered  upon  her  life  at  Court,  and  the  circum- 


EMPRESS  JOSEPHINE  19 

stances  that  led  her  to  write  her  Memoirs.  It  is  also 
in  my  power  to  add  some  comments  upon  her  by  her 
son,  which  will  lead  the  reader  to  know  and  esteem 
her.  It  was  my  father's  strong  desire  that  her  readers 
should  be  inspired  with  kindly  sentiments  toward  the 
object  of  his  own  devotion,  love  and  admiration;  and 
I  believe  that  the  perusal  of  her  reminiscences,  and 
especially  of  her  correspondence,  which  is  also  to  be 
given  to  the  public  in  due  time,  can  not  fail  to  secure 
the  realization  of  his  wish. 

II 

Claire  Elisabeth  Jeanne  Gravier  de  Vergennes  was 
born  on  the  5th  of  January,  1780.  Her  father  was 
Charles  Gravier  de  Vergennes,  Counselor  to  the  Par- 
liament of  Burgundy,  Master  of  Requests,  afterward 
Intendant  of  Auch,  and  finally  Director  of  the 
Vingtiemes.*  My  great-grandfather  was  not,  there- 
fore, as  it  has  been  frequently  but  erroneously  stated, 
the  minister  who  was  so  well  known  as  the  Comte  de 
Vergennes.  That  minister  had  an  elder  brother  who 
was  called  "  the  Marquis,"  the  first  of  the  family,  I 
believe,  who  bore  such  a  title.  This  marquis  had 
quitted  the  magistracy  to  enter  upon  a  diplomatic 
career.  He  was  acting  as  minister  in  Switzerland  in 
1777,  when  the  French  treaties  with  the  Helvetian 
Republic  were  renewed.  Afterward  he  was  given  the 
title  of  ambassador.  His  son,  Charles  Gravier  de 
Vergennes,  who  was  born  at  Dijon  in  1751,  married 
Adelaide  Frangoise  de  Bastard,  born  about  1760.  This 
lady's  family  came  originally  from  Gascony,  and  a 
branch  of  it,  whose  members  distinguished  themselves 

*  The  Vingtieme  was  a  tax  imposed  under  the  ancien  regime, 
on  land  and  house  property,  and  which  amounted  to  a  twentieth 
of  the  revenue. 


20  MEMOIRS  OF  THE 

at  the  bar  and  in  the  magistracy,  was  settled  at 
Toulouse.  Her  father,  Dominique  de  Bastard,  born  at 
Laffitte  (Haute-Garonne),  had  been  one  of  the  coun- 
selors to  the  parliament,  and  was  the  senior  counselor 
at  the  time  of  his  death.  His  bust  is  in  the  Salle  des 
Illustres  in  the  Capitol.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the 
measures  of  Chancellor  Maupeou.  His  daughter's 
husband,  M.  de  Vergennes,  being  a  member  of  the 
legal  profession,  bore,  as  was  the  custom  under  the 
old  regime,  no  title.  It  is  said  that  he  was  a  man  of 
only  ordinary  ability,  who  took  his  pleasure  in  life 
without  much  discrimination,  but  also  that  he  had 
good  sense  and  was  a  useful  official.  He  belonged  to 
that  administrative  school  of  which  MM.  de  Trudaine 
were  the  leaders. 

Madame  de  Vergennes,  of  whom  my  father  con- 
stantly spoke,  was  a  person  of  more  individuality  of 
character;  she  was  both  clever  and  good.  When  he 
was  quite  a  child,  my  father  was  on  most  confidential 
terms  with  her,  as  grandsons  frequently  are  with  their 
grandmothers.  In  his  bright  and  kindly  nature,  his 
pleasant  raillery,  which  was  never  malicious,  he  re- 
sembled her;  and  from  her  he  also  inherited  his 
musical  gifts,  a  good  voice  for  singing,  and  a  quick 
memory  for  the  airs  and  couplets  of  the  vaudevilles 
of  the  day.  He  never  lost  his  habit  of  humming  the 
popular  songs  of  the  old  regime.  Madame  de  Ver- 
gennes had  the  ideas  of  her  time — a  touch  of  philos- 
ophy, stopping  short  of  incredulity,  and  a  certain 
repugnance  to  the  Court,  although  she  regarded  Louis 
XVI.  with  affection  and  respect.  Her  intellect,  which 
was  bright,  practical,  and  independent,  was  highly  cul- 
tivated; her  conversation  was  brilliant  and  sometimes 
very  free,  after  the  manner  of  the  period.  Neverthe- 
less, she  gave  her  two  daughters,  Claire  and  Alix,  a 
strict  and  indeed  rather  solitary  education,  for  it  was 


EMPRESS  JOSEPHINE  21 

the  fashion  of  that  day  that  parents  should  see  but 
little  of  their  children.  The  two  sisters  studied  in  a 
large,  fireless  room,  apart  from  the  rest  of  the  house, 
under  the  inspection  of  a  governess,  and  were  in- 
structed in  what  may  be  called  the  frivolous  arts — 
music,  drawing,  and  dancing.  They  were  seldom 
taken  to  see  a  play,  but  they  were  occasionally  indulged 
with  a  visit  to  the  opera,  and  now  and  then  with  a  ball. 
M.  de  Vergennes  had  not  desired  or  foreseen  the 
Revolution ;  but  he  was  neither  displeased  nor  alarmed 
by  it.  He  and  his  friends  belonged  to  that  citizen 
class,  ennobled  by  holding  public  offices,  which  seemed 
to  be  the  nation  itself,  and  he  can  not  have  found  him- 
self much  out  of  his  place  among  those  who  were 
called  "  the  electors  of  '89."  He  was  elected  a  member 
of  the  Council  of  the  Commune,  and  made  a  major  in 
the  National  Guard.  M.  de  Lafayette,  whose  grand- 
daughter was  to  become  the  wife  of  M.  de  Vergennes's 
grandson,  forty  years  after,  and  M.  Royer-Collard, 
whom  that  grandson  was  to  succeed  at  the  French 
Academy,  treated  him  like  one  of  themselves.  His 
opinions  were  more  in  accordance  with  those  of  M. 
Royer-Collard  than  with  those  of  M.  de  Lafayette, 
and  the  French  Revolution  soon  shot  far  ahead  of  him. 
He  did  not,  however,  feel  any  inclination  to  emigrate. 
His  patriotism,  as  well  as  his  attachment  to  Louis 
XVI.,  led  him  to  remain  in  France;  and  thus  he  was 
unable  to  elude  that  fate  which,  in  1793,  threatened 
all  who  were  in  positions  similar  to  his  and  of  the 
same  way  of  thinking.  He  was  falsely  accused  of 
intending  to  emigrate,  by  the  Administration  of  the 
Department  of  Saone  et  Loire;  his  property  was 
placed  under  sequestration ;  and  he  was  arrested  in 
Paris,  at  the  house  in  the  Rue  Saint  Eustache  which 
he  had  inhabited  since  1788.  The  man  who  arrested 
him  had  no  warrant  from  the  Committee  of  Public 


22  MEMOIRS  OF  THE 

Safety  except  for  the  arrest  of  M.  de  Vergennes's 
father.  He  took  the  son  because  he  lived  with  the 
father,  and  both  died  on  the  same  scaffold  on  the 
6th  Thermidor  (24th  July,  1794),  three  days  before 
the  fall  of  Robespierre. 

M.  de  Vergennes's  death  left  his  unhappy  wife  and 
daughters  unprotected,  and  in  straitened  circumstances, 
as  he  had  sold  his  estate  in  Burgundy  a  short  time 
previously,  and  its  price  had  been  confiscated  by  the 
nation.  There  remained  to  them,  however,  one  friend, 
not  powerful,  indeed,  but  full  of  zeal  and  good  will. 
This  was  a  young  man  with  whom  M.  de  Vergennes 
had  become  acquainted  in  the  early  days  of  the  Revo- 
lution, whose  family  had  formerly  been  of  some  im- 
portance in  the  commercial  world,  and  also  in  the 
civic  administration  of  Marseilles,  so  that  the  younger 
members  were  taking  their  places  in  the  magistracy 
and  in  the  army,  in  short,  among  "  the  privileged,"  as 
the  phrase  then  went.  This  young  man,  Augustin 
Laurent  de  Remusat,  was  born  at  Valensoles,  in  Pro- 
vence, on  the  28th  of  August,  1762.  After  having 
studied,  with  great  credit,  at  Juilly,  the  former  seat 
of  that  Oratorian  College  which  still  exists  near  Paris, 
he  was  nominated,  at  twenty  years  of  age,  advocate- 
general  to  the  Cour  des  Aides  and  the  Chambre  des 
Comptes  Reunies  of  Provence.  My  father  has  sketched 
the  portrait  of  that  young  man,  his  arrival  in  Paris, 
and  his  life  in  the  midst  of  the  new  society.  The  fol- 
lowing note  tells,  better  than  I  could,  how  M.  de 
Remusat  loved  and  married  Mademoiselle  Claire  de 
Vergennes : 

"  The  society  of  Aix,  a  city  in  which  nobles  dwelt 
and  a  parliament  assembled,  was  of  the  brilliant  order. 
My  father  lived  a  great  deal  in  society.  He  was  of  an 
agreeable  presence,  had  a  great  deal  of  pleasant  humor, 
fine  and  polished  manners,  high  spirits,  and  a  reputa- 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  23 

tion  for  gallantry.  He  sought  and  obtained  all  the 
social  success  that  a  young  man  could  desire.  Never- 
theless, he  attended  sedulously  to  his  profession,  which 
he  liked,  and  he  married,  in  1783,  Mademoiselle  de 
Sannes,  the  daughter  of  the  Procureur-Gcneral  of  his 
Compagnie.  This  marriage  was  dissolved  by  the  death 
of  Madame  de  Remusat,  who  died  shortly  after  the 
birth  of  a  daughter. 

"  The  Revolution  broke  out ;  the  supreme  courts 
were  suppressed;  and  the  settling  of  their  business 
was  a  serious  and  important  affair.  In  order  to  carry 
it  through,  the  Cour  des  Aides  sent  a  deputation  to 
Paris.  My  father  was  one  of  the  delegates.  He  has 
often  told  me  that  he  then  had  occasion  to  see  M.  de 
Mirabeau,  deputy  for  Aix,  on  the  business  of  his  mis- 
sion ;  and,  notwithstanding  his  prejudices  as  an  adherent 
of  the  old  parliaments,  he  was  charmed  with  Mira- 
beau's  pompous  politeness.  My  father  never  told  me 
details  of  his  manner  of  living,  so  that  I  do  not  know 
what  were  the  circumstances  under  which  he  went  to 
the  house  of  my  grandfather  Vergennes.  He  passed 
through  the  terrible  years  of  the  Revolution  alone  and 
unknown  in  Paris,  and  without  any  personal  mishaps. 
Society  no  longer  existed.  His  company  was  there- 
fore all  the  more  agreeable,  and  even  the  more  useful 
to  my  grandmother  (Madame  de  Vergennes),  who 
was  involved  in  great  anxieties  and  misfortunes.  My 
father  used  to  tell  me  that  my  grandfather  was  a 
commonplace  sort  of  man,  but  he  soon  learned  to 
appreciate  my  grandmother  very  highly,  and  she  con- 
ceived a  liking  for  him.  She  was  a  wise,  moderate- 
minded  woman,  who  entertained  no  fancies,  cherished 
no  prejudices,  and  gave  way  to  no  impulses.  She 
distrusted  everything  in  which  there  was  any  exag- 
geration, and  detested  affectation  of  every  kind,  but 
she  was  readily  touched  by  solid  worth  and  by  genuine 


24  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

feeling;  while  her  clear-headedness  and  her  practical, 
somewhat  sarcastic  turn  of  mind  preserved  her  from 
everything  that  lacked  prudence  or  morality.  Her 
head  was  never  betrayed  by  her  heart ;  but,  as  she  had 
suffered  from  the  neglect  of  a  husband  to  whom  she 
was  superior,  she  was  disposed  to  make  inclination  and 
choice  the  ruling  motives  of  marriage. 

"  Immediately  after  the  death  of  my  grandfather,  a 
decree  was  issued,  by  which  all  nobles  were  ordered 
to  quit  Paris.  Madame  de  Vergennes  retired  to  Saint 
Gratien,  in  the  valley  of  Montmorency,  with  her  two 
daughters,  Claire  and  Alix;  and  she  gave  my  father 
permission  to  follow  her  thither.  His  presence  was 
precious  to  them.  His  bright  and  cheerful  nature,  his 
amiability,  and  careful  attentions  to  those  he  loved, 
made  him  a  charming  companion.  His  taste  for  a 
quiet  life,  the  country,  and  seclusion,  and  his  cultivated 
mind,  exactly  fitted  him  for  a  family  circle  composed 
of  intelligent  persons,  and  in  which  education  was 
always  going  on.  I  can  not  believe  that  my  grand- 
mother did  not  early  foresee  and  acquiesce  in  that 
which  was  destined  to  happen,  even  supposing  there 
was  not  at  that  time  anything  to  read  in  the  heart 
of  her  daughter.  It  is  certain,  for  my  mother  says  so 
in  several  of  her  letters,  that,  although  she  was  then 
only  a  child,  her  prematurely  serious  turn  of  mind, 
her  sensitive  and  emotional  nature,  her  vivid  imagina- 
tion, and  finally,  the  combined  influences  of  intimacy, 
solitude,  and  misfortune,  all  united  to  inspire  her  with 
an  interest  in  my  father,  which  had  from  the  first  all 
the  characteristics  of  a  lofty  and  abiding  sentiment.  I 
do  not  think  I  have  ever  met  a  woman  in  whom  so 
much  moral  strictness  was  combined  with  so  much 
romantic  sensibility  as  in  my  mother.  Her  youth,  her 
extreme  youth,  was,  as  it  were,  steadied  by  those  for- 
tunate circumstances  which  bound  her  to  duty  by 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  25 

ties  of  passion,  and  procured  for  her  that  rare  combi- 
nation, peace  of  soul  and  the  delightful  agitation  of 
the  heart. 

"  She  was  not  tall,  but  her  figure  was  elegant  and 
well  proportioned.  She  was  fair  and  plump;  indeed, 
it  used  to  be  feared  that  she  would  grow  too  fat.  Her 
eyes  were  fine  and  expressive,  black,  like  her  hair ;  her 
features  were  regular,  but  rather  too  large.  Her 
countenance  was  grave,  almost  imposing ;  but  the  intel- 
ligent kindliness  of  her  glance  tempered  the  gravity 
of  her  features  very  pleasantly.  Her  strong,  well- 
trained,  fertile  intellect,  had  certain  virile  qualities, 
with  which  the  extreme  vividness  of  her  imagination 
frequently  clashed.  She  possessed  sound  judgment 
and  keen  powers  of  observation,  and  she  was  entirely 
unaffected  in  her  manners  and  in  her  modes  of  expres- 
sion, although  she  was  not  without  a  certain  subtlety 
of  ideas.  In  reality,  she  was  profoundly  reasonable, 
but  she  was  headstrong;  her  intellect  was  more  rea- 
sonable than  herself.  In  her  youth  she  lacked  gayety 
and  probably  ease,  may  have  appeared  to  be  pedantic 
because  she  was  serious,  affected  because  she  was 
silent,  absent-minded,  and  indifferent  to  almost  all 
the  small  things  of  every-day  life.  But,  with  her 
mother,  whose  cheerful  moods  she  sometimes  crossed, 
with  her  husband,  whose  simple  tastes  and  easy  temper 
she  never  crossed,  she  was  not  wanting  in  richness  and 
freedom.  She  had  even  a  kind  of  gayety  of  her  own, 
which  developed  as  she  grew  older,  when,  having  been 
very  absent  and  absorbed  in  her  own  thoughts  while 
she  was  very  young,  she  became  more  like  her  mother. 
I  have  often  thought  that,  if  she  had  lived  long  enough 
to  share  the  house  in  which  I  am  writing  to-day,  she 
would  have  been  the  merriest  of  us  all." 

My  father  wrote  these  lines  in  1857,  at  Laffitte 
(Haute-Garonne),  where  all  those  whom  he  loved 


26  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

were  assembled,  and  we  were  gay  and  happy.  In 
quoting  them  I  am  somewhat  outrunning  my  narrative, 
for  he  speaks  here  of  his  mother  as  of  a  woman  and 
not  as  of  a  young  girl,  and  Claire  de  Vergennes,  when 
she  married,  early  in  the  year  1796,  was  hardly  sixteen 
years  old. 

M.  and  Mme.  de  Remusat — for  thus  I  shall  desig- 
nate them  henceforth,  for  the  sake  of  clearness  in  my 
story — lived  sometimes  in  Paris,  and  sometimes  in  a 
modest  country  house  at  Saint  Gratien,  a  residence 
which  had  two  strong  recommendations — the  beauty 
of  the  landscape  and  the  attraction  of  the  neighbor- 
hood. 

Nearest  and  pleasantest  of  neighbors  were  the  own- 
ers of  Sannois,  with  whom  Madame  de  Vergennes 
was  very  intimate.  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau's  "  Con- 
fessions," Madame  d'Epinay's  "  Memoires,"  and  a 
hundred  works  of  the  last  century  as  well,  have  made 
the  place  and  the  persons  known  to  the  world. 
Madame  d'Houdetot  (Sophie  de  Lalive)  had  lived 
peacefully,  in  her  old  age,  throughout  the  troublous 
time  of  the  Revolution  in  that  country  house,  in  the 
society  of  her  husband  and  of  M.  de  Saint  Lambert. 
Between  the  famous  trio  and  the  young  couple  at 
Saint  Gratien  so  close  an  intimacy  was  formed  that, 
when  the  house  at  Saint  Gratien  was  sold,  my  grand- 
parents hired  one  within  a  shorter  distance  of  the 
residence  of  their  friends,  and  a  way  of  communica- 
tion was  made  between  the  gardens  of  their  respective 
abodes.  By  degrees,  however,  M.  de  Remusat  got 
into  the  habit  of  going  to  Paris  more  and  more  fre- 
quently; and,  as  the  times  became  quieter,  he  began 
to  think  of  emerging  from  obscurity,  and  from  the 
narrow  circumstances  to  which  he  was  reduced  by 
the  confiscation  of  the  property  of  his  wife's  father 
and  the  loss  of  his  own  place  in  the  magistracy.  As 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  27 

is  always  the  case  in  France,  it  was  of  employment 
in  some  public  function  that  he  thought.  He  had  no 
relations  with  the  Government,  or  even  with  M.  de 
Talleyrand,  who  was  then  Foreign  Minister,  but  he 
directed  his  efforts  toward  that  department,  and 
obtained,  if  not  exactly  a  place,  at  least  an  occupation, 
which  was  likely  to  lead  to  a  place,  in  the  office  of  the 
solicitors  to  the  Ministry. 

Besides  the  agreeable  and  intellectual  relations 
which  they  maintained  with  Sannois,  M.  and  Mme.  de 
Remusat  had  formed  an  intimacy  no  less  close,  but 
which  was  destined  to  exercise  a  much  greater  influ- 
ence over  their  fortunes,  with  Madame  de  Beauhar- 
nais,  who,  in  1796,  became  the  wife  of  Bonaparte. 
When  her  friend  had  acquired  power  through  her  all- 
powerful  husband,  Madame  de  Vergennes  applied  to 
her  on  behalf  of  her  son-in-law,  who  wished  to  enter 
the  Council  of  State  or  the  Administration.  The  First 
Consul,  however,  or  his  wife,  had  a  different  idea  of 
what  ought  to  be  done.  The  consideration  and  respect 
in  which  Madame  de  Vergennes  was  held,  her  social 
station,  her  name — which  was  allied  both  to  the  old 
regime  and  to  the  new  ideas — gave  a  certain  value  to 
the  relations  of  her  family  with  the  consular  palace, 
which  at  that  time  had  but  little  intercourse  with 
Parisian  society.  Quite  unexpectedly,  M.  de  Remusat 
was  appointed  Prefect  of  the  Palace,  in  1802;  and 
shortly  afterward  Madame  de  Remusat  became  Lady- 
in-Waiting  (Dame  pour  Accompagner}  to  Madame 
Bonaparte,  a  title  which  was  soon  changed  into  the 
better  sounding  one  of  Lady  of  the  Palace  (Dame  du 
Palais). 


28  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 


III 


Persons  of  the  way  of  thinking  of  M.  and  Mme.  de 
Remusat  had  no  sacrifice  to  make  in  casting  in  their  lot 
with  the  new  regime.  They  had  neither  the  extrava- 
gant sentiments  of  the  Royalists,  nor  the  austerity  of 
the  Republicans.  No  doubt  their  attitude  of  mind 
approached  more  nearly  to  that  of  the  Royalists  than 
to  that  of  the  Republicans,  but  their  royalism  reduced 
itself  to  pious  veneration  for  Louis  XVI.  The  mis- 
fortunes of  that  unhappy  prince  rendered  his  memory 
sacred,  and  his  person  had  always  been  regarded  in 
the  family  of  M.  de  Vergennes  with  peculiar  respect; 
but  "  Legitimacy  "  had  not  yet  been  invented,  and 
those  persons  who  most  deeply  deplored  the  fall  of 
the  old  regime,  or  rather  that  of  the  ancient  dynasty, 
did  not  hold  themselves  under  any  obligation  to 
believe  that  everything  done  in  France  in  the  absence 
of  the  Bourbons  was  null  and  void.  Pure  and  un- 
alloyed admiration  was  inspired  by  the  young  general 
who  was  reestablishing  material,  if  not  moral  order, 
with  such  brilliant  success,  in  a  society  which  was 
disturbed  after  a  fashion  very  different  from  that  of 
those  successive  later  times,  in  which  so  many  worth- 
less "  saviours  "  have  turned  up. 

Public  functionaries  in  those  days  adhered  to  the 
opinion  which  was  very  natural  under  the  old  regime, 
that  an  official  is  responsible  only  for  what  he  does, 
and  not  for  either  the  acts  or  the  origin  of  the  Govern- 
ment. The  sense  of  "solidarity "  does  not  exist  in 
absolute  monarchies.  The  parliamentary  regime  has 
happily  rendered  us  more  sensitive,  and  all  honest  peo- 
ple now  admit  the  collective  responsibility  of  all  the 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  29 

agents  of  a  power.  One  could  not  nowadays  serve  a 
government  whose  tendency  and  general  policy  one 
did  not  approve ;  but  it  was  otherwise  in  former  times. 
My  father — who  had  more  right  than  any  one  else  to 
be  strict  in  these  matters,  and  who,  perhaps,  owed 
somewhat  of  his  extreme  political  scrupulousness  to 
the  difficult  position  in  which  he  had  seen  his  parents 
placed  during  his  own  childhood,  between  their  private 
impressions  and  their  official  duties — explains  these 
shades  of  difference  in  an  unpublished  letter  to  M. 
Sainte  Beuve,  to  whom  he  had  communicated  certain 
biographical  details  for  an  article  in  the  "  Revue  des 
Deux  Mondes." 

"  It  was  not  a  pis  alter,  from  necessity,  weakness,  or 
as  a  temporary  expedient,  that  my  parents  attached 
themselves  to  the  new  regime.  Of  their  free  will  and 
with  entire  confidence  they  united  themselves  with 
its  fortunes.  If  you  add  to  that  all  the  pleasures  of 
an  easy  and  prominent  position  to  be  stepped  into 
from  one  of  poverty  and  obscurity,  the  curiosity  which 
a  court  of  so  novel  a  kind  inspired,  the  incomparable 
interest  of  the  spectacle  of  a  man  like  the  Emperor  at 
an  epoch  when  he  was  irreproachable,  young,  and 
still  amiable,  you  can  easily  conceive  the  attraction 
which  induced  my  parents  to  overlook  all  that  was  in 
reality  opposed  to  their  tastes,  their  reason,  and  even 
their  true  interests  in  this  new  position.  At  the  end 
of  two  or  three  years,  they  had  learned  too  well  that 
a  court  is  always  a  court,  and  that  all  is  not  pleasure 
in  the  personal  service  of  an  absolute  master,  even 
though  h«  may  charm  and  dazzle.  But  this  did  not 
prevent  their  being  for  a  long  time  well  enough  satis- 
fied with  their  lot.  My  mother  especially  was  much 
amused  with  all  that  passed  before  her  eyes,  and  she 
was  on  very  good  terms  with  the  Empress,  who  was 
extremely  kind  and  generous,  while  she  enthusias- 


30  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

tically  admired  the  Emperor.  He  treated  my  mother 
with  flattering  distinction.  She  was  almost  the  only 
woman  with  whom  he  ever  talked.  My  mother  would 
sometimes  say,  after  the  Empire  had  ceased  to  exist: 

'Va,  je  t'ai  trop  aime  pour  ne  pas  te  hair!" 

Of  the  impressions  made  by  the  new  Court  upon  the 
new  Lady  of  the  Palace  we  have  no  record.  The 
security  of  the  Post-office  was  very  doubtful. 
Madame  de  Vergennes  burned  all  her  daughter's 
letters,  and  the  correspondence  of  the  latter  with  her 
husband  does  not  commence  until  some  years  later, 
during  the  Emperor's  journeys  in  Italy  and  Germany. 
Nevertheless,  we  can  perceive  from  her  Memoirs, 
although  they  do  not  abound  in  personal  details,  how 
strange  and  novel  everything  seemed  to  so  very  young 
a  woman,  transplanted  all  of  a  sudden  into  this  palace, 
and  an  eye-witness  of  the  private  life  of  the  glorious 
chief  of  an  unknown  government.  She  was  very  seri- 
ous, as,  when  they  are  not  very  frivolous  the  young 
are  apt  to  be,  and  much  disposed  to  observation  and 
reflection.  She  seems  to  have  had  no  taste  for  display, 
no  great  solicitude  about  external  things,  no  turn  for 
gossip  or  the  running  down  of  other  people,  no  love  of 
talking  or  display.  What  was  thought  of  her  at  that 
time?  We  can  not  tell.  We  only  know,  from  certain 
passages  in  sundry  letters  and  memoirs,  that  she  was 
considered  clever,  and  that  people  were  a  little  afraid 
of  her.  Probably,  however,  her  companions  thought 
her  pedantic  rather  than  dangerous.  She  had  a  con- 
siderable "  success,"  especially  at  first ;  for  in  its  early 
days  the  Court  was  not  numerous — there  were  few 
distinctions  or  favors  to  be  schemed  for,  rivalry  was 
not  very  brisk  or  ardent.  Little  by  little,  however, 
this  little  society  became  a  real  court.  Now,  courtiers 
are  always  afraid  of  intellect,  and  especially  of  that 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  31 

disposition,  unintelligible  to  them,  which  clever  people 
have  to  interest  themselves  in  a  disinterested  manner, 
so  to  speak,  in  knowing  things  and  judging  characters, 
without  even  thinking  of  turning  their  knowledge  to 
their  own  advantage.  Courtiers  always  suspect  that 
every  opinion  has  a  hidden  aim.  Persons  of  quick  in- 
tellect are  very  strongly  impressed  by  the  spectacle 
of  human  affairs,  even  when  they  are  merely  looking 
on  at  them.  And  that  faculty  is  the  most  incompre- 
hensible to  those  who  do  not  possess  it,  and  who 
attribute  its  effects  to  some  personal  motive,  or  inter- 
ested calculation.  They  suspect  intrigue  or  resent- 
ment every  time  that  they  observe  a  movement  in  any 
direction,  but  they  have  no  idea  of  the  spontaneous 
and  gratuitous  action  of  the  mind.  Every  one  has 
been  exposed  to  mistrust  of  this  kind,  which  is  more 
to  be  dreaded  when  a  woman,  endowed  with  exces- 
sive activity  of  imagination,  and  drawn  on  by  her 
intelligence  to  form  opinions  on  matters  out  of  her 
sphere,  is  in  question.  Many  persons,  especially  in 
that  somewhat  coarse  society,  would  detect  egotism 
and  pretension  in  her  life  and  conversation,  and  accuse 
her  unduly  of  ambition. 

That  her  husband  was  entirely  devoid  of  ambition, 
and  free  from  any  disposition  to  intrigue,  was  evident 
to  all.  The  position  in  which  the  favor  of  the  First 
Consul  had  placed  him  did  not  suit  him;  he  would,  no 
doubt,  have  preferred  some  laborious  administrative 
function  to  one  which  demanded  nothing  of  him  but 
suavity  and  a  graceful  demeanor.  From  the  "  Me- 
moirs," from  his  own  letters,  and  from  my  father's 
account  of  him,  we  gather  that  M.  de  Remusat  was  a 
man  of  discreet  conduct,  with  keen  wits,  and  a  cheer- 
ful and  even  temper — not  at  all  a  person  calculated  to 
make  enemies.  Indeed,  he  would  never  have  had  any, 
but  for  a  certain  shyness,  which,  little  as  it  seems  to 


32  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

harmonize  with  conversational  powers  and  an  agree- 
able manner,  is,  nevertheless,  occasionally  allied  with 
them.  His  taste  for  quiet  life,  and  some  indolence 
and  timidity  of  character,  had  impelled  him  more  and 
more  toward  retirement  and  isolation.  Modesty  and 
self-esteem  mingled  in  his  nature;  and,  without  ren- 
dering him  insensible  to  the  honors  of  the  post  which 
he  had  obtained,  they  sometimes  made  him  ashamed 
of  the  solemn  trifles  to  which  that  very  post  forced 
him  to  devote  his  life.  He  believed  himself  to  be 
made  for  better  things,  but  he  did  not  care  for  toiling 
in  search  of  that  which  did  not  come  to  him  of  itself. 
He  took  but  little  pleasure  in  expressing  the  art,  in 
which  he  was  probably  not  deficient,  of  managing  men. 
He  did  not  love  to  put  himself  forward,  and  his  indo- 
lent temperament  induced  him  to  let  things  take  their 
chance.  He  afterward  became  a  hard-working 
prefect,  but  he  was  a  negligent  and  inactive  courtier. 
He  employed  his  skill  simply  to  avoid  disputes,  and 
he  discharged  his  official  functions  with  quiet  good 
taste.  After  having  had  many  friends,  and  entered 
into  numerous  relations,  he  let  them  drop  through,  or 
at  least  he  never  seemed  to  do  anything  to  retain  them. 
Unless  great  care  be  taken,  ties  are  loosened,  recol- 
lections are  effaced,  rivalries  are  formed,  and  all  the 
chances  of  ambition  escape  one's  grasp.  M.  de 
Remusat  had  no  skill  in  playing  a  part,  forming  con- 
nections, bringing  people  together,  or  contriving  the 
opportunities  of  fortune  or  success.  He  seems  never 
to  have  regretted  this.  It  would  be  easy  for  me  to 
trace  his  motives — to  depict  his  character  in  detail,  and 
to  narrate  his  errors,  his  grievances,  and  even  his 
sufferings;  for  was  he  not  my  grandfather? 

The  first  severe  trial  which  M.  and  Mme.  de 
Remusat  had  to  endure  in  their  new  position  was  the 
murder  of  the  Due  d'Enghien.  How  profound  was 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  33 

the  grief  which  they  felt  when  the  man  whom  they 
ardently  admired,  as  the  express  image  of  power  and 
genius,  and  whom  they  strove  to  love,  stained  his 
hands  with  innocent  blood,  and  they  were  forced  to 
recognize  that  such  a  deed  was  simply  the  result  of 
a  cold  and  inhuman  calculation,  the  following  narra- 
tive will  prove.  It  will,  indeed,  be  seen  that  the  im- 
pression made  by  the  crime  upon  all  honest  persons  at 
the  Court  was  even  deeper  than  that  which  it  produced 
outside  among  the  general  public,  who  had  become 
almost  indifferent,  through  custom,  to  deeds  of  this 
kind.  Even  among  the  Royalists,  who  were  absolutely 
inimical  to  the  Government,  the  event  caused  more 
sorrow  than  indignation,  so  perverted  had  the  public 
mind  become  in  political  matters  and  respecting  State 
expedients!  Where  could  the  men  of  that  day  have 
acquired  principles?  Was  it  the  old  regime  or  the 
Terror  which  could  have  instructed  them?  A  short 
time  afterward,  the  Sovereign  Pontiff  came  to  Paris, 
and,  among  the  reasons  which  made  him  hesitate  to 
crown  the  new  Charlemagne,  it  is  very  doubtful 
whether  this  one  was  ever  even  weighed  for  a  moment. 
The  press  was  dumb,  and  men  must  be  possessed  of 
information  before  they  are  aroused  to  anger.  Let  us 
hope  that  civilization  has  now  made  so  much  progress 
that  a  repetition  of  similar  incidents  would  be  im- 
possible. We  should,  however,  be  restrained  from 
optimism  on  this  point  by  the  remembrance  of  what 
we  have  witnessed  in  our  own  time. 

The  following  Memoirs  are  an  exact  record  of  the 
life  of  the  author,  and  the  history  of  the  early  years  of 
the  present  century.  They  show  us  what  changes  the 
establishment  of  the  Empire  effected  at  the  Court,  and 
how  life  there  and  its  relations  became  more  difficult 
and  embarrassing;  how  by  degrees  the  prestige  of  the 
Emperor  declined,  in  proportion  as  he  misused  his 


$4  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

great  gifts,  his  power,  and  his  chances.  Mistake 
reverses,  and  failures  were  multiplied ;  and  at  the  sarr 
time  the  adhesion  of  the  earliest  admirers  of  tf 
Emperor  became  less  fervent,  and  the  manner  c 
serving  reflected  the  mode  of  thinking.  Two  partie 
the  Beauharnais  and  the  Bonapartes,  disputed  t? 
favor  of  the  sovereign  master  with  each  other ;  and  ft 
and  Mme.  de  Remusat  were  regarded  as  belonging  1 
the  former,  by  reason  of  their  natural  feelings  an 
their  family  relations.  Their  position  was  cons< 
quently  affected  in  no  small  degree  by  the  down  fa 
and  departure  of  the  Empress  Josephine.  Everythir 
was,  however,  much  changed,  and,  when  her  lady-ii 
waiting  followed  her  into  her  retirement,  the  Emperc 
seems  to  have  made  but  little  effort  to  detain  Mm 
de  Remusat.  Perhaps  he  was  glad  that  a  person  c 
good  sense  and  quick  intelligence  should  watch  ov< 
his  forsaken  and  somewhat  imprudent  wife;  but 
must  also  be  taken  into  account  that  my  grandmother 
delicate  health,  her  love  of  quiet,  and  her  distaste  fc 
all  festivities,  had  isolated  her  almost  entirely  fro: 
court  life. 

Her  husband,  wearied  and  disgusted,  gave  wa 
every  day  more  and  more  to  his  discontent,  and  1 
his  inability  to  lay  himself  out  to  please  the  great  pe 
sonages  who  were  either  cold  or  hostile  to  him.  H 
neglected  his  functions  as  Chamberlain  in  order  1 
concentrate  himself  on  his  duties  as  "  Administrate 
of  Theatres,"  but  the  latter  he  fulfilled  admirabl 
A  great  part  of  the  actual  organization  of  the  Theati 
Frangais  is  due  to  him.  My  father,  born  in  179 
and  very  young  when  his  father  was  Chamberlai 
to  the  Emperor,  was  remarkable  as  a  child  f( 
his  intelligence  and  his  observation,  and  he  r 
tained  a  very  distinct  recollection  of  that  peric 
of  discouragement  and  ennui.  He  has  told  n 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  35 

that  he  frequently  knew  his  father  to  return 
from  Saint  Cloud  utterly  worn  out,  and  tried 
beyond  his  patience  by  the  burden  which  the  arbitrari- 
ness and  the  ill  temper  of  the  Emperor  laid  upon  all 
who  approached  him.  That  the  child  was  an  eye-  and 
ear-witness  of  his  complaints  at  those  moments  in 
which  restraints  are  cast  off  is  evident,  for,  when  he 
was  more  master  of  himself,  he  was  fain  to  represent 
himself  as  satisfied  with  his  master  and  his  position, 
and  he  endeavored  to  conceal  his  vexations  from  his 
son.  Perhaps  he  was  better  calculated  to  serve  the 
simple,  tranquil,  sober,  intellectual  Bonaparte,  while 
still  a  novice  in  the  pleasures  of  sovereignty,  than  the 
blase  and  intoxicated  Napoleon,  who  exhibited  the 
worse  taste  possible  on  all  State  occasions,  and  became 
more  exacting  every  day  in  the  matter  of  ceremonial 
and  adulatory  observance. 

An  apparently  trifling  circumstance,  whose  gravity 
was  not  at  first  perceived  by  those  whom  it  concerned, 
increased  the  difficulties  of  the  situation,  and  hurried 
on  the  inevitable  catastrophe.  Although  the  history 
of  the  affair  is  insignificant,  it  will  not  be  read  without 
interest,  and  it  sheds  a  light  upon  times  now  happily 
far  removed  from  us,  and  which  Frenchmen,  if  the 
lessons  of  the  past  are  to  avail,  will  not  suffer  to 
return. 

The  celebrated  Lavoisier  was  very  intimate  with  M. 
de  Vergennes.  He  died,  as  every  one  knows,  on  the 
scaffold  on  the  igth  Floreal,  year  2  (gth  May,  1794). 
His  widow,  who  contracted  a  second  marriage  with 
M.  Rumford,  a  German  savant,  or  at  least  a  commer- 
cial man  aiming  at  science — for  he  was  the  inventor 
of  the  Prussian  stoves,  and  also  of  the  thermometer 
that  bears  his  name — remained  on  terms  of  close 
friendship  with  Madame  de  Vergennes  and  her  fam- 
ily. This  second  marriage  had  not  been  happy,  and 

Vol.  9  B — Memoirs 


36  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

compassion  was,  very  justly,  excited  on  behalf  of  the 
ill-treated  wife,  who  was  compelled  to  invoke  the 
protection  of  the  law  against  unendurable  tyranny 
and  exaction.  As  M.  Rumford  was  a  foreigner,  it 
was  in  the  power  of  the  police  to  procure  information 
respecting  him  from  his  own  country,  to  reprimand 
him  severely,  and  even  to  oblige  him  to  leave  France. 
This,  I  believe,  was  eventually  done,  and  it  was  at  the 
request  of  my  grandmother  that  M.  de  Talleyrand  and 
M.  Fouche  took  up  the  matter.  Madame  Rumford 
was  anxious  to  evince  her  gratitude  to  those  person- 
ages, and  the  following  is  my  father's  account  of  the 
results  of  her  wish : 

"  My  mother  consented  to  invite  Madame  Rumford 
to  dinner,  to  meet  M.  de  Talleyrand  and  M.  Fouche. 
Surely,  it  was  not  an  act  of  opposition  to  entertain  the 
High  Chamberlain  and  the  Minister  of  Police  at  her 
table!  Nevertheless,  that  meeting — so  naturally 
brought  about,  the  motive  of  which  was  as  insignifi- 
cant as  it  was  harmless,  but  which  was,  I  acknowledge, 
unusual,  and  never  occurred  again — was  represented 
to  the  Emperor,  in  the  reports  that  were  sent  out  to 
him  in  Spain,  as  a  political  conference,  and  the  proof 
of  an  important  coalition.  Although  I  do  not  contend 
that  it  was  impossible  for  M.  de  Talleyrand  and  M. 
Fouche  to  have  taken  advantage  of  the  opportunity 
of  talking  together;  or  deny  that  my  mother,  perceiv- 
ing the  respective  inclinations  of  the  two,  or  put  upon 
the  scent  by  something  that  was  said  by  M.  de  Talley- 
rand, might  have  regarded  the  occasion  as  a  favorable 
one  for  bringing  about  an  interview  which  amused 
herself  at  the  same  time  that  it  was  useful  to  one  of 
her  friends,  I  have  not  the  slightest  reason  for  sup- 
posing that  such  was  the  case.  I  am,  on  the  contrary, 
perfectly  certain  of  having  heard  my  father  and 
mother  quote  this  incident,  when  reverting  to  it  some 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  37 

years  afterward,  as  an  instance  of  the  unexpected 
importance  which  may  be  assumed  by  a  fortuitous 
and  insignificant  matter,  and  say,  smilingly,  that 
Madame  Rumford  little  knew  what  she  had  cost 
them. 

"  They  added  that  on  that  occasion  the  word  '  tri- 
umvirate '  had  been  uttered,  and  my  mother  had  said, 
laughingly,  '  My  dear,  I  am  sorry  for  it ;  but  your  lot 
could  only  be  that  of  Lepidus.'  My  father  also  said 
that  certain  persons  of  the  Court,  not  enemies  of  his, 
had  sometimes  spoken  of  '  the  Conference '  to  him  as 
a  fact,  and  had  said,  though  without  any  hostile  inten- 
tion, '  Now  that  it  is  all  over,  tell  us  what  it  was  about, 
and  what  it  was  you  really  meant  to  do  ? ' 

This  narrative  gives  us  an  insight  into  the  life  of 
Courts,  and  also  testifies  to  the  intimacy  of  my  grand- 
parents with  M.  de  Talleyrand.  Although  the  former 
Bishop  of  Autun  does  not  seem  to  have  been  actuated 
in  this  particular  instance  by  that  kind  of  feeling  which 
he  'habitually  carried  into  his  relations  with  women, 
he  both  liked  and  admired  Mme.  de  Remusat.  I  have 
found  amusing  evidence  of  his  sentiments  in  a  sketch 
of  her  which  he  wrote,  on  the  official  paper  of  the 
Senate,  during  the  leisure  time  of  a  sitting  at  which  he 
presided  as  "Vice-Grand  Elector,"  probably  in  1811: 

"CONSERVATIVE  SENATE, 
"  LUXEMBOURG,  April  29th. 

"  I  have  a  fancy  for  commencing  the  portrait  of 
Clari.  She  is  not  what  the  world  calls  a  beauty,  but 
every  one  agrees  in  pronouncing  her  an  agreeable 
woman.  She  is  twenty-eight  or  twenty-nine  years  old, 
and  she  is  neither  more  nor  less  blooming  than  she 
ought  to  be  at  twenty-eight.  Her  figure  is  good,  her 
carriage  is  graceful  and  unaffected.  Clari  is  not  thin; 


38  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

she  is  only  slight  and  refined.  Her  complexion  is 
not  brilliant,  but  she  has  the  special  charm  of 
looking  fairer  in  proportion  as  she  is  in  a  stronger 
light.  To  describe  Clari  in  a  sentence,  let  me  say  that 
the  better  she  is  known  the  more  amiable  she 
appears. 

"  Clari  has  large,  black  eyes ;  their  long  lids  give  an 
expression  of  mingled  tenderness  and  vivacity  which 
is  striking,  even  when  her  mind  is  inactive  and  she 
does  not  want  to  express  anything.  Those  occasions 
are,  however,  very  rare.  Lively  ideas,  quick  percep- 
tion, a  vivid  imagination,  exquisite  sensibility,  and 
constant  kindness  are  expressed  in  her  glance.  To 
give  an  idea  of  that,  it  would  be  necessary  to  paint  the 
soul  which  depicts  itself  in  it,  and  then  Clari  would 
be  the  most  beautiful  of  beings.  I  am  not  sufficiently 
well  versed  in  the  rules  of  drawing  to  know  whether 
Clari's  features  are  quite  regular.  I  believe  her  nose 
is  too  thick;  but  I  know  that  she  has  beautiful  eyes, 
lips,  and  teeth.  A  great  part  of  her  forehead  is  gen- 
erally hidden  by  her  hair,  and  that  is  a  pity.  Her 
smile  is  rendered  as  arch  as  it  is  sweet  by  her  two 
dimples.  Her  dress  is  often  careless,  but  never  in  bad 
taste,  and  she  is  scrupulously  neat.  That  neatness 
forms  part  of  the  system  of  order  and  decorum  from 
which  Clari  never  deviates.  Clari  is  not  rich,  but  as 
she  is  moderate  in  her  tastes  and  above  caprice  and 
fancy,  she  despises  extravagance,  and  has  never  per- 
ceived that  her  fortune  is  limited,  except  when  she  has 
been  obliged  to  restrain  her  benevolence.  But,  besides 
the  art  of  giving,  she  has  a  thousand  other  ways  of 
conferring  kindnesses.  Always  ready  to  commend 
good  deeds  and  to  excuse  faults,  her  mind  is  always 
bent  on  beneficent  purposes.  Clari  affords  us  a  strik- 
ing proof  of  how  much  superior  a  kindly  wit  is  to 
talent  which  produces  only  severity,  criticism,  and 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  39 

satire.  She  is  more  ingenious  in  her  manner  of  pass- 
ing favorable  judgments  than  ever  was  malignity  in 
the  art  of  suggesting  the  false  and  suppressing  the 
true. 

"  Clari  always  vindicates  those  whose  part  she 
takes,  but  without  offending  those  whom  she  confutes. 
Clari  has  a  large  and  cultivated  mind.  I  know  no 
one  who  can  talk  better  than  she ;  but  she  exhibits  her 
superior  information  only  when  she  is  giving  one  a 
proof  of  her  confidence  and  friendship.  Clari's  hus- 
band knows  that  he  possesses  a  treasure,  and  has  the 
good  sense  to  appreciate  it.  Clari  is  a  good  mother; 
that  is  her  reward." 

The  Emperor  was  displeased  at  the  intimacy  between 
the  Grand  Chamberlain  and  the  First  Chamberlain, 
and  these  Memoirs  will  show  that  he  tried  more 
than  once  to  set  the  two  at  variance.  He  even 
succeeded  for  a  time  in  alienating  them.  But  their 
intimacy  was  unbroken  when  M.  de  Talleyrand  fell 
into  disgrace. 

It  is  well  know  that  honorable  motives  on  his  part 
led  to  a  violent  altercation  between  himself  and  his 
imperial  master  in  January,  1809,  at  the  period  of  the 
Spanish  war,  which  was  the  beginning  of  the  mis- 
fortunes of  the  empire,  and  the  result  of  the  Emper- 
or's errors.  Both  M.  de  Talleyrand  and  M.  Fouche 
predicted,  or  at  least  foreboded,  that  public  disappro- 
bation and  suspicion  would  be  aroused.  "  Throughout 
the  whole  empire,"  writes  M.  Thiers,  "  hate  was  be- 
ginning to  take  the  place  of  love."  This  change  was 
taking  place  among  officials  as  well  as  citizens.  More- 
over, M.  de  Montesquiou,  a  member  of  the  Legisla- 
ture, who  succeeded  M.  de  Talleyrand  in  his  place  at 
court,  was  a  less  important  personage  than  the  latter, 
who  had  relegated  to  the  First  Chamberlain  not  only 
the  troublesome  portions  of  the  duties  of  his  post, 


40  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

but  also  those  which  were  agreeable,  and  which  con- 
ferred distinction.  It  was  a  "  come-down  "  to  lose 
a  chief  whose  own  importance  enhanced  that  of  the 
position  next  below  him.  Truly  this  was  a  strange 
time! 

Talleyrand,  though  in  disgrace  as  a  minister,  and 
as  the  holder  of  one  of  the  highest  posts  at  Court,  had 
not  forfeited  the  Emperor's  confidence.  The  latter 
would  send  for  him  every  now  and  then,  and  freely 
disclose  the  secret  of  the  question  or  the  circumstance 
on  which  he  desired  his  advice.  These  consultations 
went  on  to  the  end,  even  at  those  times  when  the  Em- 
peror was  talking  of  sending  M.  de  Talleyrand  to 
Vincennes.  In  return,  M.  de  Talleyrand  would  enter 
into  his  views,  and  advise  him  with  perfect  frankness ; 
and  so  this  strange  intercourse  was  carried  on  as  if 
nothing  had  happened  between  them. 

State  policy  and  the  greatness  of  his  own  position 
afforded  certain  privileges  and  consolations  to  M.  de 
Talleyrand  which  were  beyond  the  reach  of  a  cham- 
berlain or  a  lady-in-waiting.  Those  who  are  in  close 
contact  with  absolute  power  do  not  foresee  that  the 
day  must  come  when  their  feelings  will  clash  with 
their  interests,  and  some  of  their  duties  with  others. 
They  forget  that  there  are  principles  of  government 
which  must  be  guarded  by  constitutional  guarantees. 
They  yield  to  the  natural  desire  to  be  "  somebodies  " 
in  the  state,  to  serve  the  established  authority;  they 
do  not  study  the  nature  and  conditions  of  that  author- 
ity. So  long  as  it  exacts  nothing  against  their  con- 
science, they  serve  it  in  the  sphere  to  which  it  has  ap- 
pointed them.  But  the  hour  comes  when,  without 
exacting  anything  new  from  them,  it  carries  extrava- 
gance, violence,  and  injustice  to  such  a  height  that  it 
becomes  hard  to  obey  it,  even  in  things  of  no  moment ; 
they  remain,  nevertheless,  bound  to  obedience,  while 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  41 

in  their  inmost  soul  they  are  full  of  indignation  and 
of  pain.  Then  comes  actual  desire  for  its  fall.  It 
may  be  said  that  their  course  is  simple;  let  them  re- 
sign. But  they  are  afraid  of  giving  rise  to  rumor  and 
scandal,  of  being  neither  understood  nor  approved  by 
public  opinion.  Moreover,  no  contract  binds  the  ser- 
vants of  the  state  to  the  conduct  of  the  chief  of  the 
state.  Having  no  rights,  they  would  seem  to  have  no 
duties.  They  are  powerless  for  prevention,  and  are, 
therefore,  not  afraid  of  having  to  expiate  errors. 
Thus  people  thought  in  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV.,  and 
thus  they  still  think  in  a  great  part  of  Europe;  it  was 
thus  they  thought  under  Napoleon,  and  perhaps  they 
will  be  of  the  same  opinion  again.  So  shameful  and 
wretched  a  thing  is  absolute  power !  It  paralyzes  both 
the  honest  scruples  and  the  real  duties  of  honest  men. 


IV 


Traces  of  these  convictions,  or  at  least  of  their 
germ,  may  be  discerned  in  the  correspondence  of  M. 
and  Madame  de  Remusat,  and  all  things  contributed 
to  confirm  them.  Direct  communication  with  the  Em- 
peror became  more  and  more  infrequent,  and  his  charm 
of  manner,  though  still  powerful,  failed  to  weaken 
the  impression  made  by  his  policy.  The  divorce  of  the 
Empress  restored  to  Madame  de  Remusat,  in  great 
part,  her  freedom  of  judgment  and  the  disposal  of  her 
time.  She  attached  herself  to  the  Empress  Josephine 
in  her  disgrace,  a  proceeding  not  calculated  to  raise 
her  in  the  estimation  of  the  Court.  Her  husband  soon 
after  retired  from  the  post  of  Keeper  of  the  Ward- 
robe, under  circumstances  which  are  detailed  in  these 


42  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

Memoirs,  and  the  coolness  increased.  I  use  the  word 
"  coolness "  advisedly,  because  in  certain  pamphlets 
written  against  my  father  it  was  alleged  that  his  fam- 
ily had  been  guilty  of  grave  offenses,  at  which  the 
Emperor  was  much  incensed.  That  this  was  quite 
untrue  is  amply  proved  by  the  fact  that  although  M. 
de  Remusat  resigned  the  post  of  Keeper  of  the  Ward- 
robe, he  continued  to  be  Chamberlain  and  Supervisor 
of  Theatres.  He  merely  gave  up  the  most  trouble- 
some and  most  onerous  of  his  offices.  No  doubt  those 
habits  of  intimacy  and  confidence  which  arise  in  com- 
mon every-day  life  were  weakened  by  his  relinquish- 
ment  of  that  post;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  he  gained 
greater  freedom  and  more  frequent  intercourse,  both 
with  his  family  and  with  society,  and,  as  they  were  no 
longer  restricted  to  the  drawing-rooms  of  the  Tuile- 
ries  and  St.  Cloud,  both  husband  and  wife  were  en- 
abled to  bring  more  clear-sightedness  and  independ- 
ence of  judgment  to  bear  upon  the  policy  of  their 
sovereign.  Before  the  final  disasters,  aided  by  the 
advice  and  predictions  of  M.  de  Talleyrand,  they  fore- 
saw the  fall  of  the  Empire,  and  were  enabled  to  choose 
between  the  possible  solutions  of  the  problem  then 
in  course  of  working  out.  There  was  no  hope  that  the 
Emperor  would  be  satisfied  with  a  peace  more  humili- 
ating to  himself  than  to  France,  and  indeed  Europe 
was  no  longer  in  the  humor  to  gratify  him  even  to  that 
extent. 

The  public  mind  turned  naturally  toward  the  return 
of  the  Bourbons,  notwithstanding  certain  drawbacks, 
which  were  but  dimly  apprehended.  The  salons  of 
Paris,  without  being  actually  Royalist,  were  anti- 
revolutionary.  At  this  epoch  the  plan  of  making  the 
Bonapartes  heads  of  the  Conservative  and  Catholic 
party  had  not  yet  been  invented.  To  bring  back  the 
Bourbons  was  a  very  momentous  resolution,  and  it 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  43 

was  not  adopted  without  struggles,  anxieties,  and 
apprehensions  of  all  sorts.  My  father  regarded  the 
painful  recollection  which  he  always  retained  of  the 
attitude  of  his  family  in  1814 — a  family  so  simple,  so 
honorable,  and  so  unpretending — as  a  useful  political 
lesson,  one  which  contributed,  as  much  as  his  own 
reflections,  to  lead  him  to  believe  that  simplicity  and 
straightforwardness  are  the  truest  policy.  He  records 
in  the  following  words  his  own  observations  on  the 
state  of  feeling  that  prevailed  at  the  fall  of  the 
Empire : 

"  Policy  alone  reconciled  my  family  to  the  Restor- 
ation. My  father  never  for  a  moment  regarded  his 
own  acquiescence  otherwise  than  as  an  absolute  neces- 
sity, of  which  he  voluntarily  accepted  the  consequences. 
It  would  have  been  foolish  to  conceal  the  nature  of 
those  consequences,  or  to  have  endeavored  to  avoid 
them  altogether ;  but  they  might  have  been  more  firmly 
resisted,  or  at  least  some  effort  might  have  been  made 
to  reduce  their  proportions.  My  mother,  as  a  woman, 
was  influenced  by  -the  sentimental  aspect  of  Bourbon- 
ism,  and  allowed  herself  to  be  carried  away  by  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  moment.  In  every  great  political 
movement  there  is  a  fascination,  unless  one  is  pre- 
served from  it  by  party  spirit;  and  this  sympathy, 
combined  with  the  national  taste  for  declamation,  has 
a  large  share  in  the  absurdities  which  accompany 
every  change  of  government.  My  mother  was,  how- 
ever, disgusted  from  the  first  by  the  exaggeration  of 
sentiment,  of  opinion,  and  of  ridiculous  language,  that 
prevailed.  The  humiliating  and  insolent  side  of  the 
Restoration,  as  indeed  of  every  restoration,  is  what 
shocks  me  the  most ;  but,  if  the  Royalists  had  not  gone 
too  far,  a  great  deal  would  have  been  overlooked. 
The  things  of  this  kind  which  sensible  folk  will  endure 
are  surprising.  I  still  feel  grateful  to  my  father  be- 


44  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

cause,  in  the  very  first  days  of  the  Monarchy,  he  some- 
what sharply  rebuked  a  person  who  was  advocating 
in  our  salon  the  extreme  doctrines  of  Legitimacy. 
Nevertheless,  WTC  had  to  accept  this  Legitimacy  under 
a  more  politic  form.  The  word  itself  was,  I  believe, 
sanctioned  by  M.  de  Talleyrand,  and  thence  ensued 
an  inevitable  train  of  consequences  which  speedily 
developed  themselves." 

This  is  not  merely  an  historical  judgment  of  my 
father's ;  at  that  time  he  was  beginning,  notwithstand- 
ing his  youth,  to  think  for  himself,  and  to  guide,  or 
at  least  to  influence,  the  political  opinions  of  his  par- 
ents. As  I  shall  soon  be  in  a  position  to  publish  the 
reminiscences  of  his  youth,  I  will  not  dwell  upon  them 
here.  I  must,  however,  mention  him  in  connection 
with  the  memoirs  of  his  mother,  as  he  had  more  to  do 
with  them  than  might  be  supposed. 

I  have  not  hitherto  alluded  to  one  of  the  most  char- 
acteristic traits  of  her  whose  life  I  have  undertaken 
to  narrate.  She  was  a  tender,  careful,  and  admirable 
mother.  Her  son  Charles,  born  on  the  24th  Ventose, 
year  5  (March  14,  1797),  cheered  her  from  his  child- 
hood with  the  hopes  which  he  afterward  realized,  and, 
as  he  grew  in  years  and  intelligence,  aroused  in  her 
intellectual  tastes  similar  to  his  own.  Her  second 
son,  Albert,  was  born  five  years  later  than  Charles, 
and  died  in  1830.  His  faculties  were  never  com- 
pletely developed;  he  remained  a  child  until  the  end. 
She  had  tender  compassion  for  him,  and  lavished  upon 
him  care  so  unceasing  and  devoted  that  it  was  admir- 
able even  in  a  mother.  But  her  great  love  was  for  her 
first-born,  and  never  was  filial  or  maternal  affection 
founded  on  more  striking  resemblance  in  mind  and 
character.  Her  letters  are  full  of  her  maternal  ten- 
derness. The  following  is  addressed  to  her  beloved 
son,  when  he  was  just  sixteen.  I  think  it  will  convey 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  45 

a  favorable  impression  of  both,  and  throw  a  light  on 
the  history  of  their  after  lives : 

VICHY,  July  25,  1813. 

"  I  have  been  suffering  from  a  severe  sore  throat 
for  the  last  few  days,  and  time  has  hung  heavily,  my 
child;  to-day  I  feel  a  little  better,  and  I  am  going  to 
amuse  myself  by  writing  to  you.  Besides,  you  have 
been  scolding  me  for  my  silence,  and  reproaching  me 
too  often  with  your  four  letters.  I  will  no  longer  be 
behindhand  with  you,  and  this  letter,  I  think,  will  en- 
title me  to  scold  you  in  my  turn,  if  an  opportunity 
offers.  My  dear  boy,  I  follow  you  step  by  step  in 
all  your  studies,  and  I  see  you  are  full  of  work  during 
this  month  of  July,  which  I  am  passing  so  monoto- 
nously. I  know  pretty  well,  too,  all  you  say  and  do  on 
Thursdays  and  Sundays.  Madame  de  Grasse  tells  me 
of  your  little  talks,  and  amuses  me  with  it  all.  For 
instance,  she  told  me  that  the  other  day  you  had 
praised  me  to  her,  and  said  that  when  you  and  I  talk 
together  you  are  sometimes  tempted  to  think  me  too 
clever.  But  you  need  not  be  checked  by  any  fear  of 
that,  for  you,  my  dear  child,  have  at  least  as  much 
wit  as  I.  I  tell  you  so  frankly,  because  that  gift,  al- 
though an  advantage,  needs  many  other  things  to  sup- 
port it,  and  therefore  you  may  take  my  words  rather 
as  warning  than  as  praise.  If  my  conversation  with 
you  often  takes  a  serious  turn,  you  must  impute  it 
to  the  fact  that  I  am  your  mother,  and  have  not  relin- 
quished that  role;  to  my  discovery  of  some  wise 
thoughts  in  my  own  head,  and  wanting  to  put  them 
into  yours ;  and  to  my  desire  to  make  good  use  of  the 
quickly  passing  time  that  will  soon  bear  you  far  from 
me.  When  I  need  no  longer  advise  and  warn  you,  we 
shall  talk  together  quite  at  our  ease,  interchanging  our 


46  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

reflections,  our  remarks,  and  our  opinions  on  every- 
thing and  everybody  quite  frankly,  without  fear  of 
vexing  one  another;  in  fact,  with  all  that  sincere  and 
intimate  friendship  which,  I  believe,  may  perfectly 
well  exist  between  a  mother  and  a  son.  There  are  not 
so  many  years  between  us  as  to  prevent  me  from  sym- 
pathizing with  your  youth,  or  sharing  some  of  your 
feelings.  Women's  shoulders  wear  young  heads  for 
a  long  time,  and  in  the  head  of  a  mother  one  side  is 
always  just  the  same  age  as  her  child's. 

"  Madame  de  Grasse  told  me  also  that  you  want  to 
amuse  yourself  during  these  holidays  by  writing  some 
of  your  notions  on  various  subjects.  I  think  you  are 
right.  It  will  be  interesting  for  you  to  read  them 
again  in  a  few  years.  Your  father  would  say  I  want 
to  make  you  a  scribbler  like  myself — for  he  does  not 
stand  on  ceremony  with  me — but  I  do  not  care. 
There  can  be  no  harm  in  setting  down  one's  thoughts 
in  writing  for  one's  self  alone,  and  I  think  both  taste 
and  style  may  be  formed  in  this  way.  It  is  just  be- 
cause your  father  is  lazy,  and  only  writes  one  letter  a 
week;  true,  it  is  a  very  pleasant  one,  but  still  that  is 
not  much.  .  .  .  But  there!  I  must  not  run  on  about 
him. 

"  During  my  retirement  I  thought  I  should  like  to 
draw  your  portrait,  and  if  I  had  not  had  a  sore  throat, 
I  would  have  tried  to  do  so.  While  I  was  thinking  it 
over,  I  found  that  in  order  not  to  be  insipid,  and,  in- 
deed, to  be  correct,  I  should  have  to  point  out  a  few 
faults,  and  I  do  believe  the  hard  words  have  stuck  in 
my  throat  and  given  me  quinsy.  While  planning  this 
portrait,  I  assure  you  I  took  you  to  pieces  very  care- 
fully, and  I  found  many  good  qualities  well  developed, 
a  few  just  beginning  to  bud,  and  then  some  slight  con- 
gestions which  hinder  certain  others  from  exhibiting 
themselves.  I  beg  your  pardon  for  using  a  medical 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  47 

expression ;  it  is  because  I  am  in  a  place  where  nothing 
but  congestions  and  the  way  to  get  rid  of  them  is  talked 
about.  I  will  explain  all  this  some  day  when  I  am  in 
the  vein,  but  to-day  I  will  touch  only  on  one  point — 
your  behavior  to  others.  You  are  polite — more  so, 
indeed,  than  is  customary  at  your  age:  you  have  a 
pleasant  manner  in  addressing  people,  and  you  are  a 
good  listener.  Do  not  let  this  last  quality  slip.  Ma- 
dame de  Sevigne  says  that  an  appreciative  silence  is  a 
mark  of  superior  sense  in  young  people.  '  But, 
mother,  what  are  you  driving  at?  You  promised  to 
point  out  a  fault,  and  hitherto  I  see  nothing  like  one. 
A  father's  blow  turns  aside.  Let  us  come  to  the  fact, 
my  dear  mother.'  So  I  will,  my  son,  in  one  moment; 
you  forget  that  I  have  a  sore  throat,  and  can  only 
speak  slowly.  Well,  then,  you  are  polite.  When  you 
are  asked  to  do  something  which  will  gratify  those  you 
love,  you  consent  willingly;  but,  when  an  opportunity 
of  so  doing  is  merely  pointed  out  to  you,  natural  in- 
dolence and  a  certain  love  of  self  make  you  hesitate; 
and,  when  left  to  yourself,  you  do  not  seek  such  oppor- 
tunities, for  fear  of  the  trouble  they  might  entail. 
Can  you  understand  these  subtle  distinctions?  While 
you  are  still  partly  under  my  authority,  I  can  influence 
and  guide  you:  but  you  will  soon  have  to  answer  for 
yourself,  and  I  should  wish  you  to  think  a  little  about 
other  people,  notwithstanding  the  claims  of  your  own 
youth,  which  are  naturally  engrossing.  I  am  not  sure 
that  I  have  expressed  myself  clearly.  As  my  ideas 
have  to  find  their  way  through  a  headache  and 
all  my  bandages,  and  for  the  last  four  days  I  have 
not  sharpened  my  wits  by  contact  with  those  of 
Albert,  the  quinsy  may  possibly  have  got  into  my 
discourse. 

'  You  must  make  the  best  of  it.     At  any  rate,  it  is 
a  fact  that  you  have  polished  manners,  in  other  words, 


48  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

you  are  kind.    Kindness  is  the  politeness  of  the  heart. 
But  enough. 


"  Your  little  brother  makes  a  good  figure  at  the  vil- 
lage dances.  He  has  become  quite  a  rustic.  In  the 
morning  he  fishes  and  takes  long  walks  about  the 
country.  He  understands  more  about  trees  and  agri- 
culture than  you  do.  In  the  evening  he  shines  among 
our  big  Auvergne  shepherdesses,  to  whom  he  shows 
off  all  those  little  airs  and  graces  which  you  know 
so  well. 

"  Adieu,  my  dear  son ;  I  leave  off  because  I  have 
come  to  the  end  of  my  paper.  Writing  all  this  to  you 
relieves  me  a  little  of  my  ennui,  but  I  must  not  quite 
overwhelm  you  by  pouring  out  too  much  at  a  time. 
My  respects  to  Griffon,  and  best  compliments  to  M. 
Leclerc." 

In  this  confidential  strain  the  mother  and  the  son 
carried  on  their  correspondence.  One  year  later,  in 
1814,  the  son  left  school,  destined  to  fulfil  all  the 
promise  of  his  childhood,  and  to  hold  thenceforth  a 
more  important  place  in  the  life  and  occupations  of 
his  parents.  His  influence  soon  began  to  tell  on  theirs, 
the  more  so  that  there  existed  no  absolute  divergence 
in  their  opinions.  But  he  was  more  positive  and  bolder 
than  his  parents,  because  he  was  not  fettered  by  the 
ties  of  old  memories  and  old  affection.  He  felt  no 
regret  for  the  Emperor,  and,  although  deeply  moved 
by  the  sufferings  of  the  French  army,  he  witnessed  the 
fall  of  the  Empire,  if  not  with  joy,  at  least  with  in- 
difference. To  him,  as  to  most  talented  young  men 
of  his  time,  it  came  as  an  emancipation.  He  eagerly 
embraced  the  first  notions  of  constitutional  order, 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  49 

which  made  their  reappearance  with  the  Bourbons. 
But  he  was  struck  by  the  ridiculous  side  of  Royalist 
society.  Many  of  the  revived  fashions  and  phrases 
seemed  to  him  to  be  mere  foolery ;  he  was  disgusted  by 
the  abuse  lavished  upon  the  Emperor  and  the  men  of 
the  Empire,  but  neither  his  parents  nor  he,  although 
still  a  little  suspicious  of  the  new  order  of  things, 
was  seriously  opposed  to  it.  Neither  the  personal 
vexations  which  resulted  from  it,  such  as  the  depri- 
vation of  employment,  the  necessity  of  selling  to  great 
disadvantage  a  library  which  was  the  delight  of  my 
grandfather,  and  which  lives  in  the  recollection  of 
lovers  of  books,  nor  a  thousand  other  annoyances, 
could  prevent  their  experiencing  a  sense  of  relief. 
They  almost  verified  a  celebrated  saying  of  the  Em- 
peror, who,  when  at  the  zenith  of  his  power,  once 
asked  those  surrounding  him  what  would  be  said  after 
his  death.  They  all  hastened  to  answer  in  phrases  of 
compliment  or  of  flattery.  But  he  interrupted  them 
by  exclaiming,  "  What !  you  are  at  a  loss  to  know  what 
people  will  say  ?  They  will  say  '  Ouf !'  " 


It  was  difficult  to  attend  to  personal  interests  in 
those  days ;  one  could  hardly  help  being  diverted  from 
them,  and  engrossed  solely  by  the  spectacle  of  France 
and  Europe.  Curiosity  would  naturally  outweigh 
ambition  in  a  family  such  as  we  are  depicting.  My 
grandfather  did  nevertheless  think  of  entering  the 
administration,  and  once  more  revived  his  project, 
hitherto  doomed  to  disappointment,  of  gaining  admit- 
tance to  the  Council  of  State;  but  he  was  as  supine 
about  it  as  before.  Had  he  entered  the  administration, 
he  would  only  have  been  following  the  example  of  the 


50  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

majority  of  the  former  officials  of  the  Empire,  for  the 
Bonapartist  Opposition  did  not  come  into  existence 
until  the  latter  days  of  the  Monarchy.  The  members 
of  the  Imperial  family  lived  in  constant  and  friendly 
intercourse  with  the  new  regime,  or  rather  with  the 
reinstated  old  regime.  The  Empress  Josephine  was 
treated  with  great  respect,  and  the  Emperor  Alexan- 
der frequently  visited  her  at  Malmaison.  She  wished 
to  take  up  a  dignified  and  fitting  position,  and  she  con- 
fided to  her  lady-in-waiting  that  she  thought  of  asking 
the  title  of  High  Constable  for  her  son  Eugene,  show- 
ing thereby  that  she  scarcely  understood  the  spirit  of 
the  Restoration.  Queen  Hortense,  who  afterward 
became  the  bitter  enemy  of  the  Bourbons,  and  was 
concerned  in  numerous  conspiracies,  obtained  the 
Duchy  of  Saint  Leu,  for  which  she  intended  to  return 
thanks  in  person  to  Louis  XVIII.  All  projects  of  this 
kind  had,  however,  to  be  abandoned ;  for  the  Empress 
Josephine  was  suddenly  carried  off  by  malignant  sore 
throat  in  March,  1814,  and  the  last  link  that  bound 
my  kinsfolk  to  the  Bonaparte  family  was  sundered 
for  ever. 

The  Bourbons  seemed  to  make  a  point  of  annoying 
and  depressing  those  very  persons  whom  their  Govern- 
ment should  have  endeavored  to  conciliate,  and  by 
slow  degrees  a  belief  gained  ground  that  their  reign 
would  be  of  short  duration,  and  that  France,  just  then 
more  in  love  with  equality  than  with  liberty,  would 
demand  to  be  placed  once  more  under  the  yoke  which 
had  seemed  to  be  shattered;  in  fact,  that  the  days  of 
Imperial  splendor  and  misery  would  return.  It  was, 
therefore,  with  less  amazement  than  might  be  sup- 
posed that  my  grandfather  learned  one  day  from  a 
friend  that  the  Emperor  had  escaped  from  Elba  and 
landed  at  Cannes.  Historical  events  seem  more  as- 
tounding to  those  who  read  of  them  than  to  eye- wit- 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  51 

nesses.  Those  who  knew  Bonaparte  could  readily 
believe  him  capable  of  again  putting  France  and 
Frenchmen  in  peril  for  the  sake  of  a  selfish  scheme. 
His  return  was,  however,  a  tremendous  event,  and 
every  one  had  to  think  not  only  of  the  political  future, 
but  also  of  his  own.  Even  those  who,  like  M.  de 
Remusat,  had  not  publicly  taken  any  political  side,  and 
who  only  wanted  to  be  left  in  repose  and  obscurity, 
had  everything  to  lose,  and  were  bound  to  provide 
against  eventualities.  The  general  suspense  did  not 
last  long;  even  before  the  Emperor's  entry  into  Paris, 
M.  Real  came  to  announce  to  M.  de  Remusat  that  he 
was  sentenced  to  exile  together  with  twelve  or  fifteen 
others,  among  whom  was  M.  Pasquier. 

An  event  still  more  serious  than  exile,  and  which 
left  a  deeper  trace  in  my  father's  memory,  occurred 
between  the  first  news  of  the  return  of  Napoleon  and 
his  arrival  at  the  Tuileries.  On  the  day  after  that  on 
which  the  landing  wras  publicly  announced,  Mme.  de 
Nansouty  hurried  to  her  sister's  house,  full  of  dismay 
at  all  that  she  had  been  told  of  the  persecution  to 
which  the  opponents  of  the  vindictive  and  all-powerful 
Emperor  were  about  to  be  exposed.  She  told  my 
grandparents  that  a  rigorous  inquisition  by  the  police 
was  to  be  put  in  action;  that  M.  Pasquier  appre- 
hended molestation,  and  that  everything  in  the  house 
which  could  give  rise  to  suspicion  must  be  got  rid  of. 
My  grandmother,  who  might  not  otherwise  have 
thought  of  danger,  remembered  with  alarm  that  a 
manuscript  highly  calculated  to  compromise  her  hus- 
band, her  sister,  her  brother-in-law,  and  her  friends, 
was  in  the  house.  For  many  years,  probably  from  her 
first  appearance  at  Court,  she  had  been  in  the  habit 
of  taking  notes  daily  of  the  events  and  conversations 
which  came  under  her  notice,  while  her  memory  of 
them  was  fresh.  She  had  recorded  nearly  everything 


52  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

she  saw  and  heard,  at  Paris,  at  St.  Cloud,  and  at 
Malmaison.  For  twelve  years  she  had  transferred, 
not  only  events  and  circumstances,  but  studies  of  char- 
acter and  disposition,  to  the  pages  of  her  journal. 
This  journal  was  kept  in  the  form  of  a  correspondence. 
It  consisted  of  a  series  of  letters,  written  from  Court 
to  a  friend  from  whom  nothing  was  concealed.  The 
author  well  knew  all  the  value  of  these  fictitious  let- 
ters, which  recalled  her  whole  life,  with  its  most 
precious  and  most  painful  recollections.  Ought  she 
to  risk,  for  what  would  appear  to  others  only  literary 
or  sentimental  selfishness,  the  peace,  the  liberty,  nay, 
even  the  life  of  those  she  loved?  No  one  was  aware 
of  the  existence  of  this  manuscript,  except  her  hus- 
band and  Mme.  Cheron,  the  wife  of  the  Prefect  of 
that  name,  a  very  old  and  attached  friend.  Her 
thoughts  turned  to  this  lady,  who  had  once  before 
taken  charge  of  the  dangerous  manuscript,  and  she 
hastened  to  seek  her.  Unfortunately  Mme.  Cheron 
was  from  home,  and  not  likely  to  return  for  a  con- 
siderable time.  What  was  to  be  done?  My  grand- 
mother came  back,  greatly  distressed,  and,  without 
further  reflection  or  delay,  threw  her  manuscripts  into 
the  fire.  My  father  came  into  the  room  just  as  she 
was  burning  the  last  sheets,  somewhat  cautiously,  lest 
the  flame  should  reach  too  high.  He  was  then  seven- 
teen, and  has  often  described  the  scene  to  me — the 
remembrance  of  it  was  most  painful  to  him.  He 
thought  at  first  that  his  mother  was  merely  destroying 
a  copy  of  the  memoirs,  which  he  had  never  read,  and 
that  the  precious  original  manuscript  was  safely 
concealed.  He  threw  the  last  sheets  into  the  fire 
with  his  own  hand,  attaching  but  little  import- 
ance to  the  action.  "  Few  deeds,"  he  used  to  say, 
"  after  I  learned  all  the  truth,  have  I  ever  so  bitteriy 
regretted." 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  53 

From  the  very  first,  the  author  and  her  son  so 
deeply  lamented  what  they  had  done — for  they  learned 
almost  immediately  that  the  sacrifice  was  uncalled  for 
— that  for  years  they  could  not  speak  of  it  between 
themselves  or  to  my  grandfather.  The  latter  bore  his 
exile  with  much  philosophy.  He  was  not  forbidden  to 
dwell  in  France,  but  only  in  Paris  and  its  neighbor- 
hood, and  it  was  decided  that  they  should  all  await 
the  passing  of  the  storm  in  Languedoc,  where  he  pos- 
sessed an  estate  which  he  had  bought  back  from  the 
heirs  of  M.  de  Bastard,  his  wife's  grandfather,  and 
which  had  long  been  neglected.  The  family  removed, 
therefore,  to  Laffitte,  where  my  father  afterward 
passed  so  many  years,  now  in  the  midst  of  political 
agitation,  again  in  quiet  study.  In  after  days  he  again 
came  thither  from  exile;  for  the  sufferings  of  good 
citizens  from  absolute  power  were  not  to  be,  restricted 
to  the  year  1815,  and  Napoleons  have  returned  to 
France  from  a  greater  distance  than  the  Isle  of 
Elba. 

My  grandfather  started  for  Laffitte  on  March  I3th, 
and  his  family  joined  him  there  a  few  days  afterward. 
At  Laffitte  they  passed  the  three  months  of  that  reign, 
shorter  but  still  more  fatal  than  the  first,  which  has 
been  called  "  The  Hundred  Days."  There  my  father 
entered  upon  his  literary  career,  not  as  yet  producing 
original  works,  but  translating  Pope,  Cicero,  and 
Tacitus.  His  only  original  writings  were  his  songs. 
The  family  lived  quietly,  unitedly,  and  almost  happily, 
waiting  the  end  of  a  tragedy  of  which  they  foresaw 
the  denouement,  and  at  Laffitte  they  received  the  news 
of  Waterloo.  They  heard  at  the  same  time  of  the 
abdication  of  Napoleon,  and  that  M.  de  Remusat  was 
appointed  Prefect  of  Haute-Garonne,  by  a  decree  of 
July  12,  1815.  This  appointment  was  quite  to  the 
taste  of  my  grandfather,  for  it  placed  him  once  more 


54  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

in  office,  without  involving  him  in  the  parade  of  a 
court;  but  it  was  less  pleasing-  to  his  wife,  who  re- 
gretted Paris  and  her  old  friends  there,  and  who 
dreaded  the  disturbances  at  Toulouse,  at  that  time  a 
prey  to  the  violence  of  southern  Royalism — "  the 
White  Terror,"  as  it  was  then  called. 

The  new  Prefect  immediately  set  out  for  Toulouse, 
and  was  greeted  on  his  arrival  with  the  news  that 
General  Ramel,  notwithstanding  that  he  had  hoisted 
the  white  flag  on  the  Capitol,  had  been  assassinated. 
Such  are  the  injustice  and  violence  of  party  spirit, 
even  when  victorious;  nay,  especially  when  victo- 
rious ! 

But,  however  interesting  this  episode  of  our 
national  troubles  may  be,  it  is  not  necessary  to  dwell 
on  them  here.  The  principal  personage  in  these 
Memoirs  is  not  the  Prefect,  but  Mme.  de  Remusat. 
My  grandmother,  anxious  about  the  course  of  events, 
and  perhaps  afraid  of  the  vehemence  of  her  son's 
opinions,  which  were  little  suited  to  his  father's 
official  position,  sent  him  back  to  Paris,  to  his  great 
satisfaction. 

Then  ensued  a  correspondence  between  them  which 
will  make  both  of  them  known  to  us,  and  will  perhaps 
depict  the  writer  of  these  Memoirs  more  clearly  than 
do  the  Memoirs  themselves. 

As,  however,  the  latter  work  only  is  in  question  at 
present,  it  is  not  necessary  to  give  in  detail  the  history 
of  the  period  subsequent  to  1815.  The  administration 
of  the  department,  which  commenced  under  such 
gloomy  auspices,  was,  for  a  period  of  nineteen  months, 
extremely  difficult.  While  the  son,  mixing  in  very 
Liberal  society  in  Paris,  adopted  the  opinions  of  ad- 
vanced constitutional  Royalism,  which  did  little  more 
than  tolerate  the  Bourbons,  the  father,  amid  totally 
different  surroundings,  underwent  a  similar  mental 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  55 

process,  and  placed  himself  by  word  and  deed  in  -the 
front  rank  of  those  officials  of  the  King's  Govern- 
ment who  were  the  least  Royalist  and  the  most  Liberal. 
He  was  a  just  and  moderate  man,  a  lover  of  law, 
neither  an  aristocrat  nor  a  bigot.  The  people  of  Tou- 
louse were  all  that  he  was  not;  nevertheless  he  was 
successful  there,  and  left  behind  him  a  kindly  mem- 
ory, which  lapsed  as  the  men  of  his  time  disappeared, 
but  of  which  my  father  has  more  than  once  found 
traces.  These  early  days  of  constitutional  liberty, 
even  in  a  province  which  did  not  afterward  put 
its  theories  boldly  in  practice,  are  curious  to  contem- 
plate. 

The  light  of  that  liberty  illumined  all  that  the  Em- 
pire had  left  in  darkness.  Opinions,  ideas,  hatred, 
passions,  came  to  life.  The  Government  of  the  Bour- 
bons was  represented  by  a  married  priest,  M.  de  Tal- 
leyrand, and  a  regicide  Jacobin,  M.  Fouche;  but  even 
they  could  not  oppose  the  reactionary  tendency  of  the 
time,  and  the  Liberal  policy  did  not  triumph  until  the 
accession  of  MM.  Decazes,  Pasquier,  Mole,  and 
Royer-Collard  to  the  ministry,  and  the  passing-  of  the 
famous  decree  of  the  5th  of  September.  The  new 
policy  was  of  course  advantageous  to  those  who  had 
practiced  it  beforehand,  and  there  could  be  no  ill  will 
toward  the  Prefect  on  account  of  the  failure  of  the 
Liberal  party  in  the  elections  of  Haute-Garonne.  So 
soon  as  the  ministry  was  firmly  established,  and  as 
M.  Laine  had  succeeded  M.  de  Vaublanc,  my  grand- 
father was  appointed  Prefect  of  Lille.  My  father 
records  in  a  letter  already  quoted  the  effect  of  these 
events  on  the  mind  of  Mme.  de  Remusat: 

"  The  nomination  of  my  father  to  Lille  brought  my 
mother  back  into  the  midst  of  the  great  stir  of  public 
opinion,  which  was  soon  to  declare  itself  as  it  had 
not  done  since  1789.  Her  intelligence,  her  reason 


56  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

all  her  feelings  and  all  her  convictions,  were  about  to 
make  a  great  step  in  advance.  The  Empire,  after 
awakening  her  interest  in  public  affairs  and  enabling 
her  to  understand  them,  subsequently  directed  her 
mind  toward  a  high  moral  aim,  by  inspiring  her  with 
a  horror  of  tyranny.  Hence  came  her  desire  for  a 
government  of  order,  founded  on  law,  reason,  and  the 
spirit  of  the  nation;  hence  a  certain  leaning  toward 
the  forms  of  the  English  constitution.  Her  stay  at 
Toulouse  and  the  reaction  of  1815  gave  her  such  a 
knowledge  of  social  realities  as  she  could  never  have 
acquired  in  the  salons  of  Paris,  enlightening  her  as  to 
the  results  and  the  causes  of  the  Revolution,  and  the 
needs  and  sentiments  of  the  nation.  She  understood, 
in  a  general  way,  on  which  side  lay  true  help,  strength, 
life,  and  right.  She  learned  that  a  new  France  had 
been  called  into  existence,  and  what  it  was,  and  that 
it  was  for  and  by  this  new  France  that  government 
must  be  carried  on." 


VI 


My  grandmother's  stay  at  Lille  was  occasionally 
varied  by  visits  to  her  son  in  Paris.  The  pleasures 
of  society  were  but  a  prelude  to  the  literary  success 
that  he  achieved  a  few  months  later;  and  indeed  he 
was  already  practicing  composition  in  his  frequent 
letters  to  his  mother  on  politics  and  literature.  Mme. 
de  Remusat  had  more  leisure  at  Lille  than  in  Paris, 
and,  although  her  health  was  still  delicate,  she  indulged 
her  taste  for  intellectual  pursuits.  Hitherto  she  had 
written  nothing  but  the  Memoirs  that  she  had  after- 
ward destroyed,  and  a  few  short  tales  and  essays.  In 
the  leisure  of  a  country  life  she  now  attempted  a  ro- 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  57 

mance  in  the  form  of  letters,  called  "  Les  Lettres 
Espagnols,  ou  I'Ambitieux."  While  she  was  working 
at  this  with  ardor  and  success,  the  posthumous  work 
of  Mme.  de  Stael,  "  Considerations  sur  la  Revolution 
Franchise,"  came  out  in  1818,  and  made  a  great  im- 
pression on  her.  Now  that  sixty  years  have  elapsed, 
it  is  difficult  for  us  to  realize  the  extraordinary  effect 
of  Mme.  de  StaeTs  eloquent  dissertation  on  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Revolution.  The  opinions  of  the  author, 
then  quite  novel,  are  now  merely  noble  truisms 
obvious  to  all.  But  in  the  days  that  immediately  fol- 
lowed the  Empire  they  were  something  more.  Every- 
thing was  then  new,  and  the  younger  generation,  who 
had  undergone  twenty  years  of  tyranny,  had  to  learn 
over  again  that  which  their  fathers  had  known  so 
well  in  1789. 

My  grandmother  was  especially  struck  by  the  elo- 
quent pages  in  which  the  author  gives  somewhat  de- 
clamatory expression  to  her  hatred  of  Napoleon. 
Mme.  de  Remusat  felt  a  certain  sympathy  with  the 
author's  sentiments,  but  she  could  not  forget  that  at 
one  time  she  had  thought  differently.  People  who 
are  fond  of  writing  are  easily  tempted  into  explaining 
their  conduct  and  feelings  on  paper.  She  conceived 
a  strong  desire  to  arrange  all  her  reminiscences,  to 
describe  the  Empire  as  she  had  seen  it,  and  how  she 
had  at  first  loved  and  admired,  next  condemned  and 
dreaded,  afterward  suspected  and  hated,  and  finally 
renounced  it.  The  Memoirs  she  had  destroyed  in  1815 
would  have  been  the  most  accurate  exposition  of  this 
succession  of  events,  situations,  and  feelings.  It  was 
vain  to  think  of  rewriting  them,  but  it  was  possible, 
with  the  help  of  a  good  memory  and  an  upright  inten- 
tion, to  compose  others  which  should  be  equally  sin- 
cere. Full  of  this  project,  she  wrote  to  her  son  (May 
27,  1818)  : 


58  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

"  I  have  taken  up  a  new  notion.  You  must  know 
that  I  wake  every  morning  at  six  o'clock,  and  that  I 
write  regularly  from  that  hour  until  half-past  nine. 
Well,  I  was  sitting  up  with  the  manuscript  of  my 
'  Lettres  Espagfiols  '  all  scattered  about  me,  when  cer- 
tain chapters  of  Mme.  de  Stael's  book  came  into  my 
head.  I  flung  my  romance  aside,  and  took  up  a  clean 
sheet  of  paper,  bitten  with  the  idea  that  I  must  write 
about  Bonaparte.  On  I  went,  describing  the  death 
of  the  Duke  d'Enghien  and  that  dreadful  week  I  spent 
at  Malmaison;  and,  as  I  am  an  emotional  person,  I 
seemed  to  be  living  all  through  that  time  over  again. 
Words  and  events  came  back  of  themselves;  between 
yesterday  and  to-day  I  have  written  twenty  pages,  and 
am  somewhat  agitated  in  consequence." 

The  same  circumstance  which  reawakened  the 
recollections  of  the  mother  aroused  the  literary  tastes 
of  the  son ;  and  while  he  was  publishing  an  article  on 
Mme.  de  Stael  in  the  "  Archives,"  his  first  appearance 
in  print,  he  wrote  as  follows  to  his  mother  on  the 
same  date,  May  27,  1818.  Their  respective  letters 
crossed  on  the  road : 

"  'All  honor  to  the  sincere ! '  This  book,  my  dear 
mother,  has  renewed  my  regret  that  you  have  burned 
your  Memoirs,  and  has  made  me  most  anxious  that 
you  should  retrieve  that  loss.  You  really  owe  this  to 
yourself,  to  us,  to  the  interests  of  truth.  Read  up  the 
old  almanacs ;  study  the  '  Moniteur '  page  by  page ; 
get  back  your  old  letters  from  your  friends,  and  go 
over  them,  especially  those  to  my  father.  Try  to 
remember  not  only  the  details  of  events,  but  your 
own  impressions  of  them.  Try  to  resuscitate  the 
views  you  formerly  held,  even  the  illusions  you  have 
lost;  recall  your  very  errors.  Show  how  you,  with 
many  other  honorable  and  sensible  people,  indignant 
and  disgusted  with  the  horrors  of  the  Revolution, 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  59 

were  carried  away  by  natural  aversions,  and  beguiled 
by  enthusiasm  for  one  man,  which  was  in  reality 
highly  patriotic.  Explain  how  we  had  all  of  us  be- 
come, as  it  were,  strangers  to  political  life.  We  had 
no  dread  of  the  empire  of  an  individual;  we  went  out 
to  meet  it.  Then  show  how  this  man  either  became 
corrupt,  or  else  displayed  his  true  character  as  his 
power  increased.  Tell  how  it  unfortunately  happened 
that,  as  you  lost  one  by  one  your  illusions  concerning 
him,  you  became  more  and  more  dependent,  and  how 
the  less  you  submitted  to  him  in  heart,  the  more  you 
were  obliged  to  obey  him  in  fact;  how  at  last,  after 
having  believed  in  the  uprightness  of  his  policy  be- 
cause you  were  mistaken  in  himself,  your  discovery 
of  his  true  character  led  you  to  a  correct  view  of  his 
system;  and  how  moral  indignation  finally  brought 
you  by  degrees  to  what  I  may  call  a  political  hatred  of 
him.  This,  my  dear  mother,  is  what  I  entreat  of  you  to 
do.  You  see  what  I  mean,  do  you  not?  and  you  will 
do  it." 

Two  days  after,  on  the  3Oth  of  May,  my  grand- 
mother replied  as  follows : 

"  Is  it  not  wonderful  how  perfectly  we  understand 
each  other  ?  I  am  reading  the  book,  and  I  am  as  much 
struck  by  it  as  you  are.  I  regret  my  poor  Memoirs 
for  new  reasons,  and  I  take  up  my  pen  again  without 
quite  knowing  whither  it  will  lead  me;  for,  my  dear 
child,  this  task  which  you  have  set  me,  and  which  of 
itself  is  tempting,  is  also  formidable.  I  shall,  how- 
ever, set  about  reviving  my  impressions  of  certain 
epochs,  at  first  without  order  or  sequence,  just  as 
things  come  back  to  me.  You  may  trust  me  to  set 
down  the  very  truth.  Yesterday,  when  I  was  alone 
and  at  my  desk,  I  was  trying  to  recall  my  first  meet- 
ing with  this  wretched  man.  A  tide  of  remembrance 
rushed  over  me,  and  that  which  you  so  justly  call  my 


60  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

political  hatred  was  ready  to  fade  away  and  give  place 
to  my  former  illusions." 

A  few  days  later,  on  the  8th  of  June,  1818,  she 
dwells  on  the  difficulties  of  her  task : 

"  Do  you  know  that  I  need  all  my  courage  to  do  as 
you  tell  me?  I  am  like  a  person  who,  having  spent 
ten  years  at  the  galleys,  is  asked  to  write  an  account 
of  how  he  passed  his  time.  My  heart  sinks  when  I 
recall  old  memories.  There  is  pain  both  in  my  past 
fancies  and  in  my  present  feelings.  You  are  right  in 
saying  I  love  truth ;  but  it  follows  that  I  can  not,  like 
so  many  others,  recall  the  past  with  impunity,  and  I 
assure  you  that,  for  the  last  week,  I  have  risen  quite 
saddened  from  the  desk  at  which  you  and  Mme.  de 
Stael  have  placed  me.  I  could  not  reveal  these  feel- 
ings to  any  one  but  you.  Others  would  not  under- 
stand, and  would  only  laugh  at  me." 

On  the  28th  of  September  and  the  8th  of  October 
of  the  same  year,  she  writes  to  her  son : 

"  If  I  were  a  man,  I  should  certainly  devote  a  part 
of  my  life  to  studying  the  League;  being  only  a 
woman,  I  confine  myself  to  verbal  utterances  about  you 
know  whom.  What  a  man !  what  a  man !  It  terrifies 
me  to  retrace  it  all.  It  was  my  misfortune  to  be  very 
young  when  I  was  placed  near  him;  I  did  not  reflect 
on  what  passed  before  me;  but  now  that  we  are  both 
older,  I  and  the  generation  to  which  I  belong,  my 
memories  move  me  more  than  did  events  at  that  time. 
If  you  come  ...  I  think  you  will  find  that  I  have 
not  lost  much  time  this  summer.  I  have  already  writ- 
ten nearly  five  hundred  pages,  and  I  was  going  to 
write  much  more;  the  task  lengthens  as  I  work  at  it. 
Afterward  much  time  and  patience  will  be  required  to 
put  all  this  material  in  order.  Perhaps  I  shall  never 
have  either  one  or  the  other;  if  so,  that  will  be  your 
business  when  I  shall  be  no  longer  here." 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  61 

"  Your  father,"  she  writes  again,  "  says  that  he  does 
not  know  of  any  one  to  whom  I  could  show  what  I  am 
writing.  He  declares  that  no  one  excels  me  in  '  the 
talent  for  being  true '  as  he  expresses  it.  So,  there- 
fore, I  write  for  nobody  in  particular.  Some  day  you 
will  find  my  manuscripts  among  my  effects,  and  you 
can  do  what  you  like  with  them." 

On  the  8th  of  October,  1818,  she  writes:  "There 
is  a  thought  that  sometimes  troubles  me.  I  say  to  my- 
self, '  Suppose  some  day  my  son  publishes  this,  what 
will  be  said  of  me?  '  Then  the  fear  seizes  me  that  I 
shall  be  held  to  have  been  malicious,  or  at  least  ill- 
natured,  and  I  rack  my  brain  for  something  to  praise. 
But  this  man  (Bonaparte)  was  such  a  ruthless  des- 
troyer of  all  worth  and  we  were  brought  so  low  that 
I  am  straitened  by  the  demands  of  truth,  and  I  grow 
quite  disheartened." 

These  fragments  of  her  letters  indicate  the  spirit  in 
which  the  Memoirs  of  Mme.  de  Remusat  were  writ- 
ten; and  it  was  not  that  of  a  literary  pastime,  nor  a 
pleasure  of  the  imagination.  Her  motive  was  neither 
ambition  to  be  an  author,  nor  the  desire  to  put  forward 
an  apology.  The  love  of  truth,  the  political  spectacle 
before  her  eyes,  and  the  influence  of  a  son  who  became 
day  by  day  more  strongly  confirmed  in  those  Liberal 
opinions  which  were  destined  to  be  the  delight  and  the 
honor  of  his  life — these  things  gave  her  courage  to 
persevere  in  her  task  for  more  than  two  years.  She 
understood  that  noble  policy  which  places  the  rights 
of  man  above  the  rights  of  the  State.  Nor  was  this 
all.  As  often  happens  to  persons  deeply  engaged  in 
intellectual  work,  her  task  became  plain  and  easy,  and 
she  led  a  more  active  life  than  at  any  previous  time. 
In  spite  of  failing  health,  she  constantly  traveled  from 
Lille  to  Paris ;  she  acted  the  part  of  Elmire  in  "  Tar- 
tuffe  "  at  M.  Mole's  house  at  Champlatreux ;  she  com- 


62  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

menced  a  work  on  the  Women  of  the  Seventeenth 
Century,  which  she  afterward  expanded  into  her 
"  Essai  sur  1'Education  des  Femmes;"  she  supplied 
Dupuytren  with  material  for  a  panegyric  on  Cor- 
visart,  and  she  even  published  a  tale  in  the  "  Lycee 
Frangais." 

In  the  midst  of  the  happiness  which  she  derived 
from  her  quiet  life  and  her  busy  mind,  from  her  hus- 
band's official  and  her  son's  literary  success,  her  health 
failed.  First  came  a  weakness  of  the  eyes,  which, 
without  actually  threatening  her  sight,  occasioned  her 
both  pain  and  inconvenience;  then  followed  a  general 
delicacy  of  the  system,  in  which  the  stomach  was 
chiefly  affected.  After  alternate  changes  for  the  bet- 
ter and  the  worse,  her  son  brought  her  to  Paris  on  the 
28th  of  November,  1821,  in  a  suffering  condition, 
which  was  alarming  to  those  who  loved  her,  but  did 
not  appear  to  the  doctors  to  indicate  immediate  dan- 
ger. Broussais,  however,  took  a  desponding  view  of 
her  case,  and  my  father  was  then  first  struck  by  the 
power  of  induction  to  which  the  discoveries  and  the 
errors  of  that  eminent  man  are  alike  due.  Notwith- 
standing her  illness,  she  occupied  herself  on  her  return 
to  Lille  with  literary  and  historical  work,  and  received 
company,  including  a  great  number  of  political  per- 
sonages. She  was  still  able  to  feel  interested  in  the 
fall  of  the  Duke  Decazes,  and  she  foresaw  that  the 
coming  into  power  of  M.  de  Villele — that  is  to  say,  of 
the  ultras  or  reactionaries,  as  they  are  now  called — 
would  render  it  impossible  for  her  husband  to  retain 
the  Prefecture  of  Lille;  and,  in  fact,  he  was  super- 
seded on  the  9th  of  January,  1822.  Before  this  oc- 
curred, Mme.  de  Remusat  was  no  more.  She  expired 
suddenly  in  the  night,  December  16,  1821,  aged  forty- 
one  years. 

She  bequeathed  to  her  son  a  lifelong  sorrow,  and 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  63 

to  her  friends  the  memory  of  a  remarkable  and  charm- 
ing woman.  Not  one  of  those  friends  is  now  living; 
M.  Pasquier,  M.  Mole,  M.  Guizot,  and  M.  Leclerc 
have  recently  passed  away.  I  render  her  memory  the 
truest  homage  in  my  power  by  the  publication  of  these 
unfinished  Memoirs,  which,  with  the  exception  of  a 
few  chapters,  she  was  unable  to  read  over  or  correct. 
The  work  was  to  have  been  divided  into  five  parts, 
corresponding  with  five  distinct  epochs.  She  com- 
pleted only  three,  which  treat  of  the  interval  between 
1802  and  1808;  that  is  to  say,  from  her  first  appear- 
ance at  Court  to  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  in  Spain. 
The  unwritten  portions  would  have  described  the 
period  that  elapsed  between  that  war  and  the  divorce 
(1808-1809),  and  the  five  following  years,  ending 
with  the  fall  of  the  Emperor.  I  am  well  aware  that 
a  work  of  the  nature  of  this  one  is  calculated  to  bring 
down  upon  both  its  author  and  its  editor  much  blame, 
many  insinuations,  and  a  great  deal  of  political  ani- 
mosity. Its  apparent  contradictions  will  be  held  up 
to  observation,  rather  than  the  interesting  analogy 
of  the  opinions  of  three  generations  which  it  sets 
forth,  and  the  difference  in  the  times.  It  will  be  a 
theme  for  wonder  that  any  man  could  be  a  chamber- 
lain and  any  woman  a  lady-in-waiting,  and  yet  that 
both  could  be  so  far  from  servile,  so  liberal,  so  little 
shocked  by  the  i8th  Brumaire,  so  patriotic,  so  much 
fascinated  by  that  man  of  genius,  Bonaparte,  and  so 
severe  upon  his  faults,  so  clear-sighted  respecting  the 
majority  of  the  members  of  the  Imperial  family,  so 
indulgent  or  so  blind  with  regard  to  others  who  have 
left  an  equally  fatal  impress  on  our  national  history. 
It  will,  however,  be  difficult  to  avoid  doing  justice 
to  the  sincerity,  the  honesty,  and  the  intelligence  of 
the  author,  or  to  read  the  book  without  deriving  from 
it  an  increased  aversion  to  absolute  power,  a  keener 


64  EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE 

perception  of  its  sophistry,  and  the  hollowness  of  the 
apparent  prosperity  with  which  it  dazzles  public  opin- 
ion. These  impressions  I  have  especially  derived  from 
it,  and  I  desire  to  retain  them.  It  would  have  been 
sufficient  preface  to  this  book  had  I  written  only  those 
words  which  my  father  uttered,  sixty  years  ago,  when, 
on  reading  Mme.  de  Stae'l,  he  asked  his  mother  to  tell 
him  the  story  of  the  cruel  years  of  the  First  Empire: 
"  All  honor  to  the  sincere !  " 

PAUL   DE*  REMUSAT. 


MEMOIRS  OF  THE 
EMPRESS  JOSEPHINE 


INTRODUCTION 

PORTRAITS    AND    ANECDOTES 

NOW  that  I  am  about  to  commence  these 
Memoirs,  I  think  it  well  to  precede  them  by 
some  observations  on  the  character  of  the 
Emperor,  and  the  various  members  of  the  family 
respectively.  These  observations  will  help  me  in  the 
difficult  task  I  am  about  to  undertake,  by  aiding 
me  to  recall  the  impressions  of  the  last  twelve  years. 
I  shall  begin  with  Bonaparte  himself.  I  am  far  from 
saying  that  he  always  appeared  to  me  in  the  light  in 
which  I  see  him  now;  my  opinions  have  progressed, 
even  as  he  did ;  but  I  am  so  far  from  being  influenced 
by  personal  feelings,  that  I  do  not  think  it  is  possible 
for  me  to  deviate  from  the  exact  truth. 

Napoleon  Bonaparte  is  of  low  stature,  and  rather 
ill-proportioned ;  his  bust  is  too  long,  and  so  shortens 
the  rest  of  his  figure.  He  has  thin  chestnut  hair,  his 
eyes  are  grayish  blue,  and  his  skin,  which  was  yellow 
while  he  was  slight,  became  in  later  years  a  dead  white 
without  any  color.  His  forehead,  the  setting  of  his 
eye,  the  line  of  his  nose — all  that  is  beautiful,  and 
reminds  one  of  an  antique  medallion.  His  mouth, 
which  is  thin-lipped,  becomes  agreeable  when  he 

65 


66  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

laughs;  the  teeth  are  regular.  His  chin  is  short,  and 
his  jaw  heavy  and  square.  He  has  well-formed  hands 
and  feet;  I  mention  them  particularly,  because  he 
thought  a  good  deal  of  them. 

He  has  an  habitual  slight  stoop.  His  eyes  are  dull, 
giving  in  his  face  when  in  repose  a  melancholy  and 
meditative  expression.  When  he  is  excited  with  anger 
his  looks  are  fierce  and  menacing.  Laughter  becomes 
him;  it  makes  him  look  more  youthful  and  less  formi- 
dable. It  is  difficult  not  to  like  him  when  he  laughs,  his 
countenance  improves  so  much.  He  was  always 
simple  in  his  dress,  and  generally  wore  the  uniform  of 
his  own  guard.  He  was  cleanly  rather  from  habit 
than  from  a  liking  for  cleanliness;  he  bathed  often, 
sometimes  in  the  middle  of  the  night,  because  he 
thought  the  practice  good  for  his  health.  But,  apart 
from  this,  the  precipitation  with  which  he  did  every- 
thing did  not  admit  of  his  clothes  being  put  on  care- 
fully; and  on  gala  days  and  full-dress  occasions  his 
servants  were  obliged  to  consult  together  as  to  when 
they  might  snatch  a  moment  to  dress  him. 

He  could  not  endure  the  wearing  of  ornaments ;  the 
slightest  constraint  was  insupportable  to  him.  He 
would  tear  off  or  break  anything  that  gave  him  the 
least  annoyance;  and  sometimes  the  poor  valet  who 
had  occasioned  him  a  passing  inconvenience  would 
receive  violent  proof  of  his  anger.  I  have  said  there 
was  a  sort  of  fascination  in  the  smile  of  Bonaparte; 
but,  during  all  the  time  I  was  in  the  habit  of  seeing 
him,  he  rarely  put  forth  that  charm.  Gravity  was  the 
foundation  of  his  character;  not  the  gravity  of  a 
dignified  and  noble  manner,  but  that  which  arises  from 
profound  thought.  In  his  youth  he  was  a  dreamer; 
later  in  life  he  became  a  moody,  and  later  still  an 
habitually  ill-tempered  man.  When  I  first  began  to 
know  him  well,  he  was  exceedingly  fond  of  all  that 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  67 

induces  reverie — Ossian,  the  twilight,  melancholy 
music.  I  have  seen  him  enraptured  by  the  murmur  of 
the  wind,  I  have  heard  him  talk  with  enthusiasm  of 
the  moaning  of  the  sea,  and  he  was  tempted  some- 
times to  believe  that  nocturnal  apparitions  were  not 
beyond  the  bounds  of  possibility;  in  fact,  he  had  a 
leaning  to  certain  superstitions.  When,  on  leaving 
his  study  in  the  evening,  he  went  into  Mme.  Bona- 
parte's drawing-room,  he  would  sometimes  have  the 
candles  shaded  with  white  gauze,  desire  us  to  keep 
profound  silence,  and  amuse  himself  by  telling  or 
hearing  ghost  stories :  or  he  would  listen  to  soft,  sweet 
music  executed  by  Italian  singers,  accompanied  only 
by  a  few  instruments  lightly  touched.  Then  he  would 
fall  into  a  reverie  which  all  respected,  no  one  venturing 
to  move  or  stir  from  his  or  her  place.  When  he 
aroused  himself  from  that  state,  which  seemed  to 
procure  him  a  sort  of  repose,  he  was  generally  more 
serene  and  more  communicative.  He  liked  then  to 
talk  about  the  sensations  he  had  experienced.  He 
would  explain  the  effect  music  had  upon  him;  he 
always  preferred  that  of  Paisiello,  because  he  said  it 
was  monotonous,  and  that  impressions  which  repeat 
themselves  are  the  only  ones  that  take  possession  of  us. 
The  geometrical  turn  of  his  mind  disposed  him  to 
analyze  even  his  emotions.  No  man  has  ever  medi- 
tated more  deeply  than  Bonaparte  on  the  "  where- 
fore "  that  rules  human  actions.  Always  aiming  at 
something,  even  in  the  least  important  acts  of  his  life, 
always  laying  bare  to  himself  a  secret  motive  for  each 
of  them,  he  could  never  understand  that  natural  non- 
chalance which  leads  some  persons  to  act  without  a 
project  and  without  an  aim.  He  always  judged  others 
by  himself,  and  was  often  mistaken,  his  conclusions 
and  the  actions  which  ensued  upon  them  both  proving 
erroneous. 
Vol.  9  C — Memoirs 


68  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

Bonaparte  was  deficient  in  education  and  in  man- 
ners; it  seemed  as  if  he  must  have  been  destined  either 
to  live  in  a  tent  where  all  men  are  equal,  or  upon  a 
throne  where  everything  is  permitted.  He  did  not 
know  how  either  to  enter  or  to  leave  a  room;  he  did 
not  know  how  to  make  a  bow,  how  to  rise,  or  how  to 
sit  down.  His  questions  were  abrupt,  and  so  also  was* 
his  manner  of  speech.  Spoken  by  him,  Italian  loses 
all  its  grace  and  sweetness.  Whatever  language  he 
speaks,  it  seems  always  to  be  a  foreign  tongue  to  him ; 
he  appears  to  force  it  to  express  his  thoughts.  And 
then,  as  any  rigid  rule  becomes  an  insupportable 
annoyance  to  him,  every  liberty  which  he  takes  pleases 
him  as  though  it  were  a  victory,  and  he  would  never 
yield  even  to  grammar.  He  used  to  say  that  in  his 
youth  he  had  liked  reading  romances  as  well  as  study- 
ing the  exact  sciences ;  and  probably  he  was  influenced 
by  so  incongruous  a  mixture.  Unfortunately,  he  had 
met  with  the  worst  kind  of  romances,  and  retained  so 
keen  a  remembrance  of  the  pleasure  they  had  given 
him  that,  when  he  married  the  Archduchess  Marie 
Louise,  he  gave  her  "  Hippolyte,  Comte  de  Douglas." 
and  "Les  Contemporains,"  so  that,  as  he  said,  she 
might  form  an  idea  of  refined  feeling,  and  also  of  the 
customs  of  society. 

In  trying  to  depict  Bonaparte,  it  would  be  necessary, 
following  the  analytical  forms  of  which  he  was  so 
fond,  to  separate  into  three  very  distinct  parts  his 
soul,  his  heart,  and  his  mind ;  for  no  one  of  these  ever 
blended  completely  with  the  others.  Although  very 
remarkable  for  certain  intellectual  qualities,  no  man, 
it  must  be  allowed,  was  ever  less  lofty  of  soul.  There 
was  no  generosity,  no  true  greatness  in  him.  I  have 
never  known  him  to  admire,  I  have  never  known  him 
to  comprehend,  a  fine  action.  He  always  regarded 
every  indication  of  a  good  feeling  with  suspicion;  he 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  69 

did  not  value  sincerity ;  and  he  did  not  hesitate  to  say 
that  he  recognized  the  superiority  of  a  man  by  the 
greater  or  less  degree  of  cleverness  with  which  he  used 
the  art  of  lying.  On  the  occasion  of  his  saying  this, 
he  added,  with  great  complacency,  that  when  he  was 
a  child  one  of  his  uncles  had  predicted  that  he  should 
govern  the  world,  because  he  was  an  habitual  liar. 
"  M.  de  Metternich,"  he  added,  "  approaches  to  being 
a  statesman — he  lies  very  well." 

All  Bonaparte's  methods  of  government  were 
selected  from  among  those  which  have  a  tendency  to 
debase  men.  He  dreaded  the  ties  of  affection;  he 
endeavored  to  isolate  every  one ;  he  never  sold  a  favor 
without  awakening  a  sense  of  uneasiness,  for  he  held 
that  the  true  way  to  attach  the  recipients  to  himself 
was  by  compromising  them,  and  often  even  by  blasting 
them  in  public  opinion.  He  could  not  pardon  virtue 
until  he  had  succeeded  in  weakening  its  effect  by  ridi- 
cule. He  can  not  be  said  to  have  truly  loved  glory, 
for  he  never  hesitated  to  prefer  success  to  it;  thus, 
although  he  was  audacious  in  good  fortune,  and 
although  he  pushed  it  to  its  utmost  limits,  he  was  timid 
and  troubled  when  threatened  with  reverses.  Of  gen- 
erous courage  he  was  not  capable;  and,  indeed,  on 
that  head  one  would  hardly  venture  to  tell  the  truth 
so  plainly  as  he  has  told  it  himself,  by  an  admission 
recorded  in  an  anecdote  which  I  have  never  forgotten. 
One  day,  after  his  defeat  at  Leipsic,  and  when,  as  he 
was  about  to  return  to  Paris,  he  was  occupied  in  col- 
lecting the  remains  of  his  army  for  the  defense  of  our 
frontiers,  he  was  talking  to  M.  de  Talleyrand  of  the 
ill  success  of  the  Spanish  war,  and  of  the  difficulty  in 
which  it  had  involved  him.  He  spoke  openly  of  his 
own  position,  not  with  the  noble  frankness  that  does 
not  fear  to  own  a  fault,  but  with  that  haughty  sense 
of  superiority  which  releases  one  from  the  necessity 


70  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

of  dissimulation.  At  this  interview,  in  the  midst  of 
his  plain  speaking,  M.  de  Talleyrand  said  to  him  sud- 
denly, "  But  how  is  it?  You  consult  me  as  if  we  had 
not  quarreled." 

Bonaparte  answered,  "  Ah,  circumstances !  circum- 
stances! Let  us  leave  the  past  and  the  future  alone. 
I  want  to  hear  what  you  think  of  the  present  moment." 

"  Well,"  replied  M.  de  Talleyrand,  "  there  is  only 
one  thing  you  can  do.  You  have  made  a  mistake :  you 
must  say  so ;  try  to  say  so  nobly.  Proclaim,  therefore, 
that  being  a  King  by  the  choice  of  the  people,  elected 
by  the  nations,  it  has  never  been  your  design  to  set 
yourself  against  them.  Say  that,  when  you  began  the 
war  with  Spain,  you  believed  you  were  about  to  deliver 
the  people  from  the  yoke  of  an  odious  minister,  who 
was  encouraged  by  the  weakness  of  his  prince;  but 
that,  on  closer  observation,  you  perceive  that  the  Span- 
iards, although  aware  of  the  faults  of  their  King,  are 
none  the  less  attached  to  his  dynasty,  which  you  are 
therefore  about  to  restore  to  them,  so  that  it  may  not 
be  said  you  ever  opposed  a  national  aspiration.  After 
that  proclamation,  restore  King  Ferdinand  to  liberty, 
and  withdraw  your  troops.  Such  an  avowal,  made  in 
a  lofty  tone,  and  when  the  enemy  are  still  hesitating 
on  our  frontier,  can  only  do  you  honor;  and  you  are 
still  too  strong  for  it  to  be  regarded  as  a  cowardly  act." 

"A  cowardly  act!  "  replied  Bonaparte;  "  what  does 
that  matter  to  me?  Understand  that  I  should  not  fail 
to  commit  one,  if  it  were  useful  to  me.  In  reality, 
there  is  nothing  really  noble  or  base  in  this  world;  I 
have  in  my  character  all  that  can  contribute  to  secure 
my  power,  and  to  deceive  those  who  think  they  know 
me.  Frankly,  I  am  base,  essentially  base.  I  give  you 
my  word  that  I  should  feel  no  repugnance  to  commit 
what  would  be  called  by  the  world  a  dishonorable 
action ;  my  secret  tendencies,  which  are,  after  all,  those 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  71 

of  nature,  opposed  to  certain  affectations  of  greatness 
with  which  I  have  to  adorn  myself,  give  me  infinite 
resources  with  which  to  baffle  every  one.  Therefore, 
all  I  have  to  do  now  is  to  consider  whether  your  advice 
agrees  with  my  present  policy,  and  to  try  and  find  out 
besides,"  he  added  (says  M.  de  Talleyrand),  with  a 
satanic  smile,  "  whether  you  have  not  some  private 
interest  in  urging  me  to  take  this  step." 

Another  anecdote  which  bears  on  the  same  charac- 
teristic will  not  be  out  of  place  here.  Bonaparte,  w^hen 
on  the  point  of  setting  out  for  Egypt,  went  to  see  M. 
de  Talleyrand,  then  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  under 
the  Directory.  "  I  was  in  bed,  being  ill,"  said  M.  de 
Talleyrand.  "  Bonaparte  sat  down  near  me,  and 
divulged  to  me  all  the  dreams  of  his  youthful  imagina- 
tion. I  was  interested  in  him  because  of  the  activity 
of  his  mind,  and  also  on  account  of  the  obstacles  which 
I  was  aware  would  be  placed  in  his  way  by  secret 
enemies  of  whom  I  knewr.  He  told  me  of  the  difficulty 
in  which  he  was  placed  for  want  of  money,  and  that 
he  did  not  know  where  to  get  any.  '  Stay,'  I  said  to 
him ;  '  open  my  desk.  You  will  find  there  a  hundred 
thousand  francs  that  belong  to  me.  They  are  yours 
for  the  present;  you  may  repay  the  money  when  you 
return.'  Bonaparte  threw  himself  on  my  neck,  and  I 
was  really  delighted  to  witness  his  joy.  When  he 
became  Consul,  he  gave  me  back  the  money  I  had  lent 
him ;  but  he  asked  me  one  day,  '  What  interest  could 
you  have  had  in  lending  me  that  money?  I  have 
thought  about  it  a  hundred  times  since  then,  and  have 
never  been  able  to  make  out  your  object.'  '  I  had 
none.'  I  replied.  '  I  was  feeling  very  ill :  it  was  quite 
possible  I  might  never  see  you  again;  but  you  were 
young,  you  had  impressed  me  very  strongly,  and  I 
felt  impelled  to  render  you  a  service  without  any  after- 
thought whatsoever.'  '  In  that  case,'  said  Bonaparte, 


72  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

*  and  if  it  was  really  done  without  any  design,  you 
acted  a  dupe's  part' ' 

According  to  the  order  I  have  laid  down,  I  ought 
now  to  speak  of  Bonaparte's  heart;  but,  if  it  were 
possible  to  believe  that  a  being,  in  every  other  way 
similar  to  ourselves,  could  exist  without  that  portion 
of  our  organization  which  makes  us  desire  to  love  and 
to  be  loved,  I  should  say  that  in  his  creation  the  heart 
was  left  out.  Perhaps,  however,  the  truth  was  that 
he  succeeded  in  suppressing  it  completely.  He  was 
always  too  much  engrossed  by  himself  to  be  influenced 
by  any  sentiment  of  affection,  no  matter  of  what  kind. 
He  almost  ignored  the  ties  of  blood  and  the  rights  of 
nature;  I  do  not  know  that  even  paternity  weighed 
with  him.  It  seemed,  at  least,  that  he  did  not  regard 
it  as  his  primary  relation  with  his  son.  One  day,  at 
breakfast,  when,  as  was  often  the  case,  Talma  had 
been  admitted  to  see  him,  the  young  Napoleon  was 
brought  to  him.  The  Emperor  took  the  child  on  his 
knee,  and,  far  from  caressing,  amused  himself  by 
slapping  him,  though  not  so  as  to  hurt  him ;  then,  turn- 
ing to  Talma,  he  said,  "  Talma,  tell  me  what  I  am 
doing?"  Talma,  as  may  be  supposed,  did  not  know 
what  to  say.  "  You  do  not  see  it,"  continued  the 
Emperor;  "  I  am  slapping  a  King." 

Notwithstanding  his  habitual  hardness,  Bonaparte 
was  not  entirely  without  experience  of  love.  But, 
good  heavens !  what  manner  of  sentiment  was  it  in  his 
case?  A  sensitive  person  forgets  self  in  love,  and 
becomes  almost  transformed;  but  to  a  man  of  the 
stamp  of  Bonaparte  it  only  supplies  an  additional  sort 
of  despotism.  The  Emperor  despised  women,  and 
contempt  can  not  exist  together  with  love.  He  re- 
garded their  weakness  as  an  unanswerable  proof  of 
their  inferiority,  and  the  power  they  have  acquired  in 
society  as  an  intolerable  usurpation— a  result  and  an 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  73 

abuse  of  the  progress  of  that  civilization  which,  as  M, 
de  Talleyrand  said,  was  always  his  personal  enemy. 
On  this  account  Bonaparte  was  under  restraint  in  the 
society  of  women ;  and,  as  every  kind  of  restraint  put 
him  out  of  humor,  he  was  always  awkward  in  their 
presence,  and  never  knew  how  to  talk  to  them.  It  is 
true  that  the  women  with  whom  he  was  acquainted 
were  not  calculated  to  change  his  views  of  the  sex. 
We  may  easily  imagine  the  nature  of  his  youthful 
experiences.  In  Italy  morals  were  utterly  depraved, 
and  the  general  licentiousness  was  augmented  by  the 
presence  of  the  French  army.  When  he  returned  to 
France  society  was  entirely  broken  up  and  dispersed. 
The  circle  that  surrounded  the  Directory  was  a  corrupt 
one,  and  the  Parisian  women  to  whose  society  he  was 
admitted  were  vain  and  frivolous,  the  wives  of  men 
of  business  and  contractors.  When  he  became  Consul, 
and  made  his  generals  and  his  aides-de-camp  marry, 
or  ordered  them  to  bring  their  wives  to  Court,  the 
only  women  he  had  about  him  were  timid  and  silent 
girls,  newly  married,  or  the  wives  of  his  former  com- 
rades, suddenly  withdrawn  from  obscurity  by  the  good 
fortune  of  their  husbands,  and  ill  able  to  conform  to 
the  change  in  their  position. 

I  am  disposed  to  believe  that  Bonaparte,  almost 
always  exclusively  occupied  by  politics,  was  never 
awakened  to  love  except  by  vanity.  He  thought  noth- 
ing of  a  woman  except  while  she  was  beautiful,  or  at 
least  young.  He  would  probably  have  been  willing  to 
subscribe  to  the  doctrine  that,  in  a  well-organized 
country,  we  should  be  killed — just  as  certain  kinds  of 
insects  are  destined  by  nature  to  a  speedy  death,  so 
soon  as  they  have  accomplished  the  task  of  maternity. 
Yet  Bonaparte  had  some  affection  for  his  first  wife; 
and,  if  he  was  ever  really  stirred  by  any  emotion,  it 
was  by  her  and  for  her.  Even  a  Bonaparte  can  not 


74  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

completely  escape  from  every  influence,  and  a  man's 
character  is  composed,  not  of  what  he  is  always,  but 
of  what  he  is  most  frequently. 

Bonaparte  was  young  when  he  first  made  the  ac- 
quaintance of  Mme.  de  Beauharnais,  who  was  greatly 
superior  to  the  rest  of  the  circle  in  which  she  moved, 
both  by  reason  of  the  name  she  bore  and  from  the 
elegance  of  her  manners.  She  attached  herself  to 
him,  and  flattered  his  pride;  she  procured  him  a  step 
in  rank;  he  became  accustomed  to  associate  the  idea 
of  her  influence  with  every  piece  of  good  fortune 
which  befell  him.  This  superstition,  which  she  kept 
up  very  cleverly,  exerted  great  power  over  him  for  a 
long  time;  it  even  induced  him  more  than  once  to 
delay  the  execution  of  his  projects  of  divorce.  When 
he  married  Mme.  de  Beauharnais,  Bonaparte  believed 
that  he  was  allying  himself  to  a  very  great  lady;  his 
marriage,  therefore,  was  one  conquest  the  more.  I 
shall  give  further  details  of  the  charm  she  exercised 
over  him  when  I  have  to  speak  more  particularly  of 
her. 

.  Notwithstanding  his  preference  for  her,  I  have  seen 
him  in  love  two  or  three  times,  and  it  was  on  these 
occasions  that  he  exhibited  the  full  measure  of  the 
despotism  of  his  character.  How  irritated  he  became 
at  the  least  obstacle!  How  roughly  he  put  aside  the 
jealous  remonstrances  of  his  wife!  "  It  is  your  place," 
he  said,  "  to  submit  to  all  my  fancies,  and  you  ought 
to  think  it  quite  natural  that  I  should  allow  myself 
amusements  of  this  kind.  I  have  a  right  to  answer 
all  your  complaints  by  an  eternal  I.  I  am  a  person 
apart;  I  will  not  be  dictated  to  by  any  one."  But  he 
soon  began  to  desire  to  exercise  over  the  object  of  his 
passing  preference  an  authority  equal  to  that  by  which 
he  silenced  his  wife.  Astonished  that  any  one  shouldj 
have  any  ascendancy  over  him,  he  speedily  became 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  75 

angry  with  the  audacious  individual,  and  he  would 
abruptly  get  rid  of  the  object  of  his  brief  passion, 
having  let  the  public  into  the  transparent  secret  of  his 
success. 

The  intellect  of  Bonaparte  was  most  remarkable. 
It  would  be  difficult,  I  think,  to  find  among  men  a 
more  powerful  or  comprehensive  mind.  It  owed 
nothing  to  education;  for,  in  reality,  he  was  ignorant, 
reading  but  little,  and  that  hurriedly.  But  he  quickly 
seized  upon  the  little  he  learned,  and  his  imagination 
developed  it  so  extensively  that  he  might  easily  have 
passed  for  a  well-educated  man. 

His  intellectual  capacity  seemed  to  be  vast,  from  the 
number  of  subjects  he  could  take  in  and  classify 
without  fatigue.  With  him  one  idea  gave  birth  to  a 
thousand,  and  a  word  would  lift  his  conversation  into 
elevated  regions  of  fancy,  in  which  exact  logic  did 
not  indeed  keep  him  company,  but  in  which  his  intel- 
lect never  failed  to  shine. 

It  was  always  a  great,  pleasure  to  me  to  hear  him 
talk,  or  rather  to  hear  him  hold  forth,  for  his  con- 
versation was  composed  generally  of  long  mono- 
logues ;  not  that  he  objected  to  replies  when  he  was  in 
a  good  humor,  but,  for  many  reasons,  it  was  not 
always  easy  to  answer  him.  His  Court,  which  for  a 
long  time  was  entirely  military,  listened  to  his  least 
word  with  the  respect  that  is  paid  to  the  word  of 
command;  and  afterward  it  became  so  numerous  that 
any  individual  undertaking  to  refute  him,  or  to  carry 
on  a  dialogue  with  him,  felt  like  an  actor  before  an 
audience.  I  have  said  that  he  spoke  badly,  but  his 
language  was  generally  animated  and  brilliant;  his 
grammatical  inaccuracies  sometimes  lent  his  sentences 
an  unexpected  strength,  very  suitable  to  the  originality 
of  his  ideas.  He  required  no  interlocutor  to  warm  him 
up.  He  would  dash  into  a  subject,  and  go  on  for  a 


76  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

long  time,  careful  to  notice,  however,  whether  he  was 
followed,  and  pleased  with  those  who  comprehended 
and  applauded  him.  Formerly,  to  know  how  to  listen 
to  him  was  a  sure  and  easy  way  of  pleasing  him.  Like 
an  actor  who  becomes  excited  by  the  effect  he  pro- 
duces, Bonaparte  enjoyed  the  admiration  he  watched 
for  closely  in  the  faces  of  his  audience.  I  remember 
well  how,  because  he  interested  me  very  much  when 
he  spoke,  and  I  listened  to  him  with  pleasure,  he 
proclaimed  me  a  woman  of  intellect,  although  at  that 
time  I  had  not  addressed  two  consecutive  sentences  to 
him. 

He  was  very  fond  of  talking  about  himself,  and 
criticised  himself  on  certain  points,  just  as  another 
person  might  have  done.  Rather  than  fail  to  make 
the  most  out  of  his  own  character,  he  would  not  have 
hesitated  to  subject  it  to  the  most  searching  analysis. 
He  used  often  to  say  that  a  real  politician  knows  how 
to  calculate  even  the  smallest  profits  that  he  can  make 
out  of  his  defects;  and  M.  de  Talleyrand  carried  that 
reflection  even  further.  I  once  heard  him  say,  "  That 
devil  of  a  man  deceives  one  on  all  points.  His  very 
passions  mislead,  for  he  manages  to  dissemble  them 
even  when  they  really  exist."  I  can  recall  an  incident 
which  will  show  how,  when  he  found  it  useful,  he 
could  pass  from  the  most  complete  calm  to  the  most 
violent  anger. 

A  little  while  before  our  last  rupture  with  England, 
a  rumor  was  spread  that  war  was  about  to  recom- 
mence, and  that  the  ambassador,  Lord  Whitworth, 
was  preparing  to  leave  Paris.  Once  a  month  the  First 
Consul  was  in  the  habit  of  receiving,  in  Mme.  Bona- 
narte's  apartments,  the  ambassadors  and  their  wives. 
This  reception  was  held  in  great  pomp.  The  foreign- 
ers were  ushered  into  a  drawing-room,  and  when  they 
were  all  there  the  First  Consul  would  appear,  accom- 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  77 

panied  by  his  wife.  Both  were  attended  by  a  prefect 
and  a  lady  of  the  palace.  To  each  of  them  the  am- 
bassadors and  their  wives  were  introduced  by  name. 
Mme.  Bonaparte  would  take  a  seat;  the  First  Consul 
would  keep  up  the  conversation  for  a  longer  or  a 
shorter  time,  according  to  his  convenience,  and  then 
withdraw  with  a  slight  bow.  A  few  days  before  the 
breach  of  the  peace,  the  Corps  Diplomatique  had  met 
as  usual  at  the  Tuileries.  While  they  were  waiting, 
I  went  to  Mme.  Bonaparte's  apartment,  and  entered 
the  dressing-room,  where  she  was  finishing  her  toilet. 

The  First  Consul  was  sitting  on  the  floor,  playing 
with  little  Napoleon,  the  eldest  son  of  his  brother 
Louis.  He  presently  began  to  criticise  his  wife's  dress, 
and  also  mine,  giving  us  his  opinion  on  every  detail  of 
our  costume.  He  seemed  to  be  in  the  best  possible 
humor.  I  remarked  this,  and  said  to  him  that,  judging 
by  appearances,  the  letters  the  ambassadors  would 
have  to  write,  after  the  approaching  audience,  would 
breathe  nothing  but  peace  and  concord.  Bonaparte 
laughed,  and  went  on  playing  with  his  little  nephew. 

By-and-by  he  was  told  that  the  company  had 
arrived.  Then  he  rose  quickly,  the  gayety  vanished 
from  his  face,  and  I  was  struck  by  the  severe  expres- 
sion that  suddenly  replaced  it :  he  seemed  to  grow  pale 
at  will,  his  features  contracted;  and  all  this  in  less 
time  than  it  takes  me  to  describe  it.  "Let  us  go, 
mesdames,"  said  he,  in  a  troubled  voice;  and  then  he 
walked  on  quickly,  entered  the  drawing-room,  and, 
without  bowing  to  any  one,  advanced  to  the  English 
ambassador.  To  him  he  began  to  complain  bitterly  of 
the  proceedings  of  his  Government  His  anger  seemed 
to  increase  every  minute;  it  soon  reached  a  height 
which  terrified  the  assembly;  the  hardest  words,  the 
most  violent  threats,  were  poured  forth  by  his  trem- 
bling lips.  No  one  dared  to  move.  Mme.  Bonaparte 


78  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

and  I  looked  at  each  other,  dumb  with  astonishment, 
and  every  one  trembled.  The  impassibility  of  the 
Englishman  was  even  disconcerted,  and  it  was  with 
difficulty  he  could  find  words  to  answer. 

Another  anecdote  which  sounds  strange,  but  is  very 
characteristic,  proves  how  completely  he  could  com- 
mand himself  when  he  chose  to  do  so. 

When  he  was  traveling,  or  even  during  a  campaign, 
he  never  failed  to  indulge  in  gallantries  which  he 
regarded  as  a  short  respite  from  business  or  battles. 
His  brother-in-law  Murat,  and  his  grand-marshal 
Duroc,  were  charged  with  the  task  of  procuring  him 
the  means  of  gratifying  his  passing  fancies.  On  the 
occasion  of  his  first  entry  into  Poland,  Murat,  who 
had  preceded  him  to  Warsaw,  was  ordered  to  find  for 
the  Emperor,  who  would  shortly  arrive,  a  young  and 
pretty  mistress,  and  to  select  her  from  among  the 
nobility.  He  acquitted  himself  cleverly  of  this  com- 
mission, and  induced  a  noble  young  Polish  lady,  who 
was  married  to  an  old  man,  to  comply  with  the 
Emperor's  wishes.  No  one  knows  what  means  he 
employed,  or  what  were  his  promises;  but  at  last  the 
lady  consented  to  go  in  the  evening  to  the  castle  near 
Warsaw,  where  the  Emperor  was  lodged. 

The  fair  one  arrived  rather  late  at  her  destination. 
She  has  herself  narrated  this  adventure,  and  she  ac- 
knowledges, what  we  can  readily  believe,  that  she 
arrived  agitated  and  trembling. 

The  Emperor  was  in  his  cabinet.  The  lady's  arrival 
was  announced  to  him;  but,  without  disturbing  him- 
self, he  ordered  her  to  be  conducted  to  her  apartment, 
and  offered  supper  and  a  bath,  adding  that  afterward 
she  might  retire  to  rest  if  she  chose.  Then  he  quietly 
went  on  writing  until  a  late  hour  at  night. 

At  last,  his  business  being  finished,  he  proceeded  to 
the  apartment  where  he  had  been  so  long  waited  for, 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  79 

and  presented  himself  with  all  the  manner  of  a  master 
who  disdains  useless  preliminaries.  Without  losing  a 
moment,  he  began  a  singular  conversation  on  the 
political  situation  of  Poland,  questioning  the  young 
lady  as  if  she  had  been  a  police  agent,  and  demanding 
some  very  circumstantial  information  respecting  the 
great  Polish  nobles  who  were  then  in  Warsaw.  He 
inquired  particularly  into  their  opinions  and  their 
present  interests,  and  prolonged  this  extraordinary 
interrogatory  for  a  long  time.  The  astonishment  of  a 
woman  twenty  years  of  age,  who  was  not  prepared  for 
such  a  cross-examination,  may  be  imagined.  She 
answered  him  as  well  as  she  could,  and  only  when  she 
could  tell  him  no  more  did  he  seem  to  remember  that 
Murat  had  promised,  in  his  name,  an  interview  of  a 
more  tender  nature. 

This  extraordinary  wooing  did  not,  however,  pre- 
vent the  young  Polish  lady  from  becoming  attached 
to  the  Emperor,  for  their  liaison  was  prolonged  during 
several  campaigns.  Afterward  the  fair  Pole  came  to 
Paris,  where  a  son  was  born,  who  became  the  object 
of  the  hopes  of  Poland,  the  rallying  point  of  Polish 
dreams  of  independence. 

I  saw  his  mother  when  she  was  presented  at  the 
Imperial  Court,  where  she  at  first  excited  the  jealousy 
of  Mme.  Bonaparte;  but  after  the  divorce  she  became 
the  intimate  friend  of  the  repudiated  Empress  at 
Malmaison,  whither  she  often  brought  her  son.  It  is 
said  that  she  was  faithful  to  the  Emperor  in  his  mis- 
fortunes, and  that  she  visited  him  more  than  once  at 
the  Isle  of  Elba.  He  found  her  again  in  France  when 
he  made  his  last  and  fatal  appearance  there.  But, 
after  his  second  fall  (I  do  not  know  at  what  time  she 
became  a  widow),  she  married  again,  and  she  died  in 
Paris  this  year  (1818).  I  had  these  details  from  M. 
de  Talleyrand. 


8o  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

I  will  now  resume  my  sketch.  Bonaparte  carried 
selfishness  so  far  that  it  was  not  easy  to  move  him 
about  anything  that  did  not  concern  himself.  He 
was,  however,  occasionally  surprised,  as  it  were,  into 
impulses  of  tenderness;  but  they  were  very  fugitive, 
and  always  ended  in  ill  humor.  It  was  not  uncommon 
to  see  him  moved  even  to  the  point  of  shedding  a  few 
tears;  they  seemed  to  arise  from  nervous  irritation, 
of  which  they  became  the  crisis.  "  I  have,"  he  said, 
"  very  unmanageable  nerves,  and  at  these  times,  if  my 
blood  did  not  always  flow  slowly,  I  think  I  should  be 
very  likely  to  go  mad."  I  know,  indeed,  from  Corvi- 
sart,  that  his  pulse  beat  more  slowly  than  is  usual  for 
a  man's.  Bonaparte  never  felt  what  is  commonly 
called  giddiness,  and  he  always  said  that  the  expres- 
sion, "  My  head  is  going  round,"  conveyed  no  mean- 
ing to  him.  It  was  not  only  from  the  ease  with  which 
he  yielded  to  all  his  impulses  that  he  often  used  lan- 
guage which  was  painful  and  distressing  to  those 
whom  he  addressed,  but  also  because  he  felt  a  secret 
pleasure  in  exciting  fear,  and  in  harassing  the  more 
or  less  trembling  individuals  before  him.  He  held 
that  uncertainty  stimulates  zeal,  and  therefore  he 
rarely  displayed  satisfaction  with  either  persons  or 
things.  Admirably  served,  always  obeyed  on  the 
moment,  he  would  still  find  fault,  and  keep  everybody 
in  the  palace  in  dread  of  his  displeasure  about  some 
small  detail.  If  the  easy  flow  of  his  conversation  had 
established  for  the  time  a  sense  of  ease,  he  would 
suddenly  imagine  that  it  might  be  abused,  and  by  a 
hard  and  imperious  word  put  the  person  whom  he  had 
welcomed  and  encouraged  in  his  or  her  place — that  is 
to  say,  in  fear.  He  hated  repose  for  himself  and 
grudged  it  to  others.  When  M.  de  Remusat  had 
arranged  one  of  those  magnificent  fetes  where  all  the 
arts  were  laid  under  contribution  for  his  pleasure,  I 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  81 

was  never  asked  whether  the  Emperor  was  pleased, 
but  whether  he  had  grumbled  more  or  less.  His 
service  was  the  severest  of  toil.  He  has  been  heard 
to  say,  in  one  of  those  moments  when  the  strength  of 
conviction  appeared  to  weigh  upon  him,  "  The  truly 
happy  man  is  he  who  hides  from  me  in  the  country, 
and  when  I  die  the  world  will  utter  a  great  '  Ouf! ' 

I  have  said  that  Bonaparte  was  incapable  of  gener- 
osity; and  yet  his  gifts  were  immense,  and  the  rewards 
he  bestowed  gigantic.  But,  when  he  paid  for  a  service, 
he  made  it  plain  that  he  expected  to  buy  another,  and 
a  vague  uneasiness  as  to  the  conditions  of  the  bargain 
always  remained.  There  was  also  a  good  deal  of 
caprice  in  his  gifts,  so  that  they  rarely  excited  grati- 
tude. Moreover,  he  required  that  the  money  he  dis- 
tributed should  all  be  expended,  and  he  rather  liked 
people  to  contract  debts,  because  it  kept  them  in  a 
state  of  dependence.  His  wife  gave  him  complete 
satisfaction  in  the  latter  particular,  and  he  would 
never  put  her  affairs  in  order,  so  that  he  might  keep 
the  power  of  making  her  uneasy  in  his  hands.  At  one 
time  he  settled  a  considerable  revenue  on  M.  de 
Remusat,  that  we  might  keep  what  is  called  open 
house,  and  receive  a  great  many  foreigners.  We  were 
very  exact  in  the  first  expenses  demanded  by  a  great 
establishment.  A  little  while  after,  I  had  the  misfor- 
tune to  lose  my  mother,  and  was  forced  to  close  my 
house.  The  Emperor  then  rescinded  all  his  gifts,  on 
the  ground  that  we  could  not  keep  the  engagement  we 
had  made,  and  he  left  us  in  what  was  really  a  position 
of  embarrassment,  caused  entirely  by  his  fugitive  and 
burdensome  gifts.  I  pause  here.  If  I  carry  out  the 
plan  I  have  formed,  my  memory,  carefully  consulted, 
will  furnish  me  by  degrees  with  other  anecdotes  which 
will  complete  this  sketch.  What  I  have  already 
written  will  suffice  to  convey  an  idea  of  the  character 


82  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

of  him  with  whom  circumstances  connected  the  best 
years  of  my  life. 

BONAPARTE'S  MOTHER 

Mme.  Bonaparte  (nee  Ramolini)  was  married  in 
1767  to  Charles  Bonaparte,  who  belonged  to  one  of 
the  noble  families  of  Corsica.  It  is  said  that  there 
had  been  a  liaison  between  her  and  M.  de  Marbeuf, 
governor  of  the  island;  and  some  went  so  far  as  to 
allege  that  Napoleon  was  the  son  of  M.  de  Marbeuf. 
It  is  certain  that  he  always  showed  kindness  to  the 
family  of  Marbeuf.  However  that  may  have  been, 
the  governor  had  Napoleon  Bonaparte  included  among 
the  number  of  noble  children  who  were  to  be  sent 
from  Corsica  to  France,  to  be  educated  at  a  military 
school.  He  was  placed  at  that  of  Brienne. 

The  English  having  become  masters  of  Corsica  in 
1790,  Mme.  Bonaparte,  a  rich  widow,  retired  to  Mar- 
seilles with  her  other  children.  Their  education  had 
been  much  neglected,  and,  if  we  are  to  accept  the 
recollections  of  the  Marseillais  as  evidence,  her  daugh- 
ters had  not  been  brought  up  under  the  strict  rule  of  a 
scrupulous  morality.  The  Emperor,  indeed,  never 
pardoned  the  town  of  Marseilles  for  having  been 
aware  of  the  position  his  family  occupied  at  that 
period,  and  the  disparaging  anecdotes  of  them  impru- 
dently repeated  by  certain  Provengals  seriously  mili- 
tated against  the  interests  of  the  whole  of  Provence. 

The  widowed  Mme.  Bonaparte  established  herself 
at  Paris  on  her  son's  attainment  of  power.  She  lived 
a  retired  life,  amassing  as  much  money  as  possible ; 
she  meddled  in  no  public  matters,  and  neither  had  nor 
wished  to  have  any  influence.  Her  son  overawed 
her,  as  he  did  all  the  rest  of  the  world.  She  was  a 
woman  of  very  ordinary  intelligence,  who,  notwith- 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  83 

standing  the  rank  in  which  events  placed  her,  never 
did  anything  worthy  of  praise.  After  the  fall  of  the 
Empire  she  retired  to  Rome,  where  she  lived  with  her 
brother,  Cardinal  Fesch.  It  is  said  that  he,  in  the 
first  Italian  campaign,  showed  himself  eager  to  profit 
by  the  opportunity  of  founding  his  fortune  which  then 
presented  itself.  He  acquired,  received,  or  even  took, 
it  is  said,  a  considerable  quantity  of  pictures,  statues, 
and  valuable  articles,  which  have  since  served  to 
decorate  his  various  residences.  When  he  afterward 
became  a  Cardinal  and  Archbishop  of  Lyons,  he  de- 
voted himself  wholly  to  the  duties  of  his  two  great 
offices,  and  in  the  end  he  acquired  a  most  honorable 
reputation  among  the  clergy.  He  often  opposed  the 
Emperor  while  his  disputes  with  the  Pope  were  pend- 
ing, and  was  not  one  of  the  least  obstacles  to  the 
execution  of  Bonaparte's  wishes  on  the  occasion  of  the 
futile  attempt  to  hold  a  council  at  Paris.  Either  for 
political  reasons  or  from  religious  motives,  he  made 
some  opposition  to  the  divorce;  at  least,  the  Empress 
Josephine  believed  him  to  have  done  so.  I  shall  go 
more  into  details  on  this  subject  hereafter.  The  Car- 
dinal has,  since  his  retirement  to  Rome,  preserved 
the  unvarying  favor  of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff. 

JOSEPH  BONAPARTE 

Joseph  Bonaparte  was  born  in  1768.  He  has  a 
handsome  face,  is  fond  of  the  society  of  women,  and 
has  always  been  remarkable  for  having  gentler  man- 
ners than  any  of  his  brothers.  Like  them,  however, 
he  affects  astute  duplicity.  His  ambition,  although 
less  developed  than  that  of  Napoleon,  has  nevertheless 
come  out  under  certain  circumstances,  and  he  has 
always  shown  capacity  enough  to  be  master  of  the 
situations  in  which  he  has  been  placed,  difficult  though 


84  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

they  have  often  been.  In  1805  Bonaparte  wished  to 
make  Joseph,  King  of  Italy,  requiring  him,  however, 
to  renounce  all  claim  to  the  succession  to  the  throne 
of  France.  This  Joseph  refused  to  do.  He  always 
adhered  tenaciously  to  what  he  called  his  rights,  and 
believed  himself  destined  to  give  the  French  repose 
from  the  turmoil  in  which  they  were  kept  by  the  over- 
activity  of  his  brother.  He  understood  better  than 
Napoleon  how  to  carry  a  point  by  fair  means,  but  he 
failed  to  inspire  confidence.  He  is  amiable  in  domes- 
tic life;  but  he  did  not  exhibit  much  ability,  either  on 
the  throne  of  Naples  or  on  that  of  Spain.  It  is  true 
he  was  permitted  to  reign  only  as  if  he  were  Napo- 
leon's lieutenant,  and  in  neither  country  did  he  inspire 
personal  esteem  or  arouse  animosity. 

His  wife,  the  daughter  of  a  Marseilles  merchant 
named  Clary,  is  the  simplest  and  the  best  woman  in  the 
world.  Plain,  common-looking,  timid,  and  silent,  she 
attracted  no  attention,  either  at  the  Emperor's  Court, 
or  when  she  successively  wore  those  two  crowns  which 
she  has  apparently  lost  without  regret.  There  are  two 
daughters  by  this  marriage.  The  family  is  now  estab- 
lished in  America.  The  sister  of  Mme.  Bonaparte 
was  married  to  General  Bernadotte,  now  King  of 
Sweden.  She,  who  was  not  a  commonplace  person, 
had  before  her  marriage  been  very  much  in  love  with 
Napoleon,  and  appears  to  have  always  preserved  the 
memory  of  that  feeling.  It  has  been  supposed  that 
her  hardly  extinguished  passion  caused  her  obstinate 
refusal  to  leave  France.  She  lives  in  Paris  at  present, 
where  she  leads  a  very  retired  life. 

LUCIEN  BONAPARTE 

Lucien  Bonaparte  has  a  great  deal  of  ability.  He 
displayed  a  taste  for  the  arts  and  for  certain  kinds  of 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  85 

literature  at  an  early  age.  As  a  deputy  from  Corsica, 
some  of  his  speeches  in  the  Council  of  the  Five  Hun- 
dred were  remarked  at  the  time;  among  others,  that 
which  he  made  on  the  22d  of  September,  1798,  the 
anniversary  of  the  foundation  of  the  Republic.  He 
there  defined  the  oath  that  each  member  of  the  Council 
ought  to  take — to  watch  over  the  constitution  and 
liberty,  and  to  execrate  any  Frenchman  who  should 
endeavor  to  reestablish  royalty.  On  General  Jour- 
dan's  expressing  some  fears  relative  to  the  rumors 
that  the  Council  was  menaced  with  a  speedy  over- 
throw, Lucien  reminded  them  of  the  existence  of  a 
decree  which  pronounced  outlawry  on  all  who  should 
attack  the  inviolability  of  the  national  representation. 
It  is  probable  that  all  the  time  he  had  a  secret  under- 
standing with  his  brother,  and  was  awaiting  like  him 
the  approach  of  the  hour  when  they  might  lay  the 
foundation  for  the  elevation  of  their  family.  There 
were,  however,  some  constitutional  ideas  in  Lucien's 
head;  and,  perhaps,  if  he  had  been  able  to  preserve 
any  influence  over  his  brother,  he  might  have  opposed 
the  indefinite  growth  of  arbitrary  power.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  sending  information  to  Napoleon  in  Egypt 
of  the  state  of  affairs  in  France;  and,  having  thus 
hastened  his  brother's  return,  he  aided  him  effectually, 
as  is  well  known,  in  the  revolution  of  the  i8th 
Brumaire,  1799. 

Lucien  afterward  became  Minister  of  the  Interior, 
then  Ambassador  to  Spain,  and  in  both  capacities  he 
gave  offense  to  the  First  Consul.  Bonaparte  did  not 
like  to  remember  services  which  had  been  rendered  to 
him,  and  Lucien  was  in  the  habit  of  reminding  him  of 
them  in  an  aggressive  manner  during  their  frequent 
altercations. 

While  he  was  in  Spain  he  became  very  intimate 
with  the  Prince  of  the  Peace,  and  assisted  to  arrange 


86  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

the  treaty  of  Badajoz,  which  on  that  occasion  saved 
Portugal  from  invasion. 

He  received  a  sum  which  has  been  estimated  at  five 
hundred  millions  of  francs  as  a  reward  for  his  ser- 
vices. This  was  paid  partly  in  money,  and  partly  in 
diamonds.  At  this  time  he  also  formed  a  project  of 
marriage  between  Bonaparte  and  an  Infanta  of  Spain ; 
but  Napoleon,  either  from  affection  for  his  wife,  or 
from  fear  of  exciting  the  suspicions  of  the  republicans, 
with  whom  he  was  still  keeping  on  terms,  rejected 
the  idea  of  his  marriage,  which  was  to  have  been  con- 
cluded through  the  agency  of  the  Prince  of  the  Peace. 

1°  I795  Lucien  Bonaparte,  who  was  then  keeper 
of  the  military  stores  near  Toulon,  had  married  the 
daughter  of  an  innkeeper,  who  bore  him  two  daugh- 
ters, and  who  died  a  few  years  later.  The  elder  of 
these  two  girls  was  in  after  years  recalled  to  France 
by  the  Emperor,  who,  when  he  saw  his  affairs  going 
badly  in  Spain,  wished  to  treat  for  peace  with  the 
Prince  of  the  Asturias,  and  to  make  him  marry  this 
daughter  of  Lucien's.  But  the  young  girl,  who  was 
placed  under  her  grandmother's  care,  too  frankly  im- 
parted in  her  letters  to  her  father  the  impression  she 
received  of  her  uncle's  Court;  she  ridiculed  the  most 
important  personages,  and  her  letters,  having  been 
opened,  so  irritated  the  Emperor  that  he  sent  her 
back  to  Italy. 

In  1803  Lucien,  now  a  widower  and  entirely 
devoted  to  a  life  of  pleasure,  to  which  I  might  indeed 
give  a  harsher  name,  fell  suddenly  in  love  with  Mme. 
Jouberthon,  the  wife  of  a  stock-broker.  Her  husband 
was  promptly  sent  to  Saint  Domingo,  where  he  died, 
and  then  this  beautiful  and  clever  woman  managed  to 
make  Lucien  marry  her,  despite  the  opposition  of  the 
First  Consul.  An  open  rupture  took  place  between 
the  two  brothers  on  that  occasion.  Lucien  left  France 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  87 

in  the  spring  of  1804,  and  established  himself  at  Rome. 
It  is  well  known  that  since  then  he  has  devoted 
himself  to  the  interests  of  the  Pope,  and  has  adroitly 
secured  his  protection;  so  much  so  that  even  now, 
although  he  was  recalled  to  Paris  at  the  period  of  the 
fatal  enterprise  of  1815,  he  was  permitted  to  return, 
after  the  second  restoration  of  the  King,  to  the  Roman 
States,  and  live  quietly  with  those  members  of  his 
family  who  had  retired  thither.  Lucien  was  born 
in  1775. 

Louis  BONAPARTE 

Louis  Bonaparte,  born  in  1778,  is  a  man  concerning 
whom  opinions  have  differed  widely.  His  assump- 
tion of  a  stricter  morality  than  that  of  other  members 
of  his  family,  his  odd  opinions — based,  however,  on 
daring  theories  rather  than  on  solid  principles — have 
deceived  the  world,  and  made  for  him  a  reputation 
apart  from  that  of  his  brothers.  With  much  less 
talent  than  either  Napoleon  or  Lucien,  he  has  a  touch 
of  romance  in  his  imagination,  which  he  manages  to 
combine  with  complete  hardness  of  heart.  Habitual 
ill  health  blighted  his  youth,  and  has  added  to  the 
harsh  melancholy  of  his  disposition.  I  do  not  know 
whether,  had  he  been  left  to  himself,  the  ambition  so 
natural  to  all  his  family  would  have  been  developed  in 
him ;  but  he  has,  at  least,  shown  upon  several  occasions 
that  he  considered  himself  entitled  to  profit  by  the 
chances  which  circumstances  have  thrown  in  his  way. 
He  has  been  applauded  for  wishing  to  govern  Holland 
in  the  interests  of  the  country,  in  spite  of  his  brother's 
projects,  and  his  abdication,  although  it  was  due  to  a 
whim  rather  than  to  generous  feeling,  has  certainly 
done  him  honor.  It  is,  after  all,  the  best  action  of  his 
life. 


88  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

Louis  Bonaparte  is  essentially  egotistical  and  suspi- 
cious. In  the  course  of  these  Memoirs  he  will  become 
better  known.  Bonaparte  said  of  him  one  day,  "  His 
feigned  virtues  give  me  almost  as  much  trouble  as 
Lucien's  vices."  He  has  retired  to  Rome  since  the 
downfall  of  his  family. 

MADAME  JOSEPHINE  BONAPARTE  AND  HER  FAMILY 

The  Marquis  de  Beauharnais,  father  of  the  general 
who  was  the  first  husband  of  Mme.  Bonaparte,  having 
been  employed  in  a  military  capacity  at  Martinique, 
became  attached  to  an  aunt  of  Mme.  Bonaparte's,  with 
whom  he  returned  to  France,  and  whom  he  married 
in  his  old  age. 

This  aunt  brought  her  niece,  Josephine  de  la 
Pagerie,  to  France.  She  had  her  educated,  and  made 
use  of  her  ascendency  over  her  aged  husband  to  marry 
her  niece,  at  the  age  of  fifteen  years,  to  young  Beau- 
harnais, her  stepson.  Although  he  married  her 
against  his  inclination,  there  is  no  doubt  that  at  one 
time  he  was  much  attached  to  his  wife;  for  I  have 
seen  very  loving  letters  written  by  him  to  her  when  he 
was  in  garrison,  and  she  preserved  them  with  great 
care.  Of  this  marriage  were  born  Eugene  and  Hor- 
tense.  When  the  Revolution  began,  I  think  that 
Beauharnais's  love  for  his  wife  had  cooled.  At  the 
commencement  of  the  Terror  M.  de  Beauharnais  was 
still  commanding  the  French  armies,  and  had  no 
longer  any  relations  with  his  wife. 

I  do  not  know  under  what  circumstances  she  became 
acquainted  with  certain  deputies  of  the  Convention, 
but  she  had  some  influence  with  them ;  and,  as  she  was 
kind-hearted  and  obliging,  she  used  it  to  do  as  much 
good  to  as  many  people  as  possible.  From  that  time 
her  reputation  for  good  conduct  was  very  much  dam- 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  89 

aged;  but  her  kindness,  her  grace,  and  the  sweetness 
of  her  manners  could  not  be  disputed.  She  served  my 
father's  interests  more  than  once  with  Barrere  and 
Tallien,  and  owed  to  this  my  mother's  friendship.  In 
1793  chance  placed  her  in  a  village  on  the  outskirts  of 
Paris,  where,  like  her,  we  were  passing  the  summer. 
Our  near  neighborhood  led  to  some  intimacy.  I 
remember  that  Hortense,  who  was  three  or  four  years 
younger  than  I,  used  to  visit  me  in  my  room,  and? 
while  amusing  herself  by  examining  my  little  trinkets, 
she  would  tell  me  that  all  her  ambition  for  the  future 
was  to  be  the  owner  of  a  similar  treasure.  Unhappy 
woman!  She  has  since  been  laden  with  gold  and 
diamonds,  and  how  has  she  not  groaned  under  the 
crushing  weight  of  the  royal  diadem! 

In  those  evil  days  when  every  one  was  forced  to 
seek  a  place  of  safety  from  the  persecution  by  which 
all  classes  of  society  were  beset,  we  lost  sight  of  Mme. 
de  Beauharnais.  Her  husband,  being  suspected  by  the 
Jacobins,  had  been  thrown  into  prison  in  Paris,  and 
condemned  to  death  by  the  Revolutionary  Tribunal. 
She  also  was  imprisoned,  but  escaped  the  guillotine, 
which  preyed  on  all  without  distinction.  Being  a 
friend  of  the  beautiful  Mme.  Tallien,  she  was  intro- 
duced into  the  society  of  the  Directory,  and  was  espe- 
cially favored  by  Barras.  Mme.  de  Beauharnais  had 
very  little  fortune,  and  her  taste  for  dress  and  luxury 
rendered  her  dependent  on  those  who  could  help  her 
to  indulge  it.  Without  being  precisely  pretty,  she  pos- 
sessed many  personal  charms.  Her  features  were  del- 
icate, her  expression  was  sweet;  her  mouth  was  very 
small,  and  concealed  her  bad  teeth;  her  complexion 
was  rather  dark,  but  with  the  help  of  red  and  white 
skillfully  applied  she  remedied  that  defect;  her  figure 
was  perfect;  her  limbs  were  flexible  and  delicate;  her 
movements  were  easy  and  elegant.  La  Fontaine's  line 


90  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

could  never  have  been  more  fitly  applied  than  to  her: 
"Et  la  grace,  plus  belle  encore  que  la  beaute." 

She  dressed  with  perfect  taste,  enhancing  the  beauty 
of  what  she  wore;  and,  with  these  advantages  and  the 
constant  care  bestowed  upon  her  attire,  she  contrived 
to  avoid  being  eclipsed  by  the  youth  and  beauty  of 
many  of  the  women  by  whom  she  was  surrounded. 
To  all  this,  as  I  have  already  said,  she  added  extreme 
kindness  of  heart,  a  remarkably  even  temper,  and 
great  readiness  to  forget  any  wrong  that  had  been 
done  to  her. 

She  was  not  a  person  of  remarkable  intellect.  A 
Creole,  and  frivolous,  her  education  had  been  a  good 
deal  neglected;  but  she  recognized  her  deficiencies, 
and  never  made  blunders  in  conversation.  She  pos- 
sessed true  natural  tact;  she  readily  found  pleasant 
things  to  say ;  her  memory  was  good — a  useful  quality 
for  those  in  high  position.  Unhappily,  she  was  defi- 
cient in  depth  of  feeling  and  elevation  of  mind.  She 
preferred  to  charm  her  husband  by  her  beauty,  rather 
than  the  influence  of  certain  virtues.  She  carried 
complaisance  to  excess  for  his  sake,  and  kept  her  hold 
on  him  by  concessions  which,  perhaps,  contributed  to 
increase  the  contempt  with  which  he  habitually  re- 
garded women.  She  might  have  taught  him  some 
useful  lessons ;  but  she  feared  him,  and  allowed  him  to 
dictate  to  her  in  everything.  She  was  changeable,  easy 
to  move  and  easy  to  appease,  incapable  of  prolonged 
emotion,  of  sustained  attention,  of  serious  reflection; 
and,  although  her  greatness  did  not  turn  her  head, 
neither  did  it  educate  her.  The  bent  of  her  character 
led  her  to  console  the  unhappy;  but  she  could  only 
dwell  on  the  troubles  of  individuals — she  did  not  think 
of  the  woes  of  France.  The  genius  of  Bonaparte 
overawed  her:  she  only  criticised  him  in  what  con- 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  91 

cerned  herself  personally;  in  everything  else  she  re- 
spected what  he  called  "  the  force  of  his  destiny."  He 
exerted  an  evil  influence  over  her,  for  he  inspired  her 
with  contempt  for  morality,  and  with  a  large  share  of 
his  own  characteristic  suspicion ;  and  he  taught  her  the 
art  of  lying,  which  each  of  them  practiced  with  skill 
and  effect. 

It  is  said  that  she  was  the  prize  of  his  command  of 
the  army  of  Italy;  she  has  often  assured  me  that  at 
that  time  Bonaparte  was  really  in  love  with  her.  She 
hesitated  between  him,  General  Hoche,  and  M.  de 
Caulaincourt,  who  also  loved  her.  Bonaparte  pre- 
vailed. I  know  that  my  mother,  then  living  in  retire- 
ment in  the  country,  was  much  surprised  on  learning 
that  the  widow  of  M.  de  Beauharnais  was  about  to 
marry  a  man  so  little  known  as  Bonaparte. 

When  I  questioned  her  as  to  what  Bonaparte  was 
like  in  his  youth,  she  told  me  that  he  was  then  dreamy, 
silent,  and  awkward  in  the  society  of  women,  but  pas- 
sionate and  fascinating,  although  rather  an  odd  person 
in  every  way.  She  charged  the  campaign  in  Egypt 
with  having  changed  his  temper,  and  developed  that 
petty  despotism  from  which  she  afterward  suffered 
so  much. 

I  have  seen  letters  from  Napoleon  to  Mme.  Bona- 
parte, written  at  the  time  of  the  first  Italian  campaign. 
She  accompanied  him  to  Italy,  but  he  sometimes  left 
her  with  the  rearguard  of  the  army,  until  a  victory 
had  secured  the  safety  of  the  road.  These  epistles 
are  very  singular.  The  writing  is  almost  illegible; 
they  are  ill  spelt;  the  style  is  strange  and  confused. 
But  there  is  in  them  such  a  tone  of  passionate  feeling; 
the  expressions  are  so  animated,  and  at  the  same  time 
so  poetical ;  they  breathe  a  love  so  different  from  mere 
"  amours,"  that  there  is  no  woman  who  would  not 
have  prized  such  letters.  They  formed  a  striking 


92  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

contrast  with  the  graceful,  elegant,  and  measured 
style  of  those  of  M.  de  Beauharnais.  How  strange  it 
must  have  been  for  a  woman  to  find  herself  one  of  the 
moving  powers  of  the  triumphant  march  of  an  army, 
at  a  time  when  politics  alone  governed  the  actions  of 
men !  On  the  eve  of  one  of  his  greatest  battles,  Bona- 
parte wrote :  "  I  am  far  from  you !  It  seems  to  me 
that  I  am  surrounded  by  the  blackest  night;  I  need 
the  lurid  light  of  the  thunderbolts  which  we  are  about 
to  hurl  upon  our  enemies  to  dispel  the  darkness  into 
which  your  absence  has  thrown  me.  Josephine,  you 
wept  when  I  parted  from  you — you  wept!  At  that 
thought  all  my  being  trembles.  But  calm  yourself: 
Wurmser  shall  pay  dearly  for  the  tears  I  have  seen 
you  shed."  And  on  the  morrow  Wurmser  was  beaten. 
The  enthusiasm  with  which  General  Bonaparte  was 
received  in  beautiful  Italy,  the  magnificence  of  the 
fetes,  the  fame  of  his  victories,  the  wealth  which  every 
officer  might  acquire  there,  the  unbounded  luxury  in 
which  she  lived,  accustomed  Mme.  Bonaparte  from 
that  time  forth  to  all  the  pomp  with  which  she  was 
afterward  surrounded;  and  she  acknowledged  that 
nothing  in  her  life  ever  equaled  the  emotions  of  that 
time,  when  love  came  (or  seemed  to  come)  daily,  to 
lay  at  her  feet  a  new  conquest  over  a  people  enrap- 
tured with  their  conqueror.  It  is,  however,  plain  from 
these  letters  that  Mme.  Bonaparte,  in  the  midst  of  this 
life  of  triumph,  of  victory,  and  of  license,  gave  some 
cause  for  uneasiness  to  her  victorious  husband.  His 
letters,  sometimes  sullen  and  sometimes  menacing, 
reveal  the  torments  of  jealousy;  and  they  abound  in 
melancholy  reflections,  which  betray  his  weariness  of 
the  fleeting  delusions  of  life.  It  may  have  been  that 
these  misunderstandings,  which  outraged  the  first  very 
keen  feelings  Bonaparte  had  ever  experienced,  had  a 
bad  effect  upon  him,  and  hardened  him  by  degrees. 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  93 

Perhaps  he  would  have  been  a  better  man  if  he  had 
been  more  and  better  loved. 

When,  on  his  return  from  this  brilliant  campaign,  the 
conquering  general  was  obliged  to  exile  himself  to 
Egypt,  to  escape  from  the  growing  suspicion  of  the 
Directory,  Mme.  Bonaparte's  position  became  pre- 
carious and  difficult.  Her  husband  entertained  serious 
doubts  of  her,  and  these  were  prompted  by  Joseph  and 
Lucien,  who  dreaded  the  powerful  influence  that  she 
might  exercise  through  her  son,  who  had  accompanied 
Bonaparte.  Her  extravagant  tastes  led  her  into  reck- 
less expense,  and  she  was  harassed  by  debts  and  duns. 

Before  leaving  France,  Bonaparte  had  directed  her 
to  purchase  an  estate;  and  as  she  wished  to  live  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Saint  Germain,  where  her  daugh- 
ter was  being  educated,  she  selected  Malmaison.  There 
we  met  her  again,  when  we  were  residing  for  some 
months  at  the  chateau  of  one  of  our  friends,  at  a 
short  distance  from  Malmaison.  Mme.  Bonaparte, 
who  was  naturally  unreserved,  and  even  indiscreet, 
had  no  sooner  met  my  mother  again  than  she  talked  to 
her  very  freely  about  her  absent  husband,  about  her 
brothers-in-law — in  fact,  about  a  host  of  people  who 
were  utter  strangers  to  us.  Bonaparte  was  supposed 
to  be  almost  lost  to  France,  and  his  wife  was  neg- 
lected. My  mother  took  pity  on  her;  we  showed  her 
some  attention,  which  she  never  forgot.  At  that  time 
I  was  seventeen  years  of  age,  and  I  had  been  married 
one  year. 

It  was  at  Malmaison  that  Mme.  Bonaparte  showed 
us  an  immense  quantity  of  pearls,  diamonds,  and 
cameos,  which  at  that  time  constituted  the  contents  of 
her  jewel-case.  Even  at  that  time  it  might  have 
figured  in  a  story  of  the  "  Arabian  Nights,"  and  it  was 
destined  to  receive  immense  accessions.  Invaded  and 
grateful  Italy  had  contributed  to  these  riches,  and  the 


94  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

Pope  also,  as  a  mark  of  his  appreciation  of  the  respect 
with  which  the  conqueror  treated  him  by  denying 
himself  the  pleasure  of  planting  his  flag  upon  the 
walls  of  Rome.  The  reception-rooms  at  Malmaison 
were  sumptuously  decorated  with  pictures,  statues,  and 
mosaics,  the  spoils  of  Italy,  and  each  of  the  generals 
who  figured  in  the  Italian  campaign  exhibited  booty 
of  the  same  kind. 

Although  she  was  surrounded  with  all  these 
treasures,  Mme.  Bonaparte  was  often  without  money 
to  meet  her  every-day  expenses;  and,  to  get  out  of 
this  difficulty,  she  trafficked  in  her  influence  with  the 
people  in  power  at  the  time,  and  compromised  herself 
by  entering  into  imprudent  relations.  Dreadfully 
embarrassed,  on  worse  terms  than  ever  with  her 
brothers-in-law,  supplying  too  much  reason  for  their 
accusations  against  her,  and  no  longer  counting  on  the 
return  of  her  husband,  she  was  strongly  tempted  to 
give  her  daughter  in  marriage  to  the  son  of  Rewbell, 
a  member  of  the  Directory ;  but  Mile,  de  Beauharnais 
would  not  consent,  and  her  opposition  put  an  end  to 
a  project  whose  execution  would  doubtless  have  been 
highly  displeasing  to  Bonaparte. 

Presently  a  rumor  of  Bonaparte's  arrival  at  Frejus 
arose.  He  came  back  with  his  mind  full  of  the  evil 
reports  that  Lucien  had  repeated  to  him  in  his  letters. 
His  wife,  on  hearing  of  his  disembarkation,  set  out 
to  join  him;  she  missed  him,  had  to  retrace  her  steps, 
and  returned  to  the  house  in  the  Rue  Chantereine  some 
hours  after  his  arrival  there.  She  descended  from  her 
carriage  in  haste,  followed  by  her  son  and  daughter, 
and  ran  up  the  stairs  leading  to  his  room;  but  what 
was  her  surprise  to  find  the  door  locked!  She  called 
to  Bonaparte,  and  begged  him  to  open  it.  He  replied 
through  the  door  that  it  should  never  again  be  opened 
for  her.  Then  she  wept,  fell  on  her  knees,  implored 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  95 

him  for  her  sake  and  that  of  her  two  children;  but 
all  was  profound  silence  around  her,  and  several  hours 
of  the  night  passed  over  her  in  this  dreadful  suspense. 
At  last,  however,  moved  by  her  sobs  and  her  perse- 
verance, Bonaparte  opened  the  door  at  about  four 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  appeared,  as  Mme.  Bona- 
parte herself  told  me,  with  a  stern  countenance,  which, 
however,  betrayed  that  he  too  had  been  weeping.  He 
bitterly  reproached  her  with  her  conduct,  her  forget- 
fulness  of  him,  all  the  real  or  imaginary  sins  of  which 
Lucien  had  accused  her,  and  concluded  by  announcing 
an  eternal  separation.  Then  turning  to  Eugene  de 
Beauharnais,  who  was  at  that  time  about  twenty  years 
old — "  As  for  you,"  he  said,  "  you  shall  not  bear  the 
burden  of  your  mother's  faults.  You  shall  be  always 
my  son;  I  will  keep  you  with  me." 

"  No,  no,  General,"  replied  Eugene :  "  I  must  share 
the  ill  fortune  of  my  mother,  and  from  this  moment  I 
say  farewell  to  you." 

These  words  shook  Bonaparte's  resolution.  He 
opened  his  arms  to  Eugene,  weeping;  his  wife  and 
Hortense  knelt  at  his  feet  and  embraced  his  knees; 
and,  soon  after,  all  was  forgiven.  In  the  explanation 
that  ensued,  Mme.  Bonaparte  succeeded  in  clearing 
herself  from  the  accusations  of  her  brother-in-law; 
and  Bonaparte,  then  burning  to  avenge  her,  sent  for 
Lucien  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  had  him, 
without  any  forewarning,  ushered  into  the  room 
where  the  husband  and  wife,  entirely  reconciled,  occu- 
pied the  same  bed. 

From  that  time  Bonaparte  desired  his  wife  to  break 
with  Mme.  Tallien  and  all  the  society  of  the  Directory. 
The  i8th  Brumaire  completely  severed  her  connection 
with  those  individuals.  She  told  me  that  on  the  eve  of 
that  important  day  she  observed,  with  great  surprise, 
that  Bonaparte  had  loaded  two  pistols  and  placed  them 


96  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

beside  his  bed.  On  her  questioning  him,  he  replied 
that  a  certain  event  might  happen  in  the  night  which 
would  render  such  a  precaution  necessary.  Then, 
without  another  word,  he  lay  down,  and  slept  soundly 
until  the  next  morning. 

When  he  became  Consul,  the  gentle  and  gracious 
qualities  of  his  wife,  which  attracted  many  persons 
to  his  Court  whom  his  natural  rudeness  would  have 
otherwise  kept  away,  were  of  great  service  to  him. 
To  Josephine  he  intrusted  the  measures  to  be  taken 
for  the  return  of  the  emigres.  Nearly  all  the 
"  erasures  "  passed  through  the  hands  of  Mme.  Bona- 
parte; she  was  the  first  link  that  united  the  French 
nobility  to  the  Consular  Government.  We  shall  learn 
more  of  this  in  the  course  of  these  Memoirs. 

Eugene  de  Beauharnais,  born  in  1780,  passed 
through  all  the  phases  of  a  sometimes  stormy  and 
sometimes  brilliant  life,  without  ever  forfeiting  his 
title  to  general  esteem.  Prince  Eugene,  sometimes  in 
camp  with  his  father,  sometimes  in  all  the  leisure  and 
luxury  of  his  mother's  house,  was,  to  speak  correctly, 
educated  nowhere.  His  natural  instinct  led  toward 
what  is  right;  the  schooling  of  Bonaparte  formed  but 
did  not  pervert  him ;  the  lessons  taught  him  by  events 
— all  these  were  his  instructors.  Mme.  Bonaparte  was 
incapable  of  giving  sound  advice;  and  therefore  her 
son,  who  loved  her  sincerely,  perceived  very  early  in 
his  career  that  it  was  useless  to  consult  her. 

Prince  Eugene  did  not  lack  personal  attractions. 
His  figure  was  graceful;  he  was  skilled  in  all  bodily 
exercises;  and  he  inherited  from  his  father  that  fine 
manner  of  the  old  French  gentleman,  in  which,  per- 
haps, M.  de  Beauharnais  himself  gave  him  his  earliest 
lessons.  To  these  advantages  he  added  simplicity  and 
kindheartedness ;  he  was  neither  vain  nor  presump- 
tuous; he  was  sincere  without  being  indiscreet,  and 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  97 

could  be  silent  when  silence  was  necessary.  Prince 
Eugene  had  not  much  natural  talent;  his  imagination 
was  not  vivid,  and  his  feelings  were  not  keen.  He 
was  always  obedient  to  his  stepfather;  and,  although 
he  appreciated  him  exactly,  and  was  not  mistaken 
with  regard  to  him,  he  never  hesitated  to  observe  the 
strictest  fidelity  to  him,  even  when  it  was  against  his 
own  interests.  Never  once  was  he  surprised  into 
showing  any  sign  of  discontent,  either  when  the 
Emperor,  while  loading  his  own  family  with  honors, 
seemed  to  forget  him,  or  when  his  mother  was  repu- 
diated. At  the  time  of  the  divorce  Eugene  maintained 
a  very  dignified  attitude. 

Eugene,  as  colonel  of  a  regiment,  was  beloved  by 
his  soldiers.  In  Italy  he  was  held  in  high  honor.  The 
sovereigns  of  Europe  esteemed  him,  and  the  world 
was  well  pleased  that  his  fortunes  have  survived  those 
of  his  family.  He  had  the  good  fortune  to  marry  a 
charming  princess,  who  never  ceased  to  love  him,  and 
whom  he  rendered  happy.  He  possessed  in  perfec- 
tion those  qualities  which  make  the  happiness  of  home 
life — sweet  temper,  and  that  natural  cheerfulness 
which  rises  above  every  ill,  and  was  perhaps  due  to  the 
fact  that  he  was  never  profoundly  moved  by  anything. 
When,  however,  that  kind  of  indifference  toward  the 
interests  of  other  people  is  also  displayed  in  one's  own 
personal  troubles,  it  may  fairly  be  called  philosophy. 

Hortense,  Prince  Eugene's  younger  sister  (she  was 
born  in  1783),  was,  I  think,  the  most  unhappy  person 
of  our  time,  and  the  least  formed  by  nature  to  be  so. 
Cruelly  slandered  by  the  Bonapartes,  who  hated  her, 
included  in  the  accusations  which  the  public  delighted 
to  bring  against  all  who  belonged  to  that  family,  she 
was  not  strong  enough  to  contend  against  such  a  com- 
bination of  ills,  and  to  defy  the  calumnies  that  blighted 
her  life. 


98  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

Mme.  Louis  Bonaparte,  like  her  mother  and 
brother,  was  not  remarkable  for  intellect;  but,  like 
them,  she  possessed  tact  and  good  feeling,  and  she 
was  more  high-minded  and  imaginative  than  they. 
Left  to  herself  in  her  youth,  she  escaped  the  contagion 
of  the  dangerous  example  of  evil.  At  Mme.  Campan's 
select  and  elegant  boarding-school  she  acquired  accom- 
plishments rather  than  education.  While  she  was 
young,  a  brilliant  complexion,  beautiful  hair,  and  a 
fine  figure  rendered  her  agreeable  to  look  upon;  but 
she  lost  her  teeth  early,  and  illness  and  sorrow  altered 
her  features.  Her  natural  instincts  were  good;  but, 
being  absolutely  ignorant  of  the  world  and  the  usages 
of  society,  and  entirely  given  up  to  ideal  notions  drawn 
from  a  sphere  which  she  had  created  for  herself,  she 
was  unable  to  rule  her  life  by  those  social  laws  which 
do  not  indeed  preserve  the  virtue  of  women,  but  which 
procure  them  support  when  they  are  accused,  without 
which  it  is  impossible  to  pass  through  the  world,  and 
which  the  approbation  of  conscience  can  not  replace. 
It  is  not  sufficient  to  lead  a  good  life  in  order  to  appear 
virtuous;  women  must  also  obey  those  rules  which 
society  has  made.  Mme.  Louis,  who  was  placed  in 
circumstances  of  extreme  difficulty,  never  had  a  guide; 
she  understood  her  mother,  and  could  not  venture  to 
place  any  confidence  in  her.  As  she  held  firmly  to 
the  principles,  or  rather  to  the  sentiments,  her  imagi- 
nation had  created,  she  was  at  first  very  much  sur- 
prised at  the  lapses  from  morality  in  which  she 
detected  the  women  by  whom  she  was  surrounded,  and 
was  still  more  surprised  when  she  found  that  these 
faults  were  not  always  the  result  of  love.  Her  mar- 
riage cast  her  on  the  mercy  of  the  most  tyrannical  of 
husbands ;  she  became  the  resigned  and  dejected  victim 
of  ceaseless  and  unremitting  persecution,  and  sank 
under  the  weight  of  her  sorrow.  She  yielded  to  it 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  99 

without  daring  to  complain,  and  it  was  not  until  she 
was  on  the  point  of  death  that  the  truth  became 
known.  I  knew  Mme.  Louis  Bonaparte  very  inti- 
mately, and  was  acquainted  with  all  the  secrets  of  her 
domestic  life.  I  have  always  believed  her  to  be  the 
purest,  as  she  was  the  most  unfortunate,  of  women. 

Her  only  consolation  was  in  her  tender  love  for  her 
brother;  she  rejoiced  in  his  happiness,  his  success,  his 
amiable  temper.  How  many  times  have  I  heard  her 
say,  "  I  only  live  in  Eugene's  life !  " 

She  declined  to  marry  Rewbell's  son,  and  this  rea- 
sonable refusal  was  the  result  of  one  of  the  errors  of 
her  imagination.  From  her  earliest  youth  she  had 
persuaded  herself  that  a  woman,  if  she  would  be 
virtuous  and  happy,  should  marry  no  man  unless  she 
loved  him  passionately.  Afterward,  when  her  mother 
wished  her  to  marry  the  Comte  de  Mun,  now  a  peer 
of  France,  she  again  refused  to  obey  her. 

M.  de  Mun  had  emigrated;  Mme.  Bonaparte 
obtained  permission  for  his  return.  He  came  back  to 
a  considerable  fortune,  and  asked  for  the  hand  of 
Mile,  de  Beauharnais  in  marriage.  Bonaparte,  then 
First  Consul,  had  little  liking  for  this  union.  Mme. 
Bonaparte  would,  however,  have  had  her  own  way 
about  it,  only  for  the  obstinate  resistance  of  her 
daughter.  Some  one  said  before  her  that  M.  de  Mun 
had  been,  while  in  Germany,  in  love  with  Mme.  de 
Stae'l.  That  celebrated  woman  was  in  the  imagination 
of  the  young  girl  a  sort  of  monster,  whom  it  was  im- 
possible to  know  without  scandal  and  without  taint. 
M.  de  Mun  became  odious  to  her,  and  thus  he  missed 
a  great  match  and  the  terrible  downfall  that  was  to 
ensue.  It  was  a  strange  accident  of  destiny,  thus  to 
have  missed  being  a  prince,  perhaps  a  king,  and 
then  dethroned. 

A  little  while  after,  Duroc,  then  one  of  the  Consul's 

Vol.  9  D — Memoirs 


ioo  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

aides-de-camp,  and  in  high  favor  with  him,  fell  in 
love  with  Hortense.  She  was  not  insensible  to  his 
passion,  and  thought  she  had  at  length  found  that 
other  half  of  her  being  which  she  sought  for.  Bona- 
parte was  in  favor  of  the  marriage;  but  this  time 
Mme.  Bonaparte  was  inflexible.  "  My  daughter,"  she 
said,  "  must  marry  a  gentleman  or  a  Bonaparte." 
Then  Louis  was  proposed.  He  had  no  liking  for  Hor- 
tense, he  detested  the  Beauharnais  family,  and  despised 
his  sister-in-law:  but,  as  he  was  taciturn,  he  was 
supposed  to  be  amiable;  as  he  was  severe  in  his  judg- 
ments, he  was  supposed  to  be  a  good  man.  Mme. 
Louis  has  since  told  me  that  when  she  first  heard  of 
this  arrangement  she  suffered  terribly.  Not  only  was 
she  forbidden  to  think  of  the  man  she  loved,  but  she 
was  also  to  be  given  to  another,  whom  she  instinctively 
distrusted.  However,  as  this  marriage  was  in  accord- 
ance with  her  mother's  wishes,  as  it  would  cement 
the  family  ties,  and  might  advance  her  brother's  inter- 
ests, she  yielded  herself  a  submissive  victim;  nay,  she 
did  even  more.  Her  imagination  was  full  of  the 
duties  imposed  on  her;  she  determined  to  make  every 
sort  of  sacrifice  to  the  wishes  of  a  husband  whom 
she  had  the  misfortune  not  to  love.  Too  sincere  and 
too  reserved  to  feign  sentiments  she  did  not  feel,  she 
was  gentle,  submissive,  full  of  deference,  and  more 
anxious  perhaps  to  please  him  than  if  she  had  loved 
him.  The  false  and  suspicious  disposition  of  Louis 
Bonaparte  led  him  to  regard  the  gentle  deference  of 
his  wife  as  affectation  and  coquetry.  "  She  practices 
on  me,"  he  said,  "  to  deceive  me."  He  believed  that 
her  conduct  was  dictated  by  the  counsels  of  her 
experienced  mother ;  he  repelled  the  efforts  she  made  to 
please  him,  and  treated  her  with  rude  contempt.  Nor 
was  this  all.  He  actually  divulged  to  Mme.  Louis  all 
the  accusations  which  had  been  brought  against  her 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  101 

mother,  and,  after  having  gone  as  far  in  that  direction 
as  he  could  go,  he  signified  his  pleasure  that  confiden- 
tial relations  between  his  wife  and  her  mother  should 
cease.  He  added,  "  You  are  now  a  Bonaparte.  Our 
interests  should  be  yours ;  those  of  your  own  family  no 
longer  concern  you."  He  accompanied  this  cruel  noti- 
fication with  insulting  threats,  and  a  coarse  expression 
of  his  disdainful  opinion  of  women;  he  enumerated 
the  precautions  he  meant  to  take  in  order,  as  he  said, 
to  escape  the  common  fate  of  all  husbands,  and 
declared  that  he  would  not  be  the  dupe  either  of  her 
attempts  to  escape  his  vigilance  or  of  the  tricks  of  pre- 
tended docility  by  which  she  might  hope  to  win  him 
over. 

The  effect  of  such  a  declaration  upon  a  young 
woman  full  of  fancies  may  easily  be  conceived.  She 
conducted  herself,  however,  as  an  obedient  wife,  and 
for  many  years  only  her  sadness  and  her  failing  health 
betrayed  her  sufferings.  Her  husband,  who  was  hard 
and  capricious,  and,  like  all  the  Bonapartes,  selfish — 
worn  and  embittered  besides  by  a  painful  disease 
which  he  had  contracted  during  the  Egyptian  cam- 
paign— set  no  limit  to  his  exactions.  As  he  was  afraid 
of  his  brother,  while  at  the  same  time  he  wanted  to 
keep  his  wife  away  from  Saint  Cloud,  he  ordered 
her  to  say  it  was  by  her  own  wish  that  she  seldom 
went  thither,  and  forbade  her  to  remain  there  a  single 
night,  no  matter  how  much  her  mother  might  press 
her  to  do  so.  Mme.  Louis  became  pregnant  very  soon 
after  her  marriage.  The  Bonapartes  and  Mme. 
Murat,  who  were  displeased  at  this  marriage,  because, 
as  Joseph's  children  were  girls,  they  foresaw  that  a 
son  of  Louis,  who  would  also  be  a  grandson  of  Mme. 
Bonaparte,  would  be  the  object  of  natural  interest, 
spread  the  outrageous  report  that  this  pregnancy  was 
the  result  of  an  intimacy  between  the  First  Consul 


102  EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE 

and  his  stepdaughter,  with  the  connivance  of  Jose- 
phine herself.  The  public  was  quite  ready  to  believe 
this  scandalous  falsehood,  and  Mme.  Murat  repeated 
it  to  Louis,  who,  whether  he  believed  it  or  not,  made 
it  a  pretext  for  every  kind  of  conjugal  tyranny.  The 
narrative  of  his  cruelty  to  his  wife  would  lead  me  too 
far  at  present;  I  shall  return  to  the  subject  hereafter. 
Her  servants  were  employed  as  spies  upon  her;  the 
most  trifling  notes  addressed  to  or  written  by  her  were 
opened;  every  friendship  was  prohibited;  Louis  was 
jealous  even  of  Eugene.  Scenes  of  violence  were 
frequent ;  nothing  was  spared  her.  Bonaparte  was  not 
slow  to  perceive  this  state  of  affairs,  but  he  was  grate- 
ful to  Mme.  Louis  for  her  silence,  which  put  him  at 
his  ease,  and  exempted  him  from  the  necessity  of 
interference.  He,  who  never  esteemed  women,  always 
professed  positive  veneration  for  Hortense,  and  the 
manner  in  which  he  spoke  of  and  acted  toward  her  is 
a  formal  contradiction  of  the  accusations  which  were 
brought  against  her.  In  her  presence  his  language 
was  always  careful  and  decent.  He  often  appealed  to 
her  to  arbitrate  between  his  wife  and  himself,  and  he 
took  rebukes  from  her  that  he  would  not  have  listened 
to  patiently  from  any  one  else.  "  Hortense,"  he  said 
more  than  once,  "  forces  me  to  believe  in  virtue." 


BOOK    I 

CHAPTER    I 
(1802-1803.) 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  date  of  the  year 
in  which  I  undertake  this  narrative,  I  shall 
not  seek  to  excuse  the  motives  which  led  my 
husband  to  attach  himself  to  the  person  of  Bonaparte, 
but  shall  simply  explain  them.  In  political  matters 
justifications  are  worth  nothing.  Certain  persons, 
having  returned  to  France  only  three  years  ago,  or 
having  taken  no  part  in  public  affairs  before  that 
epoch,  have  pronounced  a  sort  of  anathema  against 
those  among  our  fellow  citizens  who  for  twenty 
years  have  not  held  completely  aloof  from  passing 
events.  If  it  be  represented  to  them  that  nobody 
pretends  to  pronounce  whether  they  were  right  or 
wrong  to  indulge  in  their  long  sleep,  and  that  they 
are  merely  asked  to  remain  equally  neutral  on  a 
similar  question,  they  reject  such  a  proposition  with 
all  the  strength  of  their  present  position  of  vantage; 
they  deal  out  unsparing  and  most  ungenerous  blame, 
for  there  is  now  no  risk  in  undertaking  the  duties  on 
which  they  pride  themselves.  And  yet,  when  a  revolu- 
tion is  in  progress,  who  can  flatter  himself  that  he 
has  always  adopted  the  right  course?  Who  among 
us  has  not  been  influenced  by  circumstances?  Who,, 
indeed,  can  venture  to  throw  the  first  stone,  without 

103 


104  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

fear  lest  it  recoil  upon  himself?  Citizens  of  the  same 
country,  all  more  or  less  hurt  by  the  blows  they  have 
given  and  received,  ought  to  spare  each  other — they 
are  more  closely  bound  together  than  they  think;  and 
when  a  Frenchman  mercilessly  runs  down  another 
Frenchman,  let  him  take  care — he  is  putting  weapons 
to  use  against  them  both  into  the  hands  of  the  for- 
eigner. 

Not  the  least  evil  of  troubled  times  is  that  bitter 
spirit  of  criticism  which  produces  mistrust,  and  per- 
haps contempt,  of  what  is  called  public  opinion.  The 
tumult  of  passion  enables  every  one  to  defy  it.  Men 
live  for  the  most  part  so  much  outside  of  themselves, 
that  they  have  few  opportunities  of  consulting  their 
conscience.  In  peaceful  times,  and  for  common  ordin- 
ary actions,  the  judgments  of  the  world  replace  it  well 
enough;  but  how  is  it  possible  to  submit  to  them,  when 
they  are  ready  to  deal  death  to  those  who  would  bow 
to  them?  It  is  safest,  then,  to  rely  on  that  conscience 
which  one  can  never  question  with  impunity.  Neither 
my  husband's  conscience  nor  my  own  reproaches  him 
or  me.  The  entire  loss  of  his  fortune,  the  experience 
of  facts,  the  march  of  events,  a  moderate  and  legit- 
imate desire  for  easier  circumstances,  led  M.  de  Remu- 
sat  to  seek  a  place  of  some  kind  in  1802.  To  profit  by 
the  repose  that  Bonaparte  had  given  to  France,  and  to 
rely  on  the  hopes  he  inspired,  was,  no  doubt,  to  de- 
ceive ourselves,  but  we  did  so  in  common  with  all  the 
rest  of  the  world. 

Unerring  prevision  is  given  to  very  few;  and  if, 
after  his  second  marriage,  Bonaparte  had  maintained 
peace,  and  had  employed  that  portion  of  his  army 
which  he  did  not  disband  to  line  our  frontiers,  who  is 
there  that  would  have  dared  to  doubt  the  duration  of 
his  power  and  the  strength  of  his  rights?  At  that 
time  both  his  power  and  his  rights  seemed  to  have 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  105 

acquired  the  force  of  legitimacy.  Bonaparte  reigned 
over  France  with  the  consent  of  France.  That  fact 
only  blind  hatred  or  foolish  pride  can  now  attempt  to 
deny.  He  reigned  for  our  misfortune  and  for  our 
glory :  the  alliance  of  those  two  words  is,  in  the  pres- 
ent state  of  society,  more  natural  than  it  seems,  at 
least  when  military  glory  is  in  question.  When  he 
became  Consul,  people  breathed  freely.  At  first  he 
won  public  confidence;  when,  afterward,  causes  of 
disquiet  arose,  the  country  was  already  committed  to 
him.  At  last  he  frightened  all  the  minds  who  had 
believed  in  him,  and  led  true  citizens  to  desire  his 
fall,  even  at  the  risk  of  loss  to  themselves.  This  is  the 
history  of  M.  de  Remusat  and  myself;  there  is  noth- 
ing humiliating  in  it.  We  too  were  relieved  and  con- 
fident when  the  country  had  breathing  space,  and  after- 
ward we  desired  its  deliverance  before  all  things. 

No  one  will  ever  know  what  I  suffered  during  the 
later  years  of  Bonaparte's  tyranny.  It  would  be  im- 
possible for  me  to  describe  the  absolute  sincerity  with 
which  I  longed  for  the  return  of  the  King,  who  would, 
as  I  firmly  believed,  restore  peace  and  liberty  to  us.  I 
foresaw  all  my  personal  losses;  and  M.  de  Remusat 
foresaw  them  even  more  clearly  than  I  did.  That 
which  we  desired  would  ruin  the  fortune  of  our  chil- 
dren. But  the  loss  of  that  fortune,  which  we  could 
have  preserved  only  by  the  sacrifice  of  our  convictions, 
did  not  cost  us  a  regret.  The  ills  of  France  cried  too 
loud  then — shame  to  those  who  would  not  listen  to 
them!  We  served  Bonaparte,  we  even  loved  and 
admired  him;  and  it  costs  me  nothing  to  make  this 
avowal.  It  seems  to  me  it  is  never  painful  to  avow 
a  genuine  feeling.  I  am  not  at  all  embarrassed  because 
the  opinions  I  held  at  one  time  are  opposed  to  those 
which  I  held  at  another;  I  am  not  incapable  of  being 
mistaken.  I  know  what  I  have  felt,  and  I  have  always 


106  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

felt  it  sincerely ;  that  is  sufficient  for  God,  for  my  son, 
for  my  friends,  for  myself. 

My  present  task  is,  however,  a  difficult  one,  for  I 
must  go  back  in  search  of  a  number  of  impressions 
which  were  strong  and  vivid  when  I  received  them, 
but  which  now,  like  ruined  buildings  devastated  by  fire, 
have  no  longer  any  connection  one  with  another. 

At  the  commencement  of  these  Memoirs  I  shall  pass 
as  briefly  as  possible  over  all  that  is  merely  personal  to 
ourselves,  up  to  the  time  of  our  introduction  to  the 
Court  of  Bonaparte;  afterward  I  shall  perhaps  revert 
to  still  earlier  recollections.  A  woman  can  not  be  ex- 
pected to  relate  the  political  life  of  Bonaparte.  If  he 
was  so  reserved  with  those  who  surrounded  him  that 
persons  in  the  next  room  to  him  were  often  ignorant 
of  events  which  they  would  indeed  learn  by  going  into 
Paris,  but  could  only  comprehend  fully  by  transport- 
ing themselves  out  of  France,  how  much  more  impos- 
sible would  it  have  been  for  me,  young  as  I  was  when 
I  made  my  entry  into  Saint  Cloud,  and  during  the  first 
years  that  I  lived  there,  to  do  more  than  seize  upon 
isolated  facts  at  long  intervals  of  time  ?  I  shall  record 
what  I  saw,  or  thought  I  saw,  and  will  do  my  best  to 
make  my  narrative  as  accurate  as  it  is  sincere. 

I  was  twenty-two  years  old  when  I  became  lady-in- 
waiting  to  Mme.  Bonaparte.  I  was  married  at  sixteen 
years  of  age,  and  had  previously  been  perfectly  happy 
in  a  quiet  life,  full  of  home  affections.  The  convul- 
sions of  the  Revolution,  the  execution  of  my  father  in 
1794,  the  loss  of  our  fortune,  and  my  mother's  love  of 
retirement,  kept  me  out  of  the  gay  world,  of  which  I 
knew  and  desired  to  know  nothing.  I  was  suddenly 
taken  from  this  peaceful  solitude  to  act  a  part  upon 
the  stage  of  history;  and,  without  having  passed 
through  the  intermediate  stage  of  society,  I  was  much 
affected  by  so  abrupt  a  transition,  and  my  character 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  107 

has  never  lost  the  impression  it  then  received.  I 
dearly  loved  my  husband  and  my  mother,  and  in  their 
society  I  had  been  accustomed  to  follow  the  impulses 
of  my  feelings.  In  the  Bonaparte  household  I  inter- 
ested myself  only  in  what  moved  me  strongly.  I  never 
in  my  life  could  occupy  myself  with  the  trifles  of  what 
is  called  the  great  world. 

My  mother  had  brought  me  up  most  carefully;  my 
education  was  finished  under  the  superintendence  of 
my  husband,  who  was  a  highly  cultivated  man,  and 
older  than  I  by  sixteen  years.  I  was  naturally  grave,  a 
tendency  which  in  women  is  always  allied  to  enthusi- 
asm. Thus,  during  the  early  part  of  my  residence 
with  Mme.  Bonaparte  and  her  husband,  I  was  full  of 
the  sentiments  which  I  considered  due  to  them.  Their 
well-known  characters,  and  what  I  have  already  related 
of  their  domestic  life,  rendered  this  a  sure  preparation 
for  many  mistakes,  and  certainly  I  did  not  fail  to  make 
them. 

I  have  already  mentioned  our  friendship  with  Mme. 
Bonaparte  during  the  expedition  to  Egypt.  After  that 
we  lost  sight  of  her,  until  the  time  when  my  mother, 
having  arranged  a  marriage  for  my  sister  with  a  rela- 
tive of  ours,  who  had  returned  secretly,  but  was  still 
included  in  the  list  of  the  proscribed,  addressed  herself 
to  Mme.  Bonaparte  in  order  to  obtain  his  "  erasure." 
The  matter  was  readily  arranged.  Mme.  Bonaparte, 
who  was  then  endeavoring,  with  much  tact  and  kind- 
ness, to  win  over  persons  of  a  certain  class  who  still 
held  aloof  from  her  husband,  begged  that  my  mother 
and  M.  de  Remusat  would  visit  her  one  evening,  in 
order  to  return  thanks  to  the  First  Consul.  It  was  not 
possible  to  refuse,  and  accordingly,  one  evening, 
shortly  after  Bonaparte  had  taken  up  his  abode  there, 
we  went  to  the  Tuileries.  His  wife  told  me  afterward 
that  on  the  first  night  of  their  sojourn  in  the  palace, 


io8  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

he  said  to  her,  laughing,  "  Come,  little  Creole,  get  into 
the  bed  of  your  masters." 

We  found  Bonaparte  in  the  great  drawing-room  on 
the  ground  floor;  he  was  seated  on  a  sofa.  Beside  him 
I  saw  General  Moreau,  with  whom  he  appeared  to  be  in 
close  conversation.  At  that  period  they  were  still  try- 
ing to  get  on  together.  A  very  amiable  speech  of 
Bonaparte's,  of  a  graceful  kind  unusual  with  him,  was 
much  talked  of.  He  had  had  a  superb  pair  of  pistols 
made,  with  the  names  of  all  Moreau's  battles  engraved 
on  the  handles  in  gold  letters.  "  You  must  excuse  their 
not  being  more  richly  ornamented,"  said  Bonaparte, 
presenting  them  to  him;  "  the  names  of  your  victories 
took  up  all  the  space." 

There  were  in  the  drawing-room,  ministers,  generals, 
and  ladies.  Among  the  latter,  almost  all  young  and 
pretty,  were  Mme.  Louis  Bonaparte;  Mme.  Murat, 
who  was  recently  married,  and  who  struck  me  as  very 
charming;  and  Mme.  Marat,  who  was  paying  her 
wedding  visit,  and  was  at  that  time  perfectly  beautiful. 
Mme.  Bonaparte  received  her  company  with  perfect 
grace;  she  was  dressed  tastefully  in  a  revived  antique 
style  which  was  the  fashion  of  the  day.  Artists  had  at 
that  time  a  good  deal  of  influence  on  the  customs  of 
society. 

Bonaparte  rose  when  we  courtesied  to  him,  and  after 
a  few  vague  words  reseated  himself,  and  took  no  more 
notice  of  the  ladies  who  were  in  the  room.  I  confess 
that,  on  this  occasion,  I  was  less  occupied  with  him 
than  with  the  luxury,  the  elegance,  and  the  magnifi- 
cence on  which  my  eyes  rested  for  the  first  time. 

From  that  time  forth  we  made  occasional  visits  to 
the  Tuileries ;  and  after  a  while  it  was  suggested  to  us, 
and  we  took  to  the  idea,  that  M.  de  Remusat  might  fill 
some  post,  which  would  restore  us  to  the  comfort  of 
which  the  loss  of  our  fortune  had  deprived  us.  M.  de 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  109 

Remusat,  having  been  a  magistrate  before  the  Revolu- 
tion, would  have  preferred  occupation  of  a  legal  char- 
acter. He  would  not  grieve  me  by  separating  me  from 
my  mother  and  taking  me  away  from  Paris,  and  there- 
fore he  was  disposed  to  ask  for  a  place  in  the  Council 
of  State,  and  to  avoid  prefectures.  But  then  we  really 
knew  nothing  of  the  structure  and  composition  of  the 
Government.  My  mother  had  mentioned  our  position 
to  Mme.  Bonaparte,  who  had  taken  a  liking  to  me,  and 
was  also  pleased  with  my  husband's  manners,  and  it 
occurred  to  her  that  she  might  place  us  near  herself. 
Just  at  this  time  my  sister,  who  had  not  married  the 
cousin  whom  I  have  mentioned,  married  M.  de  Nan- 
souty,  a  general  of  brigade,  the  nephew  of  Mme.  de 
Montesson,  and  a  man  very  much  esteemed  in  the 
army  and  in  society.  This  marriage  strengthened  our 
connection  with  the  Consular  Government,  and  a 
month  afterward  Mme.  Bonaparte  told  my  mother  that 
she  hoped  before  long  M.  de  Remusat  would  be  made 
a  Prefect  of  the  Palace.  I  will  pass  over  in  silence  the 
sentiments  with  which  this  news  was  received  in  the 
family.  For  my  own  part,  I  was  exceedingly  fright- 
ened. M.  de  Remusat  was  resigned  rather  than 
pleased ;  and,  as  he  is  a  particularly  conscientious  man, 
he  applied  himself  to  all  the  minute  details  of  his  new 
occupation  immediately  after  his  nomination,  which 
soon  followed.  Shortly  afterward  I  received  the  fol- 
lowing letter  from  General  Duroc,  Governor  of  the 
Palace : 

"  MADAME  :  The  First  Consul  has  nominated  you 
to  attend  upon  Mme.  Bonaparte,  in  doing  the  honors 
of  the  palace.  His  personal  knowledge  of  your  char- 
acter and  of  your  principles  satisfies  him  that  you  will 
acquit  yourself  of  this  duty  with  the  politeness  which 
distinguishes  French  ladies,  and  with  dignity  such  as 


no  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

the  Government  requires.  I  am  happy  to  have  been 
made  the  medium  of  announcing  to  you  this  mark  of 
his  esteem  and  confidence. 

"  Receive,  madame,  my  respectful  homage." 

Thus  did  we  find  ourselves  installed  at  this  singular 
Court.  Although  Bonaparte  would  have  been  angry  if 
any  one  had  seemed  to  doubt  the  sincerity  of  his  utter- 
ances, which  were  at  this  period  entirely  republican,  he 
introduced  some  novelty  into  his  manner  of  life  every 
day,  which  tended  to  give  the  place  of  his  abode  more 
and  more  resemblance  to  the  palace  of  a  sovereign. 
He  liked  display,  provided  it  did  not  interfere  with  his 
own  particular  habits ;  therefore  he  laid  the  weight  of 
ceremonial  on  those  who  surrounded  him.  He  be- 
lieved also  that  the  French  are  attracted  by  the  glitter 
of  external  pomp.  He  was  very  simple  in  his  own 
attire,  but  he  required  his  officers  to  wear  magnificent 
uniforms.  He  had  already  established  a  marked  dis- 
tance between  himself  and  the  two  other  Consuls;  and 
just  as,  although  he  used  the  preamble,  "  By  order  of 
the  Consuls,"  etc.,  in  the  acts  of  government,  his  own 
signature  only  was  placed  at  the  end,  so  he  held  his 
court  alone,  either  at  the  Tuileries  or  at  Saint  Cloud; 
he  received  the  ambassadors  with  the  ceremonial  used 
by  kings,  and  always  appeared  in  public  attended  by 
a  numerous  guard,  while  he  allowed  his  colleagues  only 
two  grenadiers  before  their  carriages;  and  finally  he 
began  to  give  his  wife  rank  in  the  state. 

At  first  we  found  ourselves  in  a  somewhat  difficult 
position,  which,  nevertheless,  had  its  advantages.  Mili- 
tary glory  and  the  rights  it  confers  were  all-in-all  to 
the  generals  and  aides-de-camp  who  surrounded  Bona- 
parte. They  seemed  to  think  that  every  distinction 
belonged  exclusively  to  them.  The  Consul,  however, 
who  liked  conquest  of  all  kinds,  and  whose  design  was 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  in 

to  gain  over  to  himself  all  classes  of  society,  made  his 
Court  pleasant  to  persons  belonging  to  other  profes- 
sions. Besides  this,  M.  de  Remusat,  who  was  a  man  of 
intellect,  of  remarkable  learning,  and  superior  to  his 
colleagues  in  conversational  powers,  was  soon  distin- 
guished by  his  master,  who  was  quick  at  discovering 
qualities  which  might  be  useful  to  himself.  Bona- 
parte was  glad  that  persons  in  his  service  should  know, 
for  his  purposes,  things  of  which  he  was  ignorant. 
He  found  that  my  husband  knew  all  about  certain  cus- 
toms which  he  wanted  to  reestablish,  and  was  a  safe 
authority  on  matters  of  etiquette  and  the  habits  of  good 
society.  He  briefly  indicated  his  projects,  was  at  once 
understood,  and  as  promptly  obeyed.  This  unusual 
manner  of  pleasing  him  at  first  gave  some  offense  to 
the  military  men.  They  foresaw  that  they  would  no 
longer  be  the  only  persons  in  favor,  and  that  they 
would  be  required  to  alter  the  rough  manners 
which  did  well  enough  for  camps  and  fields  of  battle; 
therefore  our  presence  displeased  them.  For  my  own 
part,  although  I  was  so  young,  I  had  more  ease  of 
manner  than  their  wives.  Most  of  my  companions 
were  ignorant  of  the  world,  timid  and  silent,  and  they 
were  either  shy  or  frightened  in  the  presence  of  the 
First  Consul.  As  for  me,  I  was,  as  I  have  already 
said,  very  quick  and  lively,  easily  moved  by  novelty, 
fond  of  intellectual  pleasures,  interested  in  observing 
so  many  persons,  all  unknown  to  me;  and  I  found 
favor  with  my  new  sovereign,  because,  as  I  have  said 
elsewhere,  I  took  pleasure  in  listening  to  him.  And 
then,  Mme.  Bonaparte  liked  me,  because  she  herself 
had  chosen  me ;  she  was  pleased  that  she  had  been  able 
to  attach  a  person  of  good  family  to  herself,  and  that 
through  the  medium  of  my  mother,  whom  she  re- 
spected highly.  She  trusted  me,  and  I  was  attached 
to  her,  so  that  before  long  she  confided  all  her  secrets 


ii2  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

to  me,  and  I  received  them  with  discretion.  Although 
I  might  have  been  her  daughter,  I  was  often  able  to 
give  her  good  advice,  because  the  habits  of  a  secluded 
and  strict  life  make  one  take  a  serious  view  of  things. 
My  husband  and  I  were  soon  placed  in  so  prominent 
a  position  that  we  had  to  secure  forgiveness  for  it. 
We  obtained  that  position  almost  entirely  by  preserv- 
ing our  simple  ways,  by  keeping  within  the  bounds  of 
politeness,  and  by  avoiding  everything  which  might 
lead  to  the  suspicion  that  we  wanted  to  trade  on  the 
favor  we  were  in. 

M.  de  Remusat  lived  in  a  simple  and  kindly  fashion 
in  the  midst  of  this  warlike  Court.  As  for  me,  I  was 
fortunate  enough  to  hold  my  own  without  offense, 
and  I  put  forward  no  pretension  distasteful  to  other 
women.  Tiie  greater  number  of  my  companions  were 
much  handsomer  than  I — some  of  them  were  very 
beautiful;  and  they  were  all  superbly  dressed.  My 
face,  which  had  no  beauty  but  that  of  youth,  and  the 
habitual  simplicity  of  my  attire,  satisfied  them  that  in 
several  ways  they  were  superior  to  me;  and  it  soon 
seemed  as  if  we  had  made  a  tacit  compact  that  they 
should  charm  the  eyes  of  the  First  Consul  when  we 
were  in  his  presence,  and  that  I  should  endeavor,  as 
far  as  lay  in  my  power,  to  interest  his  mind.  As  I 
have  already  said,  to  do  that  one  had  only  to  be  a 
good  listener. 

Political  ideas  rarely  enter  into  the  head  of  a  woman 
at  twenty-two.  I  was  at  that  time  quite  without 
any  kind  of  party  spirit.  I  never  reasoned  on  the 
greater  or  less  right  which  Bonaparte  had  to  the 
power  of  which  every  one  declared  that  he  made  a 
good  use.  M.  de  Remusat,  who  believed  in  him,  as 
did  nearly  the  whole  of  France,  was  full  of  the  hopes 
which  at  that  time  seemed  to  be  well  founded.  All 
classes,  outraged  and  disgusted  by  the  horrors  of  the 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  113 

Revolution,  and  grateful  to  the  Consular  Government 
which  preserved  us  from  the  Jacobite  reaction,  looked 
upon  its  coming  into  power  as  a  new  era  for  the  coun- 
try. The  trials  of  liberty  that  had  been  made  over 
and  over  again  had  inspired  a  very  natural,  though 
not  very  reasonable,  aversion  to  it ;  for,  in  truth,  lib- 
erty always  disappeared  when  its  name  was  used 
merely  to  vary  successive  species  of  tyranny.  Gen- 
erally speaking,  nobody  in  France  wanted  anything 
except  quiet,  the  right  to  free  exercise  of  the  intellect, 
the  cultivation  of  private  virtues,  and  the  reparation 
by  degrees  of  those  losses  of  fortune  which  were  com- 
mon to  all.  When  I  remember  all  the  dreams  which 
I  cherished  at  that  time,  the  recollection  makes  me 
sick  at  heart.  I  regret  those  fancies,  as  one  regrets 
the  bright  thoughts  of  the  springtime  of  life — of  that 
time  when,  to  use  a  simile  familiar  to  Bonaparte  him- 
self, one  looks  at  all  things  through  a  gilded  veil  which 
makes  them  bright  and  sparkling.  "  Little  by  little," 
said  he,"  this  veil  thickens  as  we  advance  in  life,  until 
all  is  nearly  black."  Alas!  he  himself  soon  stained 
with  blood  that  gilded  veil  through  which  France  had 
gladly  contemplated  him. 

It  was  in  the  autumn  of  1802  that  I  established 
myself  for  the  first  time  at  Saint  Cloud,  where  the 
First  Consul  then  was.  There  were  four  ladies,  and 
we  each  passed  a  week  in  succession  in  attendance  on 
Mme.  Bonaparte.  The  service,  as  it  was  called,  of 
the  prefects  of  the  palace,  of  the  generals  of  the  guard, 
and  of  the  aides-de-camp,  was  conducted  in  the  same 
way.  Duroc,  the  Governor  of  the  Palace,  lived  at 
Saint  Cloud;  he  kept  the  household  in  perfect  order; 
we  dined  with  him.  The  First  Consul  took  his  meals 
alone  with  his  wife.  Tw7ice  a  week  he  invited  some 
members  of  the  Government ;  once  a  month  he  gave  a 
great  dinner  to  a  hundred  guests  at  the  Tuileries,  in 


ii4  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

the  Gallery  of  Diana;  after  these  dinners  he  received 
every  one  who  held  an  important  post  or  rank,  either 
military  or  civil,  and  also  foreigners  of  note.  During 
the  winter  of  1803  we  were  still  at  peace  with  Eng- 
land. A  great  number  of  English  people  came  tQ 
Paris,  and  as  we  were  not  accustomed  to  seeing  them, 
they  excited  great  curiosity. 

At  these  brilliant  receptions  there  was  a  great  dis- 
play of  luxury.  Bonaparte  liked  women  to  dress 
well,  and,  either  from  policy  or  from  taste,  he  en- 
couraged his  wife  and  sisters  to  do  so.  Mme.  Bona- 
parte and  Mmes.  Bacciochi  and  Murat  (Mme.  Leclerc, 
afterward  Princess  Pauline,  was  at  Saint  Domingo 
in  1802)  were  always  magnificently  attired.  Cos- 
tumes were  given  to  the  different  corps;  the  uniforms 
were  rich;  and  this  pomp,  coming  as  it  did  after  a 
period  in  which  the  affectation  of  squalor  had  been 
combined  with  that  of  extravagant  ch'ismc,  seemed 
to  be  an  additional  guarantee  against  the  return  of 
that  fatal  regime  which  was  still  remembered  with 
dread. 

Bonaparte's  costume  at  this  period  is  worthy  of 
record.  On  ordinary  days  he  wore  one  of  the  uni- 
forms of  his  guard;  but  he  had  decreed,  for  himself 
and  his  two  colleagues,  that  on  all  occasions  of  grand 
ceremonial  each  should  wear  a  red  coat,  made  in  win- 
ter in  velvet,  in  summer  of  some  other  material,  and 
embroidered  in  gold.  The  two  Consuls,  Cambaceres 
and  Le  Brun,  elderly,  powdered,  and  well  set  up,  wore 
this  gorgeous  coat,  with  lace,  ruffles,  and  a  sword, 
after  the  old  fashion  of  full  dress,  but  Bonaparte, 
who  detested  all  such  adornments,  got  rid  of  them  as 
much  as  possible.  His  hair  was  cut  short,  smoothed 
down,  and  generally  ill  arranged.  With  his  crimson- 
and-gold  coat  he  would  wear  a  black  cravat,  a  lace 
frill  to  his  shirt,  but  no  sleeve  ruffles.  Sometimes  he 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  115 

wore  a  white  vest  embroidered  in  silver,  but  more 
frequently  his  uniform  waistcoat,  his  uniform  sword, 
breeches,  silk  stockings,  and  boots.  This  extraor- 
dinary costume  and  his  small  stature  gave  him  the 
oddest  possible  appearance,  which,  however,  no  one 
ventured  to  ridicule.  When  he  became  Emperor,  he 
wore  a  richly  laced  coat,  with  a  short  cloak  and  a 
plumed  hat;  and  this  costume  became  him  very  well. 
He  also  wore  a  magnificent  collar  of  the  Order  of 
the  Legion  of  Honor,  in  diamonds,  on  state  occasions; 
but  on  ordinary  occasions  he  wore  only  the  silver 
cross. 

On  the  eve  of  his  coronation,  the  marshals  he  had 
newly  created  a  few  months  before  came  to  pay  him  a 
visit,  all  gorgeously  arrayed.  The  splendor  of  their 
costume,  in  contrast  with  his  simple  uniform,  made 
him  smile.  I  was  standing  at  a  little  distance  from 
him,  and  as  he  saw  that  I  smiled  also,  he  said  to  me,  in 
a  low  tone,  "  It  is  not  every  one  who  has  the  right  to  be 
plainly  dressed."  Presently  the  marshals  of  the  army 
began  disputing  among  themselves  about  the  great 
question  of  precedence.  Their  pretensions  were  very 
well  founded,  and  each  enumerated  his  victories.  Bo- 
naparte, while  listening  to  them,  again  glanced  at  me. 
"  I  think,"  said  I,  "  you  must  have  stamped  your  foot 
on  France,  and  said,  '  Let  all  the  vanities  arise  from 
the  soil.' '  "  That  is  true,"  he  replied ;  "  but  it  is 
fortunate  that  the  French  are  to  be  ruled  through 
their  vanity." 

During  the  first  months  of  my  sojourn  at  Saint 
Cloud  in  the  winter,  and  at  Paris,  my  life  was  very 
pleasant.  In  the  morning  at  eight  o'clock  Bonaparte 
left  his  wife's  room  and  went  to  his  study.  When  we 
were  in  Paris  he  again  went  down  to  her  apartments 
to  breakfast;  at  Saint  Cloud  he  breakfasted  alone, 
generally  on  the  terrace.  While  at  breakfast  he  re- 


ii6  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

ceived  artists  and  actors,  and  talked  to  them  freely 
and  pleasantly.  Afterward  he  devoted  himself  to 
public  affairs  until  six  o'clock.  Mme.  Bonaparte 
remained  at  home  during  the  morning,  receiving  an 
immense  number  of  visitors,  chiefly  women.  Among 
these  would  be  some  whose  husbands  belonged  to  the 
Government,  and  some  (these  were  called  de  I'ancicn 
regime}  who  did  not  wish  to  have,  or  to  appear  to 
have,  relations  with  the  First  Consul,  but  who  solic- 
ited, through  his  wife,  "erasures"  or  restitutions. 
Mme.  Bonaparte  received  them  all  with  perfect  grace. 
She  promised  everything,  and  sent  every  one  away 
well  pleased.  The  petitions  were  put  aside  and  lost 
sometimes,  but  then  they  brought  fresh  ones,  and  she 
seemed  never  tired  of  listening. 

We  dined  at  six  in  Paris;  at  Saint  Cloud  we  went 
out  to  drive  at  that  hour — the  Consul  alone  in  a 
caleche  with  his  wife,  we  in  other  carriages.  Bona- 
parte's brother  and  sisters  and  Eugene  de  Beauhar- 
nais  might  come  to  dine  with  him  whenever  they 
wished  to  do  so.  Sometimes  Mme.  Louis  came;  but 
she  never  slept  at  Saint  Cloud.  The  jealousy  of 
Louis  Bonaparte,  and  his  extreme  suspicion,  had  al- 
ready made  her  shy  and  melancholy.  Once  or  twice 
a  week  the  little  Napoleon  (who  afterward  died  in 
Holland)  was  sent  to  Saint  Cloud.  Bonaparte  seemed 
to  love  that  child;  he  built  hopes  for  the  future  upon 
him.  Perhaps  it  was  only  on  account  of  those  hopes 
that  he  noticed  him;  for  M.  de  Talleyrand  has  told 
me  that,  when  the  news  of  his  nephew's  death  reached 
Berlin,  Bonaparte,  who  was  about  to  appear  in  pub- 
lic, was  so  little  affected  that  M.  de  Talleyrand  said, 
"  You  forget  that  a  death  has  occurred  in  your  family, 
and  that  you  ought  to  look  serious."  "  I  do  not 
amuse  myself,"  replied  Bonaparte,  "  by  thinking  of 
dead  people." 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  117 

It  would  be  curious  to  compare  this  frank  utterance 
with  the  fine  speech  of  M.  de  Fontanes,  who,  having 
to  deliver  an  address  upon  the  depositing  of  the  Prus- 
sian flags  in  great  pomp  at  the  Invalides,  dwelt 
pathetically  upon  the  majestic  grief  of  a  conqueror 
who  turned  from  the  splendor  of  his  victories  to  shed 
tears  over  the  death  of  a  child. 

After  the  Consul  had  dined,  we  were  told  we  might 
go  upstairs  again.  The  conversation  was  prolonged, 
according  as  he  was  in  a  good  or  a  bad  humor.  He 
would  go  away  after  a  while,  and  in  general  we  did 
not  see  him  again.  He  returned  to  work,  gave  some 
particular  audience  or  received  one  of  the  ministers, 
and  retired  early.  Mme.  Bonaparte  played  at  cards  in 
the  evening.  Between  ten  and  eleven  o'clock  she 
would  be  told,  "  Madame,  the  First  Consul  has  gone 
to  his  room,"  and  then  she  would  dismiss  us  for  the 
night. 

She  and  every  one  about  her  \vere  very  reserved 
respecting  public  affairs.  Duroc,  Maret  (then  Sec- 
retary of  State),  and  the  private  secretaries  were  all 
impenetrable.  Most  of  the  soldiers,  to  avoid  talking, 
as  I  believe,  abstained  from  thinking;  in  that  kind 
of  life  there  was  not  much  wear  and  tear  of  the  mind. 

On  my  arrival  at  Court,  I  was  quite  ignorant  of  the 
more  or  less  dread  that  Bonaparte  inspired  in  those 
who  had  known  him  for  some  time,  and  I  was  less 
embarrassed  in  his  presence  than  the  others ;  and  I  did 
not  think  myself  bound  to  adopt  the  system  of  mono- 
syllables religiously,  and  perhaps  prudently,  adopted 
by  all  the  household.  This,  however,  exposed  me  to 
ridicule  in  a  way  of  which  I  was  unconscious  at  first, 
which  afterward  amused  me,  but  which  in  the  end  I 
had  to  avoid. 

One  evening  Bonaparte  was  praising  the  ability  of 
the  elder  M.  Portalis,  w;ho  was  then  working  at  the 


ii8  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

Civil  Code,  and  M.  de  Remusat  said  M.  Portalis  had 
profited  by  the  study  of  Montesquieu  in  particular, 
adding  that  he  had  read  and  learned  Montesquieu  as 
one  learns  the  catechism.  Bonaparte,  turning  to  one 
of  my  companions,  said  to  her,  laughing,  "  I  would 
bet  something  that  you  do  not  know  what  this  Mon- 
tesquieu is."  "  Pardon  me,"  she  replied,  "  everybody 
has  read  '  Le  Temple  de  Gnide.' '  At  this  Bonaparte 
went  off  into  a  fit  of  laughter,  and  I  could  not  help 
smiling.  He  looked  at  me  and  said,  "  And  you,  ma- 
dame  ?  "  I  replied  simply  that  I  was  not  acquainted 
with  "  Le  Temple  de  Gnide,"  but  had  read  "Conside- 
rations sur  les  Remains,"  and  that  I  thought  neither 
the  one  nor  the  other  work  was  the  catechism  to 
which  M.  de  Remusat  alluded.  "Diable!"  said 
Bonaparte,  "you  are  a  savante!"  This  epithet  dis- 
concerted me,  for  I  felt  that  it  would  stick.  A  minute 
after,  Mme.  Bonaparte  began  to  talk  of  a  tragedy 
(I  do  not  know  what  it  was)  which  was  then  being 
performed.  On  this  the  First  Consul  passed  the  liv- 
ing authors  in  review,  and  spoke  of  Ducis,  whose 
style  he  did  not  admire.  He  deplored  the  mediocrity 
of  our  tragic  poets,  and  said  that,  above  everything 
in  the  world,  he  should  like  to  recompense  the  author 
of  a  fine  tragedy.  I  ventured  to  say  that  Ducis  had 
spoilt  the  "  Othello "  of  Shakespeare.  This  long 
English  name  coming  from  my  lips  produced  a  sensa- 
tion among  our  silent  and  attentive  audience  in  epau- 
lettes. Bonaparte  did  not  altogether  like  anything 
English  being  praised.  We  argued  the  point  awhile. 
All  I  said  was  very  commonplace;  but  I  had  named 
Shakespeare,  I  had  held  my  own  against  the  Consul, 
I  had  praised  an  English  author.  What  audacity! 
what  a  prodigy  of  erudition !  I  was  obliged  to  keep 
silence  for  several  days  after,  or  at  least  only  to  take 
part  in  idle  talk,  in  order  to  efface  the  effect  of 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  119 

my  unlucky  and  easily  gained  reputation  for  clever- 
ness. 

\Yhen  I  left  the  palace  and  went  back  to  my 
mother's  house,  I  associated  there  with  many  amiable 
women  and  distinguished  men,  whose  conversation 
was  most  interesting;  and  I  smiled  to  myself  at  the 
difference  between  their  society  and  that  of  Bona- 
parte's Court. 

One  good  effect  of  our  almost  habitual  silence  was, 
that  it  kept  us  from  gossip.  The  women  had  no  chance 
of  indulging  in  coquetry;  the  men  were  incessantly 
occupied  in  their  duties;  and  Bonaparte,  who  did  not 
yet  venture  to  indulge  all  his  fancies,  and  who  felt 
that  the  appearance  of  regularity  wrould  be  useful  to 
him,  lived  in  a  way  which  deceived  me  as  to  his  mo- 
rality. He  appeared  to  love  his  wife  very  much;  she 
seemed  to  be  all  in  all  to  him.  Nevertheless,  I  dis- 
covered ere  long  that  she  had  troubles  of  a  nature 
which  surprised  me.  She  was  of  an  exceedingly 
jealous  disposition.  It  was  a  very  great  misfortune 
for  her  that  she  had  no  children  by  her  second  hus- 
band ;  he  sometimes  expressed  his  annoyance,  and  then 
she  trembled  for  her  future.  The  family  of  the  First 
Consul,  who  were  always  bitter  against  the  Beau- 
harnais,  made  the  most  of  this  misfortune.  From 
these  causes  quarrels  arose.  Sometimes  I  found  Mme. 
Bonaparte  in  tears,  and  then  she  would  complain  bit- 
terly of  her  brothers-in-law,  of  Mme.  Murat,  and  of 
Murat,  who  kept  up  their  own  influence  by  exciting 
the  Consul  to  passing  fancies,  and  promoting  his  secret 
intrigues.  I  begged  her  to  keep  quiet.  I  could  see 
that  if  Bonaparte  loved  his  wife,  it  was  because  her 
habitual  gentleness  gave  him  repose,  and  that  she 
would  lose  her  power  if  she  troubled  or  disturbed  him. 
However,  during  my  first  years  at  Court,  the  slight 
differences  which  arose  between  them  always  ended 


120  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

in  satisfactory  explanations  and  in  redoubled  tender- 
ness. 

After  1802  I  never  saw  General  Moreau  at  Bona- 
parte's Court ;  they  were  already  estranged.  Moreau's 
mother-in-law  and  wife  were  schemers,  and  Bonaparte 
could  not  endure  a  spirit  of  intrigue  in  women. 
Moreover,  on  one  occasion  the  mother  of  Mme. 
Moreau,  being  at  Malmaison,  had  ventured  to  jest 
about  the  suspected  scandalous  intimacy  between  Bona- 
parte and  his  young  sister  Caroline,  then  newly  mar- 
ried. The  Consul  had  not  forgiven  these  remarks, 
for  which  he  had  severely  censured  both  the  mother 
and  the  daughter.  Moreau  complained,  and  was 
sharply  questioned  about  his  own  attitude.  He  lived 
in  retirement,  among  people  who  kept  him  in  a  state 
of  constant  irritation;  and  Murat,  who  was  the  chief 
of  an  active  secret  police,  spied  out  causes  of  offense 
which  were  wholly  unimportant,  and  continually  car- 
ried malicious  reports  to  the  Tuileries.  This  multi- 
plication of  the  police  was  one  of  the  evils  of  Bo- 
naparte's government,  and  was  the  result  of  his 
suspicious  disposition.  The  agents  acted  as  spies  upon 
each  other,  denounced  each  other,  endeavored  to  make 
themselves  necessary,  and  kept  alive  Bonaparte's 
habitual  mistrust.  After  the  affair  of  the  infernal 
machine,  of  which  M.  de  Talleyrand  availed  himself 
to  procure  the  dismissal  of  Fouche,  the  police  had 
been  put  into  the  hands  of  Regnier,  the  chief  judge. 
Bonaparte  thought  that  his  suppressing  the  Ministry 
of  Police,  which  was  a  revolutionary  invention,  would 
look  like  liberalism  and  moderation.  He  soon  re- 
pented of  this  step,  and  replaced  the  regular  ministry 
by  a  multitude  of  spies,  whom  he  continued  to  employ 
even  after  he  had  reinstated  Fouche.  His  Prefect  of 
Police,  Murat,  Duroc,  Savary  (who  then  commanded 
the  gend'armerie  d' elite),  Maret  (who  had  also  a  secret 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  121 

police,  at  the  head  of  which  was  M.  de  Semonville), 
and  I  don't  know  how  many  others,  did  the  work  of 
the  suppressed  ministry. 

Fouche,  who  possessed  in  perfection  the  art  of  mak- 
ing himself  necessary,  soon  crept  back  secretly  into 
the  favor  of  the  First  Consul,  and  succeeded  in  get- 
ting himself  made  minister  a  second  time.  The  badly 
conducted  trial  of  General  Moreau  aided  him  in  that 
attempt,  as  will  be  seen  by  what  follows. 

At  this  time  Cambeceres  and  Le  Brun,  Second  and 
Third  Consuls,  took  very  little  part  in  the  administra- 
tion of  the  Government  The  latter,  who  was  an  old 
man,  gave  Bonaparte  no  concern.  The  former,  a  dis- 
tinguished magistrate,  who  was  of  great  weight  in  all 
questions  within  the  province  of  the  Council  of  State, 
took  part  only  in  the  discussion  of  certain  laws.  Bona- 
parte profited  by  his  knowledge,  and  relied  with  good 
reason  on  the  ridicule  which  his  petty  vanity  excited 
to  diminish  his  importance.  Cambaceres,  charmed 
with  the  distinctions  conferred  on  him,  paraded  them 
with  childish  pleasure,  which  was  humored  and 
laughed  at.  His  self-conceit  on  certain  points  fre- 
quently secured  his  safety. 

At  the  time  of  which  I  speak,  M.  de  Talleyrand  had 
vast  influence.  Every  great  political  question  passed 
through  his  hands.  Not  only  did  he  regulate  foreign 
affairs  at  that  period,  and  principally  determine  the 
new  State  constitutions  to  be  given  to  Germany — a 
task  which  laid  the  foundations  of  his  immense  for- 
tune— but  he  had  long  conferences  with  Bonaparte 
every  day,  and  urged  him  to  measures  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  his  power  on  the  basis  of  reparation  and 
reconstruction.  At  that  time  I  am  certain  that  meas- 
ures for  the  restoration  of  monarchy  were  frequently 
discussed  between  them.  M.  de  Talleyrand  always 
remained  unalterably  convinced  that  monarchical  gov- 


122  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

ernment  only  was  suitable  to  France;  while,  for  his 
own  part,  it  would  have  enabled  him  to  resume  all  his 
former  habits  of  life,  and  replaced  him  on  familiar 
ground.  Both  the  advantages  and  the  abuses  proper 
to  courts  would  offer  him  chances  of  acquiring  power 
and  influence.  I  did  not  know  M.  de  Talleyrand,  and 
all  I  had  heard  of  him  had  prejudiced  me  strongly 
against  him.  I  was,  however,  struck  by  the  elegance 
of  his  manners,  which  presented  so  strong  a  contrast 
to  the  rude  bearing  of  the  military  men  by  whom  I 
was  surrounded.  He  preserved  among  them  the  in- 
delible characteristics  of  a  grand  seigneur.  He  over- 
awed by  his  disdainful  silence,  by  his  patronizing 
politeness,  from  which  no  one  could  escape.  M.  de 
Talleyrand,  .who  was  the  most  artificial  of  beings,  con- 
trived to  make  a  sort  of  natural  character  for  himself 
out  of  a  number  of  habits  deliberately  adopted;  he 
adhered  to  them  under  all  circumstances,  as  though 
they  had  really  constituted  his  true  nature.  His  habit- 
ually light  manner  of  treating  the  most  momentous 
matters  was  almost  always  useful  to  himself,  but  it 
frequently  injured  the  effect  of  his  actions. 

For  several  years  I  had  no  acquaintance  with  him 
— I  distrusted  him  vaguely;  but  it  amused  me  to  hear 
him  talk,  and  see  him  act  with  ease  peculiar  to  him- 
self, and  which  lent  infinite  grace  to  all  those  ways 
of  his,  which  in  any  other  man  would  be  regarded  as 
sheer  affectation. 

The  winter  of  this  year  (1803)  was  very  brilliant. 
Bonaparte  desired  that  fetes  should  be  given,  and  he 
also  occupied  himself  with  the  restoration  of  the  thea- 
tres. He  confided  the  carrying  out  of  the  latter  de- 
sign to  his  Prefects  of  the  Palace.  M.  de  Remusat 
was  intrusted  with  the  charge  of  the  Comedie  Fran- 
c.aise;  a  number  of  pieces  which  had  been  prohibited 
by  Republican  policy  were  put  upon  the  stage.  By 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  123 

degrees  all  the  former  habits  of  social  life  were  re- 
sumed. This  was  a  clever  way  of  enticing  back  those 
who  had  been  familiar  with  that  social  life,  and  of 
reuniting  the  ties  that  bind  civilized  men  together. 
This  system  was  skilfully  carried  out.  Hostile  opin- 
ions became  weaker  daily.  The  Royalists,  who  had 
been  baffled  on  the  i8th  Fructidor,  continued  to  hope 
that  Bonaparte,  after  having  reestablished  order,  would 
include  the  return  of  the  house  of  Bourbon  among  his 
restorations.  They  deceived  themselves  on  this  point 
indeed,  but  at  least  they  might  thank  him  for  the  re- 
establishment  of  order;  and  they  looked  forward  to  a 
decisive  blow,  which,  by  disposing  of  his  person  and 
suddenly  rendering  vacant  a  place  which  henceforth 
no  one  but  he  could  fill,  would  make  it  evident  that  only 
the  legitimate  sovereign  could  be  his  natural  successor. 
This  secret  idea  of  a  party  which  is  generally  confident 
in  what  it  hopes,  and  always  imprudent  in  what  it  at- 
tempts, led  to  renewed  secret  correspondences  with 
our  princes,  to  attempts  by  the  emigres,  and  to  move- 
ments in  La  Vendee;  and  all  these  proceedings  Bona- 
parte watched  in  silence. 

On  the  other  hand,  those  who  were  enamored  of 
federal  government  observed  with  uneasiness  that  the 
consular  authority  tended  toward  a  centralization 
which  was  by  degrees  reviving  the  idea  of  royalty. 
These  malcontents  were  almost  of  the  same  mind  as 
the  few  individuals  who,  notwithstanding  the  errors 
into  which  the  cause  of  liberty  had  led  some  of  its 
partisans,  were  forced  by  their  consciences  to  ac- 
knowledge that  the  French  Revolution  was  a  move- 
ment of  public  utility,  and  who  feared  that  Bona- 
parte might  succeed  in  paralyzing  its  action.  Now  and 
then  a  few  words  were  said  on  this  subject,  which, 
although  very  moderate  in  tone,  showed  that  the  Roy- 
alists were  not  the  only  antagonists  the  secret  projects 


124  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

of  Bonaparte  would  meet  with.  Then  there  were  the 
ultra-Jacobins  to  be  kept  within  bounds,  and  also  the 
military,  who,  full  of  their  pretensions,  were  aston- 
ished that  any  rights  except  their  own  should  be  recog- 
nized. The  state  of  opinion  among  all  these  different 
parties  was  accurately  reported  to  Bonaparte,  who 
steered  his  way  among  them  prudently.  He  went  on 
steadily  toward  a  goal,  which  at  that  time  few  people 
even  guessed  at.  He  kept  attention  fixed  upon  a  por- 
tion of  his  policy  which  he  enveloped  in  mystery.  He 
could  at  will  attract  or  divert  attention,  and  alternately 
excite  the  approbation  of  the  one  or  the  other  party — 
disturb  or  reassure  them  as  he  found  it  necessary; 
now  exciting  wonder,  and  then  hope.  He  regarded 
the  French  as  fickle  children  ready  to  be  amused  by  a 
new  plaything  at  the  expense  of  their  own  dearest 
interests.  His  position  as  First  Consul  was  advan- 
tageous to  him,  because,  being  so  undefined,  it  excited 
less  uneasiness  among  a  certain  class  of  people.  At 
a  later  period  the  positive  rank  of  Emperor  deprived 
him  of  that  advantage;  then,  after  having  let  France 
into  his  secret,  he  had  no  other  means  left  whereby  to 
efface  the  impression  from  the  country,  but  that  fatal 
lure  of  military  glory  which  he  displayed  before  her. 
From  this  cause  arose  fcis  never-ending  wars,  his 
interminable  conquests;  for  he  felt  we  must  be  occu- 
pied at  all  hazards.  And  now  we  can  see  that  from 
this  cause,  too,  arose  the  obligation  imposed  on  him 
to  push  his  destiny  to  its  limits,  and  to  refuse  peace 
either  at  Dresden  or  even  at  Chatillon.  For  Bona- 
parte knew  that  he  must  infallibly  be  lost,  from  that 
day  on  which  his  compulsory  quietude  should  give  us 
time  to  reflect  upon  him  and  upon  ourselves. 

At  the  end  of  1802,  or  the  beginning  of  1803,  there 
appeared  in  the  "  Moniteur  "  a  dialogue  between  a 
Frenchman,  enthusiastic  on  the  subject  of  the  English 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  125 

constitution,  and  a  so-called  reasonable  Englishman, 
who,  after  having  shown  that  there  is,  strictly  speak- 
ing, no  constitution  in  England,  but  only  institutions, 
all  more  or  less  adapted  to  the  position  of  the  country 
and  to  the  character  of  its  inhabitants,  endeavors  to 
prove  that  these  institutions  could  not  be  adopted  by 
the  French  without  giving  rise  to  many  evils.  By 
these  and  similar  means,  Bonaparte  endeavored  to 
control  that  desire  for  liberty  which  always  springs 
up  anew  in  the  minds  of  the  French  people. 

About  the  close  of  1802  we  heard  at  Paris  of  the 
death  of  General  Leclerc,  of  yellow  fever,  at  Saint 
Domingo.  In  the  month  of  January  his  pretty  young 
widow  returned  to  France.  She  was  then  in  bad 
health,  and  dressed  in  deep,  somber  mourning;  but 
still  I  thought  her  the  most  charming  person  I  had 
ever  seen.  Bonaparte  strongly  exhorted  her  to  con- 
duct herself  better  than  she  had  done  before  she  went 
out  to  Saint  Domingo;  and  she  promised  everything, 
but  soon  broke  her  word. 

The  death  of  General  Leclerc  gave  rise  to  a  little 
difficulty,  and  the  settling  of  this  tended  toward  that 
revival  of  former  customs  which  was  preparing  the 
way  for  monarchy.  Bonaparte  and  Mme.  Bonaparte 
put  on  mourning,  and  we  received  orders  to  do  like- 
wise. This  was  significant  enough;  but  it  was  not 
all.  The  ambassadors  were  to  pay  a  visit  at  the  Tui- 
leries,  to  condole  with  the  Consul  and  his  wife  on 
their  loss,  and  it  was  represented  to  them  that  polite- 
ness required  them  to  wear  mourning  on  the  occasion. 
They  met  to  deliberate,  and,  as  there  was  not  time 
for  them  to  obtain  instructions  from  their  several 
courts,  they  resolved  to  accept  the  intimation  they  had 
received,  thus  following  the  custom  usual  in  such 
cases.  Since  September,  1802,  an  ambassador  from 
England,  Lord  Whitworth,  had  replaced  the  charge 


126  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

d'affaires.  There  was  hope  of  a  lasting  peace;  inter- 
course between  England  and  France  increased  daily; 
but,  notwithstanding  this,  persons  who  were  a  little 
better  informed  than  the  crown  foresaw  causes  of  dis- 
sension between  the  two  Governments.  There  had 
been  a  discussion  in  the  English  Parliament  about  the 
part  which  the  French  Government  had  taken  in  the 
matter  of  the  new  Swiss  constitution,  and  the  "  Mon- 
iteur,"  which  was  entirely  official,  published  articles 
complaining  of  certain  measures  which  were  taken  in 
London  against  Frenchmen.  Appearances  were,  how- 
ever, extremely  favorable;  all  Paris,  and  especially 
the  Tuileries,  seemed  to  be  given  up  to  fetes  and  pleas- 
ures. Domestic  life  at  the  chateau  was  all  peace,  when 
suddenly  the  First  Consul's  taking  a  fancy  to  a  young 
and  beautiful  actress,  of  the  Theatre  Frangais,  threw 
Mme.  Bonaparte  into  great  distress,  and  gave  rise  to 
bitter  quarrels. 

Two  remarkable  actresses  (Miles.  Duchesnois  and 
Georges)  had  made  their  debut  in  tragedy  almost  at 
the  same  time.  The  one  was  very  plain,  but  her  genius 
speedily  gained  popularity;  the  other  was  not  so  tal- 
ented, but  was  extremely  beautiful.  The  Parisian  pub- 
lic sided  warmly  with  one  or  the  other,  but  in  general 
the  success  of  talent  was  greater  than  that  of  beauty. 
Bonaparte,  on  the  contrary,  was  charmed  with  the 
latter;  and  Mme.  Bonaparte  soon  learned,  through 
the  spying  of  her  servants,  that  Mile.  Georges  had  on 
several  occasions  been  introduced  into  a  little  back 
room  in  the  chateau.  This  discovery  caused  her  ex- 
treme distress;  she  told  me  of  it  with  great  emotion, 
and  shed  more  tears  than  I  thought  such  a  temporary 
affair  called  for.  I  represented  to  her  that  gentleness 
and  patience  were  the  only  remedies  for  a  grief  which 
time  would  certainly  cure ;  and  it  was  during  the  con- 
versations we  had  on  this  subject  that  she  gave  me  a 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  127 

notion  of  her  husband  which  I  would  not  otherwise 
have  formed.  According  to  her  account,  he  had  no 
moral  principles  whatever,  and  only  concealed  his  vi- 
cious inclinations  at  that  time  because  he  feared  they 
might  harm  him;  but,  when  he  could  give  himself  up 
to  them  without  any  risk,  he  would  abandon  himself 
to  the  most  shameful  passions.  Had  he  not  seduced 
his  own  sisters  one  after  the  other?  Did  he  not  hold 
that  his  position  entitled  him  to  gratify  all  his  inclin- 
ations? And,  besides,  his  brothers  were  practicing 
on  his  weakness  to  induce  him  to  relinquish  all  rela- 
tions with  his  wife.  As  the  result  of  their  schemes 
she  foresaw  the  much-dreaded  divorce,  which  had  al- 
ready been  mooted.  "  It  is  a  great  misfortune  for 
me,"  she  added,  "  that  I  have  not  borne  a  son  to  Bona- 
parte. That  gives  their  hatred  a  weapon  which  they 
can  always  use  against  me."  "  But,  madame,"  I  said, 
"  it  appears  to  me  that  your  daughter's  child  almost 
repairs  that  misfortune;  the  First  Consul  loves  him, 
and  will,  perhaps,  in  the  end  adopt  him."  "  Alas !  " 
replied  she,  "  that  is  the  object  of  my  dearest  wishes; 
but  the  jealous  and  sullen  disposition  of  Louis  Bona- 
parte leads  him  to  oppose  it.  His  family  have  mali- 
ciously repeated  to  him  the  insulting  rumors  concern- 
ing my  daughter's  conduct  and  the  paternity  of  her 
son.  Slander  has  declared  the  child  to  be  Bonaparte's, 
and  that  is  sufficient  to  make  Louis  refuse  his  consent 
to  the  adoption.  You  see  how  he  keeps  away  from  us, 
and  now  my  daughter  is  obliged  to  be  on  her  guard 
in  everything.  Moreover,  independently  of  the  good 
reasons  I  have  for  not  enduring  Bonaparte's  infidel- 
ities, they  always  mean  that  I  shall  have  a  thousand 
other  annoyances  to  submit  to." 

This  was  quite  true.  I  observed  that  from  the 
moment  the  First  Consul  paid  attention  to  another 
woman — whether  it  was  that  his  despotic  temper  led 


128  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

him  to  expect  that  his  wife  should  approve  this  indi- 
cation of  his  absolute  independence  in  all  things,  or 
whether  nature  had  bestowed  upon  him  so  limited  a 
faculty  of  loving  that  it  was  all  absorbed  by  the  person 
preferred  at  the  time,  and  that  he  had  not  a  particle 
of  feeling  left  to  bestow  upon  another — he  became 
harsh,  violent,  and  pitiless  to  his  wife.  Whenever  he 
had  a  mistress,  he  let  her  know  it,  and  showed  a  sort 
of  savage  surprise  that  she  did  not  approve  of  his  in- 
dulging in  pleasures  which,  as  he  would  demonstrate, 
so  to  speak,  mathematically,  were  both  allowable  and 
necessary  for  him.  "  I  am  not  an  ordinary  man,"  he 
would  say,  "  and  the  laws  of  morals  and  of  custom 
were  never  made  for  me."  Such  speeches  as  these 
aroused  the  anger  of  Mme.  Bonaparte,  and  she  replied 
to  them  by  tears  and  complaints,  which  her  husband 
resented  with  the  utmost  violence.  After  a  while  his 
new  fancy  would  vanish  suddenly,  and  his  tenderness 
for  his  wife  revive.  Then  he  was  moved  by  her  grief, 
and  would  lavish  caresses  upon  her  as  unmeasured  as 
his  wrath  had  been ;  and,  as  she  was  very  placable  and 
gentle,  she  was  easily  appeased. 

While  the  storm  lasted,  however,  my  position  was 
rendered  embarrassing  by  the  strange  confidences  of 
which  I  was  the  recipient,  and  at  times  by  proceedings 
in  which  I  was  obliged  to  take  part.  I  remember  one 
occurrence  in  particular,  during  the  winter  of  1803, 
at  which,  and  the  absurd  panic  into  which  it  threw  me, 
I  have  often  laughed  since. 

Bonaparte  was  in  the  habit  of  occupying  the  same 
room  with  his  wife;  she  had  cleverly  persuaded  him 
that  doing  so  tended  to  insure  his  personal  safety. 
"  I  told  him,"  she  said,  "  that  as  I  was  a  very  light 
sleeper  if  any  nocturnal  attempt  against  him  was  made, 
I  should  be  there  to  call  for  help  in  a  moment."  In 
the  evening  she  never  retired  until  Bonaparte  had  gone 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  129 

to  bed.  But  when  Mile.  Georges  was  in  the  ascend- 
ant, as  she  used  to  visit  the  chateau  very  late,  he  did 
not  on  those  occasions  go  to  his  wife's  room  until  an 
advanced  hour  of  the  night.  One  evening  Mme.  Bo- 
naparte, who  was  more  than  usually  jealous  and  sus- 
picious, kept  me  with  her,  and  eagerly  talked  of  her 
troubles.  It  was  one  o'clock  in  the  morning ;  we  were 
alone  in  her  boudoir,  and  profound  silence  reigned  in 
the  Tuileries.  All  at  once  she  rose.  "  I  can  not  bear 
it  any  longer,"  she  said.  "  Mile.  Georges  is  certainly 
with  him ;  I  will  surprise  them."  I  was  alarmed  by  this 
sudden  resolution,  and  said  all  I  could  to  dissuade  her 
from  acting  on  it,  but  in  vain.  "  Follow  me,"  she 
said ;  "  let  us  go  up  together."  Then  I  represented  to 
her  that  such  an  act,  very  improper  even  on  her  part, 
would  be  intolerable  on  mine ;  and  that,  in  case  of  her 
making  the  discovery  which  she  expected,  I  should 
certainly  be  one  too  many  at  the  scene  which  must 
ensue.  She  would  listen  to  nothing;  she  reproached 
me  with  abandoning  her  in  her  distress,  and  she  begged 
me  so  earnestly  to  accompany  her,  that,  notwith- 
standing my  repugnance,  I  yielded,  saying  to  myself 
that  our  expedition  would  end  in  nothing,  as  no  doubt 
precautions  had  been  taken  to  prevent  a  surprise. 

Silently  we  ascended  the  back  staircase  leading  to 
Bonaparte's  room;  Mme.  Bonaparte,  who  was  much 
excited,  going  first,  while  I  followed  slowly,  feeling 
very  much  ashamed  of  the  part  I  was  being  made  to 
play.  On  our  way  we  heard  a  slight  noise.  Mme. 
Bonaparte  turned  to  me  and  said,  "  Perhaps  that  is 
Rutsan,  Bonaparte's  Mameluke,  who  keeps  the  door. 
The  wretch  is  quite  capable  of  killing  us  both."  On 
hearing  this,  I  was  seized  with  such  terror  that  I  could 
not  listen  further,  and,  forgetting  that  I  was  leaving 
Mme.  Bonaparte  in  utter  darkness,  I  ran  back  as 
quickly  as  I  could  to  the  boudoir,  candle  in  hand.  She 


130  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

followed  me  a  few  minutes  after,  astonished  at  my 
sudden  flight.  When  she  saw  my  terrified  face,  she 
began  to  laugh,  which  set  me  off  laughing  also,  and 
we  renounced  our  enterprise.  I  left  her,  telling  her  I 
thought  the  fright  she  had  given  me  a  very  good  thing 
for  her,  and  that  I  was  very  glad  I  had  yielded  to  it. 

Mme.  Bonaparte's  jealousy  affected  her  sweet  tem- 
per so  much  that  it  could  not  long  be  a  secret  to  any- 
body. I  was  in  the  embarrassing  position  of  a  confi- 
dant without  influence  over  the  person  who  confided 
in  me,  and  I  could  not  but  appear  to  be  mixed  up  in 
the  quarrels  which  I  witnessed.  Bonaparte  thought 
that  one  woman  must  enter  eagerly  into  the  feelings 
of  another,  and  he  showed  some  annoyance  at  my  be- 
ing made  aware  of  the  facts  of  his  private  life. 

Meantime,  the  ugly  actress  grew  in  favor  with  the 
public  of  Paris,  and  the  handsome  one  was  frequently 
received  with  hisses.  M.  de  Remusat  endeavored  to 
divide  patronage  equally  between  the  two;  but  what- 
ever he  did  for  the  one  or  for  the  other  was  received 
with  equal  dissatisfaction,  either  by  the  First  Consul 
or  by  the  public. 

These  petty  affairs  gave  us  a  good  deal  of  annoy- 
ance. Bonaparte,  without  confiding  the  secret  of  his 
interest  in  the  fair  actress  to  M.  de  Remusat,  com- 
plained to  my  husband,  saying  that  he  would  not  ob- 
ject to  my  being  his  wife's  confidant,  provided  I  would 
only  give  her  good  advice.  My  husband  represented 
me  as  a  sensible  person,  brought  up  with  a  great  re- 
gard for  propriety,  and  who  would  be  most  unlikely 
to  encourage  Mme.  Bonaparte's  jealous  fancies.  The 
First  Consul,  who  was  still  well  disposed  toward  us, 
accepted  this  view  of  my  conduct;  but  thence  arose 
another  annoyance.  He  called  upon  me  to  interfere 
in  his  conjugal  quarrels,  and  wanted  to  avail  himself 
of  what  he  called  my  good  sense  against  the  foolish 


2     3 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  131 

jealousy  of  which  he  was  wearied.  As  I  never  could 
conceal  my  real  sentiments,  I  answered  quite  sincerely, 
when  he  told  me  how  weary  he  was  of  all  these  scenes, 
that  I  pitied  Mme.  Bonaparte  very  much,  whether  she 
suffered  with  or  without  cause,  and  that  he,  above 
all  persons,  ought  to  excuse  her ;  but,  at  the  same  time, 
I  admitted  that  I  thought  it  undignified  on  her  part  to 
endeavor  to  prove  the  infidelity  which  she  suspected 
by  employing  her  servants  as  spies  on  her  husband. 
The  First  Consul  did  not  fail  to  tell  his  wife  that  I 
blamed  her  in  this  respect,  and  then  I  was  involved  in 
endless  explanations  between  the  husband  and  the 
wife,  into  which  I  imported  all  the  ardor  natural  to 
my  age,  and  also  the  devotion  and  attachment  which 
I  felt  for  both  of  them.  We  went  through  a  constant 
succession  of  scenes,  whose  details  have  now  faded 
from  my  memory,  and  in  which  Bonaparte  would  be 
at  one  time,  imperious,  harsh,  excessively  suspicious, 
and  at  another,  suddenly  moved,  tender,  almost  gen- 
tle, atoning  with  a  good  grace  for  the  faults  he  ac- 
knowledged but  did  not  renounce. 

I  remember  one  day,  in  order  to  avoid  an  awkward 
tete-a-tete  with  Mme.  Bonaparte,  he  made  me  remain 
to  dinner.  His  wife  was  just  then  very  angry,  be- 
cause he  had  declared  that  henceforth  he  would  have  a 
separate  apartment,  and  he  insisted  that  I  should  give 
my  opinion  on  this  point.  I  was  quite  unprepared 
to  answer  him,  and  I  knew  that  Mme.  Bonaparte 
would  not  readily  forgive  me  if  I  did  not  decide  in 
her  favor.  I  tried  to  evade  a  reply;  but  Bonaparte, 
who  enjoyed  my  embarrassment,  insisted.  I  could 
find  no  other  way  out  of  the  difficulty  than  by  saying 
that  I  thought  anything  which  might  make  people 
think  the  First  Consul  was  altering  his  manner  of  liv- 
ing would  give  rise  to  injurious  reports,  and  that  the 
least  change  in  the  arrangements  of  the  chateau  would 

Vol.  9  E — Memoirs 


132  EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE 

inevitably  be  talked  about.  Bonaparte  laughed,  and, 
pinching  my  ear,  said,  "  Ah !  you  are  a  woman,  and 
you  all  back  each  other." 

Nevertheless,  he  carried  out  his  resolution,  and  from 
that  time  forth  occupied  a  separate  apartment.  His 
manner  toward  his  wife,  however,  became  more  affec- 
tionate after  this  breeze,  and  she,  on  her  side,  was  less 
suspicious  of  him.  She  adopted  the  advice  which  I 
constantly  urged  upon  her,  to  treat  such  unworthy 
rivalry  with  disdain.  "  It  would  be  quite  time  enough 
to  fret,"  I  said,  "  if  the  Consul  chose  one  of  the  women 
in  your  own  society;  that  would  be  a  real  grief,  and 
for  me  a  serious  annoyance."  Two  years  afterward 
my  prediction  was  only  too  fully  realized,  especially 
as  regarded  myself. 


CHAPTER    II 
(1803.) 

WITH  the  exception  of  this  slight  disturbance, 
the  winter  passed  quietly.  The  progress 
of  the  restoration  of  order  was  marked  by 
several  new  institutions.  The  lyceums  were  organ- 
ized; the  magistrates  again  wore  official  robes,  and 
were  also  invested  with  some  importance.  A  collection 
of  French  paintings  was  placed  at  the  Louvre,  and 
called  "  the  Museum,"  and  M.  Denon  was  appointed 
superintendent.  Pensions  and  rewards  were  con- 
ferred on  men  of  letters,  and  M.  de  Fontanes  was 
frequently  consulted  on  these  points.  Bonaparte 
liked  to  talk  with  him,  and  their  conversations 
were  in  general  very  entertaining.  The  First  Con- 
sul amused  himself  by  attacking  the  pure  and  clas- 
sical taste  of  M.  de  Fontanes,  who  defended  our 
French  chefs  d'ceuvre  with  warmth,  and  thus  he  gained 
a  reputation  for  courage  among  those  present.  For 
there  were  already  persons  at  that  Court  who  took  so 
readily  to  the  role  of  the  courtier,  that  they  looked 
upon  any  one  who  ventured  to  admire  "  Merope  "  or 
"  Mithridates,"  after  the  master  had  declared  that  he 
cared  for  neither  of  those  works,  as  quite  a  heroic 
being. 

Bonaparte  appeared  to  derive  great  amusement  from 
these  literary  controversies.  At  one  time  he  even 
thought  of  inviting  certain  men  of  letters  to  come 
twice  a  week  to  Mme.  Bonaparte's  receptions,  so  that 

133 


134  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

he  might  enjoy  their  conversation.  M.  de  Remusat, 
who  was  acquainted  with  a  number  of  distinguished 
men  in  Paris,  was  directed  to  invite  them  to  the 
chateau.  Accordingly,  one  evening,  several  academi- 
cians and  well-known  literary  men  were  invited.  Bo- 
naparte was  in  a  good  humor  that  night;  he  talked 
very  well,  and  allowed  others  to  talk;  he  was  agree- 
able and  animated.  I  was  charmed  to  see  him  make 
himself  so  agreeable.  I  was  very  anxious  that  he 
should  make  a  favorable  impression  on  persons  who 
had  not  previously  known  him,  and  thus  defeat  cer- 
tain prejudices  which  prevailed  against  him.  When 
he  chose,  he  could  exhibit  keen  judgment,  as  he  did, 
for  instance,  in  appraising  the  worth  of  the  old  Abbe 
Morellet's  intellect.  Morellet  was  a  straightforward, 
positive  man,  who  proceeded  in  argument  from  fact 
to  fact  and  would  never  admit  the  power  of  the  imag- 
ination on  the  progress  of  human  ideas.  Bonaparte 
delighted  in  upsetting  this  system.  Allowing  his 
imagination  to  take  any  flight  it  wished — and  in  the 
Abbe's  presence  it  carried  him  far — he  broached  all 
kinds  of  subjects,  gave  full  flight  to  his  ideas,  was 
highly  amused  at  the  bewilderment  of  the  Abbe,  and 
was  really  very  entertaining. 

The  next  day  he  spoke  with  pleasure  of  the  pre- 
vious evening,  and  said  he  would  like  to  have  many 
such.  A  similar  reception  was  therefore  fixed  for  a 
few  days  later.  Somebody  (I  forget  who)  began  to 
talk  with  much  animation  about  liberty  of  thought 
and  speech,  and  the  advantages  which  they  secure  to 
nations.  This  led  to  a  discussion  considerably  less 
free  than  on  the  former  occasion,  and  the  Consul  main- 
tained a  silence  which  seemed  to  paralyze  the  com- 
pany. On  the  third  evening  he  came  in  late,  was 
absent  and  gloomy,  and  spoke  only  a  few  uncon- 
nected sentences.  Every  one  was  silent  and  con- 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  135 

strained;  and  the  next  day  the  First  Consul  told  us 
that  he  saw  there  was  nothing  to  be  made  of  these 
men  of  letters,  nothing  to  be  gained  by  admitting  them 
to  intimacy,  and  he  did  not  wish  they  should  be  in- 
vited again.  He  could  not  bear  any  restraint,  and 
being  obliged  to  appear  affable  and  in  a  good  humor 
on  a  certain  day  and  at  a  certain  hour  was  a  yoke 
which  he  hastened  to  shake  off. 

During  that  winter  two  distinguished  academicians, 
MM.  de  la  Harpe  and  de  Saint-Lambert,  died.  I 
regretted  the  latter  very  much,  because  I  was  exceed- 
ingly attached  to  Mme.  d'Houdetot,  whose  intimate 
friend  he  had  been  for  forty  years,  and  at  whose  house 
he  died.  This  delightful  old  lady  received  all  the  best 
and  most  agreeable  society  of  Paris.  I  was  a  con- 
stant visitor  at  her  house;  there  I  found  the  revival 
of  a  day  which  then  seemed  lost  beyond  recall — I 
mean  that  in  which  people  conversed  in  an  agreeable 
and  instructive  manner.  Mme.  d'Houdetot,  whose 
age  and  disposition  alike  kept  her  aloof  from  all  polit- 
ical parties,  enjoyed  the  repose  that  the  country  was 
enjoying,  and  profited  by  it  to  collect  all  that  remained 
of  Parisian  good  society  at  her  house.  They  came 
willingly  to  tend  and  to  amuse  her  old  age.  To  go  to 
her  house  was  a  relief  from  the  restraint  under  which 
I  lived  at  the  Tuileries,  partly  from  the  example  of 
others  and  partly  from  the  experience  which  I  was 
beginning  to  acquire. 

About  this  time  a  rumor  rose  that  war  with  Eng- 
land was  likely  to  break  out  again.  Private  letters 
revealing  certain  enterprises  set  on  foot  in  La  Ven- 
dee were  published.  In  these  letters  the  English  Gov- 
ernment was  accused  of  aiding  the  Vendeans,  and 
George  Cadoudal  was  named  in  them  as  the  agent 
between  the  English  Government  and  the  Chouans.  M. 
Andre  was  also  mentioned;  it  was  said  he  had  got 


136  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

into  France  secretly,  after  already  having  endeavored, 
before  the  i8th  Fructidor,  to  assist  the  Royalist  cause. 
While  this  rumor  was  spreading,  the  Legislative  As- 
sembly was  called  together.     The  report  of  the  state 
of  the  Republic  which  was  laid  before  it  was  remark- 
able, and  gave  rise  to  much  comment.     It  included 
peace  with  foreign  powers;  the  conclusum  given  at 
Ratisbon  upon  the  new  partition  of  Germany,   and 
recognized    by    all    the    sovereigns;    the    constitution 
accepted  by  the  Swiss;  the  Concordat;  the  regulation 
of  public  education;  the  formation  of  the  Institute; 
the  improved  administration  of  justice;  the  amelior- 
ation of  the  finances ;  the  Civil  Code,  of  which  a  por- 
tion was  submitted  to  the  Assembly;  various  public 
works    commenced    both    on    our    frontiers    and    in 
France;   plans    for   Antwerp,    for   Mont   Cenis,   the 
banks  of  the  Rhine,  and  the  canal  de  1'Ourcq;  the 
acquisition  of  the  island  of  Elba;  the  possession  of 
Saint  Domingo;  several  proposals  for  laws,  upon  in- 
direct taxation,  on  the  formation  of  chambers  of  com- 
merce, on  the  exercise  of  the  profession  of  medicine, 
and  on  manufactures.     All  this  formed  a  satisfactory 
statement,  and  one  honorable  to  the  Government.     At 
the  end  of  the  report,  however,  a  few  words  were 
slipped  in  with  reference  to  the  possibility  of  a  rup- 
ture with  England,  and  the  necessity  for  increasing 
the  army.     Neither  the  Legislative  Assembly  nor  the 
Tribunate  offered  any  opposition  whatever,  and  ap- 
probation which  at  that  time  was  really  deserved  was 
bestowed  upon  so  fair  a  beginning  to  many  great 
undertakings. 

In  March,  bitter  complaints  appeared  in  our  news- 
papers of  certain  pamphlets  against  Bonaparte  which 
were  circulated  in  England.  This  sensitiveness  to 
strictures  by  the  English  free  press  was  only  a  pre- 
text; the  occupation  of  Malta  and  our  intervention  in 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  137 

the  Government  of  Switzerland  were  the  true  causes 
of  the  rupture.  On  the  8th  of  March,  1803,  a  mes- 
sage from  the  King  of  England  to  the  Parliament 
declared  that  important  differences  between  the  two 
Governments  had  arisen,  and  complained  of  the  war- 
like preparations  which  were  being  made  in  the  ports 
of  Holland.  Immediately  afterward  the  scene  took 
place  in  which  Bonaparte  either  feigned  or  allowed 
himself  to  exhibit  violent  anger  in  the  presence  of  all 
the  ambassadors.  A  little  later  he  left  Paris  for  Saint 
Cloud. 

Notwithstanding  his  absorption  in  public  affairs,  he 
took  care  to  direct  one  of  his  Prefects  of  the  Palace 
to  write  a  letter  of  congratulation  and  compliment  to 
the  celebrated  musician  Paisiello  on  the  opera  of 
"  Proserpine,"  which  had  just  been  given  in  Paris. 
The  First  Consul  was  exceedingly  anxious  to  attract 
the  celebrated  people  of  all  countries  to  France,  and 
he  paid  them  liberally. 

Shortly  afterward  the  rupture  between  France  and 
England  took  place,  and  the  English  ambassador — 
before  whose  house  a  great  crowd  had  been  in  the 
habit  of  assembling  daily,  in  order  to  judge  of  the 
state  of  affairs,  according  to  the  preparations  for 
departure  which  they  could  or  could  not  perceive  in 
the  courtyard — left  Paris  abruptly.  M.  de  Talley- 
rand communicated  to  the  Senate  a  statement  of  the 
reasons  that  rendered  war  inevitable.  The  Senate 
replied  that  they  could  only  applaud  the  combined 
moderation  and  firmness  of  the  First  Consul,  and 
sent  a  deputation  to  Saint  Cloud  to  express  their  grat- 
itude and  their  devotion.  M.  de  Vaublanc,  when 
speaking  in  the  Legislative  Assembly,  exclaimed  en- 
thusiastically, "  What  chief  of  a  nation  has  ever 
shown  a  greater  love  of  peace?  "  If  it  were  possible 
to  separate  the  history  of  the  negotiations  of  the  First 


138  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

Consul  from  that  of  his  exploits,  it  would  read  like 
the  life  of  a  magistrate  whose  sole  endeavor  had  been 
the  establishment  of  peace.  The  Tribunate  expressed 
a  desire  that  energetic  measures  should  be  taken ;  and, 
after  these  various  acts  of  admiration  and  obedience, 
the  session  of  the  Legislative  Assembly  came  to  a 
close. 

Then  appeared  certain  violent  notes  against  the 
English  Government,  which  soon  became  numerous, 
and  dealt  in  detail  with  the  attacks  of  the  free  daily 
press  in  London.  Bonaparte  dictated  the  substance 
of  these  notes,  and  M.  Maret  drew  them  up.  Thus 
the  sovereign  of  a  great  empire  entered,  so  to  speak, 
into  a  war  of  words  with  journalists,  and  lowered  his 
own  dignity  by  allowing  it  to  be  seen  that  he  was 
stung  by  the  criticisms  of  ephemeral  newspapers, 
whose  comments  it  would  have  been  far  wiser  to 
ignore.  It  was  easy  for  the  English  journalists  to 
find  out  how  hard  their  remarks  hit  the  First  Consul, 
and  a  little  later  the  Emperor  of  France,  and  they 
accordingly  redoubled  their  attacks.  How  many 
times,  when  we  saw  him  gloomy  and  out  of  temper, 
did  Mme.  Bonaparte  tell  us  it  was  because  he  had  read 
some  article  against  himself  in  the  "  Courier  "  or  the 
"  Sun  "  !  He  tried  to  wage  a  pen-and-ink  war  with 
the  English  press;  he  subsidized  certain  journals  in 
London,  expended  a  great  deal  of  money,  and  de- 
ceived no  one  either  in  France  or  in  England. 

I  have  said  that  he  often  dictated  notes  on  this  sub- 
ject for  the  "  Moniteur."  Bonaparte  dictated  with 
great  ease.  He  never  wrote  anything  with  his  own 
hand.  His  handwriting  was  bad,  and  as  illegible  by 
himself  as  by  others;  his  spelling  was  very  defective. 
He  utterly  lacked  patience  to  do  anything  whatever 
with  his  own  hands.  The  extreme  activity  of  his 
mind  and  the  habitual  prompt  obedience  rendered  to 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  139 

him  prevented  him  from  practicing-  an  occupation  in 
which  the  mind  must  necessarily  wait  for  the  action 
of  the  body.  Those  who  wrote  from  his  dictation — 
first  M.  Bourrienne,  then  M.  Maret,  and  Menneval, 
his  private  secretary — had  made  a  sort  of  shorthand 
for  themselves,  in  order  that  their  pens  might  travel 
as  fast  as  his  thoughts.  He  dictated  while  walking  to 
and  fro  in  his  cabinet.  When  he  grew  angry,  he 
would  use  violent  imprecations,  which  were  suppressed 
in  writing,  and  which  had  at  least  the  advantage  of 
giving  the  writer  time  to  come  up  with  him.  He 
never  repeated  anything  that  he  once  said,  even  if  it 
had  not  been  heard;  and  this  was  very  hard  on  the 
poor  secretary,  for  he  remembered  accurately  what 
he  had  said  and  detected  every  omission.  One  day 
he  read  a  tragedy  in  manuscript,  and  it  interested 
him  sufficiently  to  inspire  him  with  a  fancy  to  make 
some  alterations  in  it.  "  Take  a  pen  and  paper,"  said 
he  to  M.  de  Remusat,  "  and  write  for  me."  Hardly 
giving  my  husband  time  to  seat  himself  at  a  table,  he 
began  to  dictate  so  quickly  that  M.  de  Remusat,  al- 
though accustomed  to  write  with  great  rapidity,  was 
bathed  in  perspiration  while  trying  to  follow  him. 
Bonaparte  perceived  his  difficulty,  and  would  stop  now 
and  then  to  say,  "  Come,  try  to  understand  me,  for  I 
will  not  repeat  what  I  say."  He  always  derived  amuse- 
ment from  causing  any  one  uneasiness  and  distress. 
His  great  general  principle,  which  he  applied  to  every- 
thing, both  small  and  great,  was  that  there  could  be 
no  zeal  where  there  was  no  disquiet.  Fortunately  he 
forgot  to  ask  for  the  sheet  of  observations  he  had  dic- 
tated. M.  de  Remusat  and  I  have  often  tried  to  read 
it  since,  but  we  have  never  been  able  to  make  out  a 
word  of  it. 

M.  Maret,  the  Secretary  of  State,  was  a  man  of 
very  ordinary  intellect ;  indeed,  Bonaparte  did  not  dis- 


140  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

like  mediocrity,  because  he  said  he  had  enough  brains 
to  give  those  about  him  what  they  wanted  in  that  way. 
M.  Maret  rose  to  high  favor  in  consequence  of  his 
great  facility  in  writing  from  the  First  Consul's  dicta- 
tion. He  accustomed  himself  to  follow  and  seize  upon 
the  first  indication  of  Bonaparte's  idea  so  faithfully 
that  he  could  report  it  just  as  it  came  from  the  speak- 
er's brain  without  making  an  observation.  His  favor 
with  his  master  was  perhaps  still  more  largely  due  to 
the  fact  that  he  felt  or  feigned  boundless  devotion  to 
him,  and  it  was  displayed  by  such  enthusiastic  admira- 
tion that  Bonaparte  could  not  help  being  flattered. 
So  far  did  M.  Maret  carry  the  art 'of  skillful  adulation, 
that  it  was  positively  asserted  that  when  he  traveled 
with  the  Emperor  he  took  the  trouble  to  leave  with  his 
wife  drafts  of  letters,  which  she  copied  carefully,  com- 
plaining that  her  husband  was  so  exclusively  devoted 
to  his  master  that  she  could  not  help  feeling  jealous. 
As  all  the  letters  were  delivered  at  the  Emperor's  own 
quarters  while  he  was  traveling,  and  as  he  frequently 
amused  himself  by  opening  them,  these  clever  com- 
plainings produced  exactly  the  intended  effect. 

When  M.  Maret  was  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
he  took  care  not  to  follow  the  example  of  M.  de  Tal- 
leyrand, who  used  to  say  that  it  was,  above  all,  Bona- 
parte himself  wrhom  it  was  necessary  for  that  minister 
to  manage.  Maret,  on  the  contrary,  fostered  all  Bona- 
parte's passions,  and  was  surprised  that  foreign  sov- 
ereigns should  dare  to  be  angry  when  he  insulted 
them,  or  should  offer  any  resistance  to  their  own  ruin. 
He  thus  advanced  his  personal  fortune  at  the  expense 
of  Europe,  whose  just  interests  an  honest  and  able 
minister  would  have  endeavored  to  protect.  A  courier 
was  always  in  readiness,  by  whom  he  might  dispatch 
to  any  one  of  the  sovereigns  the  first  angry  words  that 
escaped  from  Bonaparte,  when  he  heard  news  which 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  141 

displeased  him.  His  weak  complaisance  was  some- 
times injurious  to  his  master.  It  caused  more  than 
one  rupture  which  was  regretted  when  the  first  out- 
break of  violence  had  passed,  and  it  probably  con- 
tributed to  the  fall  of  Bonaparte ;  for,  in  the  last  year 
of  his  reign,  while  he  lingered  at  Dresden  uncertain 
what  to  do,  Maret  delayed  for  eight  days  the  retreat 
it  was  so  important  to  make,  because  he  had  not  the 
courage  to  inform  the  Emperor  of  the  defection  of 
Bavaria,  a  piece  of  intelligence  it  was  most  necessary 
he  should  learn.  An  anecdote  of  M.  de  Talleyrand 
may  be  related  here,  as  a  sample  of  the  skill  with  which 
that  astute  minister  managed  Bonaparte,  and  also  of 
the  completeness  of  his  own  ascendancy. 

A  treaty  of  peace  between  England  and  France  was 
being  arranged  at  Amiens  in  the  spring  of  1810.  Cer- 
tain difficulties  which  had  arisen  between  the  pleni- 
potentiaries were  giving  rise  to  some  little  uneasiness, 
and  Bonaparte  was  anxiously  expecting  dispatches. 
A  courier  arrived,  and  brought  to  the  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs  the  much-desired  signature.  M.  de 
Talleyrand  put  it  in  his  pocket  and  went  to  the  First 
Consul.  He  appeared  before  him  with  that  immovable 
countenance  which  he  wears  on  every  occasion.  For 
a  whole  hour  he  remained  with  Bonaparte,  transact- 
ing a  number  of  important  matters  of  business,  and 
when  all  was  done,  "  Now,"  said  he,  smiling,  "  I  am 
going  to  give  you  a  great  pleasure ;  the  treaty  is  signed, 
and  here  it  is."  Bonaparte  was  astounded  at  this 
fashion  of  announcing  the  matter.  "  Why  did  you 
not  tell  me  at  once?"  he  demanded.  "Ah,"  replied 
M.  de  Talleyrand,  "  because  then  you  would  not  have 
listened  to  me  on  any  other  subject.  When  you  are 
pleased,  you  are  not  always  pleasant."  The  self-con- 
trol displayed  in  this  reticence  struck  the  Consul, 
"  and,"  added  M.  de  Talleyrand,  "  did  not  make  him 


142  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

angry,  because  he  saw  immediately  how  far  it  might 
be  made  useful  to  himself." 

Another  person,  who  was  really  more  attached  to 
Bonaparte,  and  quite  as  demonstrative  in  his  admi- 
ration for  him  as  M.  Maret,  was  Marshal  Berthier, 
Prince  of  Wagram.  He  had  served  in  the  campaign 
in  Egypt,  and  had  become  strongly  attached  to  his 
General.  Berthier's  friendship  for  him  was  so  great 
that,  little  as  Bonaparte  valued  anything  coming  from 
the  heart,  he  could  not  but  respond  to  it  in  some  de- 
gree. The  sentiment  was,  however,  very  unequally 
divided  between  them,  and  was  used  by  the  powerful 
one  of  the  two  as  a  means  of  exaction.  One  day 
Bonaparte  said  to  M.  de  Talleyrand :  "  I  really  can  not 
understand  how  a  relation  that  bears  some  appearance 
of  friendship  has  established  itself  between  Berthier 
and  me.  I  don't  indulge  in  useless  sentiments,  and 
Berthier  is  so  uninteresting  that  I  do  not  know  why 
I  should  care  at  all  about  him;  and  yet,  when  I  think 
of  it,  I  believe  I  really  have  some  liking  for  him." 
"  If  you  do  care  about  him,"  replied  M.  de  Talley- 
rand, "  do  you  know  the  reason  why  ?  It  is  because 
he  believes  in  you." 

These  anecdotes,  which  I  set  down  as  they  recur  to 
my  memory,  did  not  come  to  my  knowledge  till  a  much 
later  period,  when  my  greater  intimacy  with  M.  de 
Talleyrand  revealed  to  me  the  chief  traits  in  Bona- 
parte's character.  At  first  I  was  completely  deceived 
by  him,  and  was  very  happy  to  be  so.  I  knew  he  had 
genius,  I  saw  that  he  was  disposed  to  make  amends 
for  the  passing  wrongs  he  did  his  wife,  and  I  remarked 
his  friendship  for  Berthier  with  pleasure;  he  caressed 
little  Napoleon  in  my  presence,  and  seemed  to  love 
him.  I  regarded  him  as  accessible  to  kindly  natural 
feelings,  and  my  youthful  imagination  arrayed  him 
in  all  those  qualities  which  I  desired  to  find  in  him.  It 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  143 

is  only  just  to  him  also  to  admit  that  excess  of  power 
intoxicated  him;  that  his  passions  were  increased  in 
violence  by  the  facility  with  which  he  was  enabled  to 
gratify  them;  but  that  while  he  was  young,  and  as 
yet  uncertain  of  the  future,  he  frequently  hesitated 
between  the  open  exhibition  of  vice  and,  at  least,  the 
affectation  of  virtue. 

After  the  declaration  of  war  with  England,  some- 
body (I  do  not  know  who)  suggested  to  Bonaparte 
the  idea  of  an  invasion  by  means  of  flat-bottomed 
boats.  I  can  not  say  with  certainty  whether  he  really 
believed  in  this  plan,  or  whether  he  only  used  it  as  a 
pretext  for  collecting  and  increasing  his  army,  which 
he  assembled  at  the  camp  of  Boulogne.  So  many 
people  maintained  that  a  descent  upon  the  shores  of 
England  in  this  way  was  practicable,  that  it  is  quite 
possible  he  may  have  thought  fate  had  a  success  of  the 
kind  in  store  for  him.  Enormous  works  were  begun 
in  our  ports,  and  in  some  of  the  Belgian  towns;  the 
army  marched  to  the  coast,  and  Generals  Soult  and 
Key  were  sent  to  command  it  at  different  points.  The 
idea  of  a  conquest  of  England  fired  the  general  imag- 
ination ;  and  even  the  English  themselves  began  to  feel 
uneasy,  and  thought  it  necessary  to  make  some  pre- 
parations for  defense.  Attempts  were  made  to  excite 
the  public  mind  against  the  English  by  dramatic 
representations;  scenes  from  the  life  of  William  the 
Conqueror  were  represented  at  the  theatres.  The 
conquest  of  Hanover  was  easily  effected,  but  then 
came  the  blockade  of  our  ports  that  did  us  so  much 
harm. 

During  the  summer  of  this  year  (1803)  a  journey 
to  Belgium  was  arranged,  and  Bonaparte  required  that 
it  should  be  made  with  great  magnificence.  He  had 
little  trouble  in  persuading  Mme.  Bonaparte  to  take 
with  her  everything  that  could  make  an  impression 


144  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

on  the  people  to  whom  she  was  about  to  exhibit  her- 
self. Mme.  Talhouet  and  I  were  selected  to  accom- 
pany her,  and  the  Consul  gave  me  thirty  thousand 
francs  for  those  expenses  which  he  prescribed.  He  set 
out  on  the  24th  of  June,  with  a  cortege  of  several  car- 
riages, two  generals  of  his  guard,  his  aides-de-camp, 
Duroc,  two  Prefects  of  the  Palace  (M.  de  Remusat 
and  a  Piedmontese  named  Salmatoris),  and  com- 
menced the  journey  in  great  pomp. 

Before  we  set  out,  we  went  for  one  day  to  Morte- 
fontaine,  an  estate  which  had  been  purchased  by  Jo- 
seph Bonaparte.  All  the  family  were  assembled  there, 
and  a  strange  occurrence  took  place.  We  passed  the 
morning  in  walking  about  the  gardens,  which  are 
beautiful.  When  dinner  hour  approached,  a  question 
arose  about  the  placing  of  the  guests.  The  elder 
Mme.  Bonaparte  was  at  Mortefontaine,  and  Joseph 
told  his  brother  that  he  intended  to  take  his  mother 
in  to  dinner,  and  to  place  her  on  his  right  hand,  while 
Mme.  Bonaparte  was  to  sit  on  his  left.  The  First 
Consul  took  offense  at  this  arrangement,  which  placed 
his  wife  in  the  second  rank,  and  insisted  that  his 
brother  should  transfer  their  mother  to  that  position. 
Joseph  refused,  and  no  argument  could  induce  him  to 
give  way.  When  dinner  was  announced,  Joseph  took 
his  mother's  hand,  and  Lncien  escorted  Mme.  Bona- 
parte. The  First  Consul,  incensed  at  this  opposition 
to  his  will,  hurriedly  crossed  the  room,  took  the  arm 
of  his  wife,  passed  out  before  every  one,  seated  her 
beside  himself,  and  then,  turning  to  me,  ordered  me  to 
place  myself  near  him.  The  company  were  all  greatly 
embarrassed,  I  even  more  so  than  the  others;  and 
Mme.  Joseph  Bonaparte,  to  whom  some  politeness 
was  due,  found  herself  at  the  bottom  of  the  table,  as 
if  she  were  not  one  of  the  family. 

The  stiffness  and  gloom  of  that  dinner-party  may 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  145 

be  easily  imagined.  The  brothers  were  angry,  Mme. 
Bonaparte  was  wretched,  and  I  was  excessively  em- 
barrassed by  my  prominent  position.  During  the  din- 
ner Bonaparte  did  not  address  a  single  member  of  his 
family;  he  occupied  himself  with  his  wife,  talked  to 
me,  and  chose  this  opportune  occasion  to  inform  me 
that  he  had  that  morning  restored  to  my  cousin,  the 
Vicomte  de  Vergennes,  certain  forests  which  had 
long  been  sequestrated  on  account  of  his  emigration, 
but  which  had  not  been  sold.  I  was  touched  by  this 
mark  of  his  kindness,  but  it  was  very  vexatious  to  me 
that  he  selected  such  a  moment  to  tell  me  of  it,  because 
the  gratitude  which  I  would  otherwise  have  gladly 
expressed,  and  the  joy  which  I  really  felt,  made  me 
appear  to  the  observers  of  the  little  scene  to  be  talking 
freely  to  him,  while  I  was  really  in  a  state  of  painful 
constraint.  The  remainder  of  the  day  passed  drearily, 
as  may  be  supposed,  and  we  left  Mortefontaine  on 
the  morrow. 

An  accident  which  happened  at  the  beginning 
of  our  journey  increased  the  regard  which  I  was 
then  happy  to  feel  for  Bonaparte  and  his  wife. 
He  traveled  with  her  and  one  of  the  generals  of  his 
guard,  and  his  carriage  was  preceded  by  one  contain- 
ing Duroc  and  three  aides-de-camp.  A  third  carriage 
was  occupied  by  Mme.  Talhouet,  M.  de  Remusat,  and 
myself;  two  others  followed.  Shortly  after  we  had 
left  Compiegne,  where  we  visited  a  military  school, 
on  our  way  to  Amiens,  our  carriage  was  violently 
overturned.  Mme.  Talhouet's  head  was  badly  cut; 
M.  de  Remusat  and  I  were  only  bruised.  With  some 
trouble  we  were  extricated  from  the  carriage.  Bona- 
parte, who  was  on  in  front,  was  told  of  this  accident ; 
he  at  once  alighted  from  his  carriage,  and  with  Mme. 
Bonaparte,  who  was  much  frightened  about  me,  has- 
tened to  join  us  at  a  cottage,  whither  we  had  been 


146  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

taken.  I  was  so  terrified  that,  as  soon  as  I  saw  Bona- 
parte, I  begged  him  with  tears  to  send  me  back  to 
Paris;  I  already  disliked  traveling  as  much  as  did  the 
pigeon  of  La  Fontaine,  and  in  my  distress  I  cried  out 
that  I  must  return  to  my  mother  and  my  children. 

Bonaparte  said  a  few  words  intended  to  calm  me; 
but,  finding  that  he  could  not  succeed  in  doing  so,  he 
took  my  arm  in  his,  gave  orders  that  Mme.  Talhouet 
should  be  placed  in  one  of  the  carriages,  and,  after 
satisfying  himself  that  M.  de  Remusat  was  none  the 
worse  for  the  accident,  led  me,  frightened  as  I  was,  to 
his  own  carriage,  and  made  me  get  in  with  him.  We 
set  off  again,  and  he  took  pains  to  cheer  up  his  wife 
and  me,  and  told  us,  laughingly,  to  kiss  each  other  and 
cry,  "  because,"  he  said,  "  that  always  does  women 
good."  After  a  while  his  animated  conversation  dis- 
tracted my  thoughts,  and  my  fear  of  the  further  jour- 
ney subsided.  Mme.  Bonaparte  having  referred  to 
the  grief  my  mother  would  feel  if  any  harm  happened 
to  me,  Bonaparte  questioned  me  about  her,  and  ap- 
peared to  be  \vell  aware  of  the  high  esteem  in  which 
she  was  held  in  society.  Indeed,  it  was  largely  to  this 
that  his  attention  to  me  was  due.  At  that  period, 
when  so  many  people  still  held  back  from  the  advances 
he  made  to  them,  he  was  greatly  gratified  that  my 
mother  had  consented  to  my  holding  a  place  in  his 
household.  At  that  time  I  was  in  his  eyes  almost  a 
personage  whose  example  would,  he  hoped,  be  fol- 
lowed. 

On  the  evening  of  the  same  day  we  arrived  at 
Amiens,  where  we  were  received  with  enthusiasm 
impossible  to  describe.  The  horses  were  taken  from 
the  carriage,  and  replaced  by  the  inhabitants,  who 
insisted  on  drawing  it  themselves.  I  was  the  more 
affected  by  this  spectacle,  as  it  was  absolutely  novel 
to  me.  Alas!  since  I  had  been  of  an  age  to  observe 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  147 

what  was  passing  around  me,  I  had  witnessed  only 
scenes  of  terror  and  woe,  I  had  heard  only  sounds  of 
hate  and  menace;  and  the  joy  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Amiens,  the  garlands  that  decorated  our  route,  the 
triumphal  arches  erected  in  honor  of  him  who  was 
represented  on  all  these  devices  as  the  saviour  of 
France,  the  crowds  who  fought  for  a  sight  of  him,  the 
universal  blessings  which  could  not  have  been  uttered 
to  order — the  whole  spectacle,  in  fact,  so  affected  me 
that  I  could  not  restrain  my  tears.  Mme.  Bonaparte 
wept;  I  saw  even  the  eyes  of  Bonaparte  himself  glis- 
ten for  a  moment. 


CHAPTER  III 
(1803.) 

ON  Bonaparte's  arrival  in»town,  the  Prefect  of 
the  Palace  was  directed  to  summon  the  vari- 
ous persons  in  authority,  that  they  might  be 
presented  to  him.  The  prefect,  the  mayor,  the  bishop, 
the  presidents  of  the  tribunals,  would  read  an  address 
to  him,  and  then,  turning  to  Mme.  Bonaparte,  make 
her  a  little  speech  also.  According  to  the  mood  he 
happened  to  be  in,  Bonaparte  would  listen  to  these 
discourses  to  the  end,  or  interrupt  them  by  questioning 
the  deputation  on  the  nature  of  their  respective  func- 
tions, or  on  the  district  in  which  they  exercised  them. 
He  rarely  put  questions  with  an  appearance  of  interest, 
but  rather  with  the  air  of  a  man  who  desires  to  show 
his  knowledge,  and  wrants  to  see  whether  he  can  be 
answered.  These  speeches  were  addressed  to  the 
Republic ;  but  any  one  who  reads  them  may  see  that  in 
almost  every  respect  they  might  have  been  addressed 
to  a  sovereign.  Indeed,  the  mayors  of  some  of  the 
Flemish  towns  went  so  far  as  to  urge  the  Consul  to 
"  complete  the  happiness  of  the  world  by  exchanging 
his  precarious  title  for  one  better  suited  to  the  lofty 
destiny  to  which  he  was  called."  I  was  present  the 
first  time  that  happened,  and  I  kept  my  eyes  fixed  upon 
Bonaparte.  When  these  very  words  were  uttered,  he 
had  some  difficulty  in  checking  the  smile  that  hovered 
about  his  lips;  but,  putting  strong  control  upon  him- 
self, he  interrupted  the  orator,  and  replied,  in  a  tone 
of  feigned  anger,  that  it  would  be  unworthy  of  him 

148 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  149 

to  usurp  an  authority  which  must  affect  the  existence 
of  the  Republic.  Thus,  like  Caesar,  he  repudiated  the 
crown,  though  perhaps  he  was  not  ill  pleased  that  they 
were  beginning  to  offer  it  to  him.  The  good  people 
of  the  provinces  we  visited  were  not  very  far  wrong; 
for  the  splendor  that  surrounded  us,  the  sumptuous- 
ness  of  that  military  yet  brilliant  court,  the  strict 
ceremonial,  the  imperious  tone  of  the  master,  the  sub- 
mission of  all  about  him,  and,  finally,  the  expectation 
that  homage  should  be  paid  the  wife  of  the  first  magis- 
trate, to  whom  the  Republic  certainly  owed  none — all 
this  strongly  resembled  the  progress  of  a  King. 

After  these  audiences,  Bonaparte  generally  rode  out 
on  horseback;  he  showed  himself  to  the  people,  who 
followed  him  with  acclamations;  he  visited  the  public 
monuments  and  manufactories,  but  always  in  a  hurried 
way,  for  he  could  never  get  over  that  precipitation 
which  gave  him  an  ill-bred  air.  Afterward  he  would 
give  a  dinner,  or  attend  a  fete  which  had  been  pre- 
pared for  him,  and  this  was  always  the  most  weari- 
some part  of  the  business  to  him.  "  I  am  not  made 
for  pleasure,"  he  would  say,  in  a  melancholy  tone. 
Then  he  would  leave  the  town,  after  having  received 
petitions,  attended  to  complaints,  and  distributed  alms 
and  presents.  He  was  accustomed,  when  on  a  journey 
of  this  sort,  to  inform  himself  at  each  town  he  went 
to  what  public  establishments  were  wanting  there,  and 
he  would  order  them  to  be  founded,  in  commemora- 
tion of  his  visit.  The  inhabitants  would  load  him  with 
blessings  for  this  munificence.  But  shortly  afterward 
a  mandate  from  the  Minister  of  the  Interior  would 
arrive,  drawn  up  in  this  form :  "  In  conformity  with 
the  gracious  permission  of  the  First  Consul  "  (later 
it  was  "the  Emperor"),  "you  are  directed,  citizen 
mayors,  to  have  such  and  such  a  building  constructed, 
taking  care  that  the  expenses  shall  be  defrayed  by  the 


ISO  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

funds  of  your  commune."  Thus  these  towns  would 
suddenly  find  themselves  obliged  to  alter  the  disposi- 
tion of  their  funds,  very  often  at  a  moment  when  they 
were  not  sufficient  for  necessary  expenses.  The  Pre- 
fect took  care,  however,  that  the  orders  were  executed, 
or  at  least  the  most  useful  portion  of  them;  and  it 
must  be  admitted  that,  from  one  end  of  France  to 
the  other,  everything  was  being  embellished,  and  that 
the  general  prosperity  was  such  that  new  works,  even 
of  the  most  important  nature,  might  safely  be  under- 
taken everywhere. 

At  Arras,  at  Lille,  and  at  Dunkirk,  we  had  similar 
receptions;  but  it  seemed  to  me  that  the  enthusiasm 
cooled  down  when  we  got  beyond  the  former  boun- 
daries of  France.  At  Ghent,  especially,  we  detected 
some  coldness  in  the  popular  greeting.  In  vain  did 
the  authorities  endeavor  to  stir  up  the  zeal  of  the 
inhabitants;  they  were  curious,  but  not  enthusiastic. 
Bonaparte  was  a  little  annoyed,  and  inclined  to  pro- 
ceed without  delay.  He  thought  better  of  this,  how- 
ever, and  said  in  the  evening  to  his  wife :  "  These 
people  are  bigoted  and  under  the  influence  of  the 
priests;  we  must  remain  a  long  time  at  church  to- 
morrow, and  propitiate  the  clergy  by  some  favor.  In 
this  way  we  shall  regain  lost  ground."  Next  day  he 
attended  high  mass  with  every  appearance  of  devout- 
ness;  he  talked  to  the  Bishop,  whom  he  completely 
captivated,  and  by  degrees  he  obtained  the  popular 
acclamations  he  desired.  At  Ghent  he  met  the  daugh- 
ters of  the  Due  de  Villequier,  formerly  one  of  the  four 
Gentlemen  of  the  Chamber  to  the  King.  These  ladies 
were  nieces  of  the  Bishop,  and  Bonaparte  restored  to 
them  the  beautiful  estate  of  Villequier,  with  its  large 
revenues.  I  had  the  happiness  of  contributing  to  this 
restitution,  by  urging  it  with  all  my  might,  both  upon 
Bonaparte  and  upon  his  wife.  The  two  amiable  young 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  151 

ladies  have  never  forgotten  this  to  me.  When  I 
assured  Bonaparte  of  their  gratitude,  "  Ah/*  said  he, 
"  gratitude !  That  is  a  poetic  word  which  has  no 
meaning  in  times  of  revolution;  and  what  I  have  just 
done  would  not  prevent  your  friends  from  rejoicing 
if  some  Royalist  emissary  should  succeed  in  assassin- 
ating me  during  this  journey."  And,  as  I  betrayed  the 
surprise  with  which  I  heard  him,  he  continued :  "  You 
are  young;  you  do  not  know  what  political  hatred  is. 
It  is  like  a  pair  of  spectacles:  one  sees  everybody, 
every  opinion,  or  every  sentiment  only  through  the 
glass  of  one's  passions.  Hence,  nothing  is  bad  or  good 
of  itself,  but  simply  according  to  the  party  to  which 
one  belongs.  In  reality,  this  mode  of  seeing  is  con- 
venient, and  we  profit  by  it;  for  we  also  have  our 
spectacles,  and,  if  we  do  not  see  things  through  our 
passions,  we  see  them  through  our  interests." 

"  But,"  I  replied,  "  where,  in  such  a  system,  do  you 
place  the  applause  which  you  do  care  to  win?  For 
what  class  of  men  do  you  spend  your  life  in  great  and 
often  perilous  enterprises  ?  " 

"  Ah,"  he  answered,  "  one  can  not  avoid  one's 
destiny;  he  who  is  called  can  not  resist.  Besides, 
human  pride  finds  the  public  it  desires  in  that  ideal 
world  which  is  called  posterity.  He  who  believes  that, 
a  hundred  years  hence,  a  fine  poem,  or  even  a  line  in 
one,  will  recall  a  great  action  of  his  own,  or  that  a 
painting  will  commemorate  it,  has  his  imagination 
fired  by  that  idea.  The  battle-field  has  no  dangers, 
the  cannon  roars  in  vain ;  to  him  it  is  only  that  sound 
which,  a  thousand  years  hence,  will  carry  a  brave 
man's  name  to  the  ears  of  our  distant  descendants." 

"  I  shall  never  be  able  to  understand,"  I  continued, 
"  how  a  man  can  expose  himself  to  every  sort  of 
danger  for  fame's  sake,  if  his  own  inward  sentiment 
be  only  contempt  for  the  men  of  his  own  time." 


152  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

Here  Bonaparte  interrupted  me  quickly.  "  I  do  not 
despise  men,  madame — that  is  a  thing  you  must  never 
say;  and  I  particularly  esteem  the  French." 

I  smiled  at  this  abrupt  declaration,  and,  as  he 
guessed  why,  he  smiled  also ;  and  approaching  me  and 
pulling  my  ear,  which  was,  as  I  have  already  said,  a 
trick  of  his  when  he  was  in  a  good  humor,  he  repeated, 
"  Do  you  hear,  madame  ?  you  must  never  say  that  I 
despise  the  French." 

From  Ghent  we  went  to  Antwerp,  where  we  were 
received  with  a  special  ceremony.  On  occasions  of 
visits  from  kings  and  princes,  the  people  of  Antwerp 
are  in  the  habit  of  parading  through  their  streets  a 
giant,  who  never  makes  his  appearance  except  on  such 
solemn  festivals.  Although  we  were  neither  king  nor 
prince,  we  were  obliged  to  yield  to  the  people's  wrish 
in  this  matter,  and  it  put  Bonaparte  i"  good  humor 
with  the  town  of  Antwerp.  He  occupied  himself 
much  while  there  with  the  important  extension  which 
he  designed  for  its  harbor,  and  gave  orders  for  the 
commencement  of  the  great  works  which  have  since 
been  executed  there. 

On  the  way  from  Antwerp  to  Brussels  we  stopped 
at  Malines  for  a  few  hours,  and  there  we  saw  the 
new  Archbishop,  M.  de  Roquelaure.  He  was  Bishop 
of  Senlis  under  Louis  XVI.,  and  had  been  the  intimate 
friend  of  my  great-uncle,  the  Count  de  Vergennes. 
I  had  seen  a  great  deal  of  him  in  my  childhood,  and  I 
was  glad  to  meet  him  again.  Bonaparte  talked  to  him 
in  a  very  insinuating  manner.  At  this  period  he 
affected  great  esteem  for  the  priests,  and  care  for 
their  interests.  He  knew  how  steadily  religion  sup- 
ports royalty,  and  he  hoped  that  through  the  priests 
he  might  get  the  people  taught  that  catechism  which 
we  have  since  seen,  in  which  all  who  did  not  love 
and  obey  the  Emperor  were  threatened  with  eternal 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  153 

condemnation.  For  the  first  time  since  the  Revolu- 
tion, the  clergy  found  the  Government  occupying 
itself  with  their  welfare,  and  giving  them  rank  and 
consideration.  They  showed  themselves  grateful,  and 
were  useful  to  Bonaparte  until  the  moment  came 
when  he  endeavored  to  impose  his  ever-growing  des- 
potism on  their  consciences,  and  the  priests  had  to 
choose  between  him  and  their  duty.  At  this  time, 
however,  the  words,  "  He  has  reestablished  religion," 
were  in  every  pious  mouth,  and  told  immensely  in 
his  favor. 

Our  entry  into  Brussels  was  magnificent.  Several 
fine  regiments  awaited  the  First  Consul  at  the  gate, 
where  he  mounted  his  horse.  Mme.  Bonaparte  found 
a  superb  carriage,  presented  to  her  by  the  city,  await- 
ing her;  the  streets  \vere  lavishly  decorated,  cannon 
were  fired,  the  bells  were  rung;  the  numerous  clergy 
were  assembled  in  great  pomp  on  the  steps  of  all  the 
churches;  there  was  an  immense  crowd  of  the  popu- 
lation, and  also  many  foreigners,  and  the  weather  was 
beautiful.  I  was  enchanted.  Our  stay  in  Brussels 
was  a  succession  of  brilliant  fetes.  The  French  min- 
isters, Consul  Le  Brun,  the  envoys  from  the  foreign 
courts  who  had  business  to  arrange,  came  to  meet 
us  there.  At  Brussels  I  heard  M.  de  Talleyrand  reply 
in  an  adroit  and  flattering  manner  to  a  question  sud- 
denly put  to  him  by  Bonaparte,  who  asked  him  how 
he  had  so  rapidly  made  his  great  fortune  ?  "  Nothing 
could  be  more  simple,"  replied  M.  de  Talleyrand;  "  I 
bought  stock  on  the  I7th  Brumaire,  and  I  sold  it 
again  on  the  I9th." 

One  Sunday  we  were  to  visit  the  cathedral  in  great 
state.  M.  de  Remusat  went  early  in  the  morning  to 
the  church,  to  arrange  the  ceremony.  He  had  been 
directed  not  to  object  to  any  honor  which  the  clergy 
might  propose  to  pay  to  the  First  Consul  on  this 


154  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

occasion.  As,  however,  it  was  arranged  that  the  priests 
should  go  to  the  great  doors  with  the  canopy  and  the 
cross  to  receive  the  First  Consul,  a  question  arose 
whether  Mme.  Bonaparte  was  to  share  this  distinction 
with  him,  and  Bonaparte  did  not  venture  to  bring  her 
so  prominently  forward.  She  was,  therefore,  placed 
in  a  tribune  with  the  Second  Consul.  At  twelve 
o'clock,  the  hour  agreed  upon,  the  clergy  left  the  altar, 
and  proceeded  to  the  grand  entrance  of  the  magnificent 
Church  of  Sainte  Gudule.  They  awaited  the  arrival 
of  the  First  Consul,  but  he  did  not  appear.  At  first 
they  were  astonished,  then  alarmed;  but  they  pres- 
ently perceived  that  he  had  slipped  into  the  church, 
and  seated  himself  on  the  throne  which  was  prepared 
for  him.  The  priests,  surprised  and  disconcerted,  re- 
turned to  the  sanctuary,  and  commenced  divine 
service.  The  fact  was,  just  as  he  was  setting  out, 
Bonaparte  was  told  that,  at  a  similar  ceremony, 
Charles  V.  had  preferred  to  enter  the  Church  of 
Sainte  Gudule  by  a  little  side-door  which  had  ever 
after  been  called  by  his  name;  and  it  seemed  he  had 
taken  a  fancy  to  use  the  same  entrance,  hoping,  per- 
haps, that  henceforth  it  would  be  called  the  door  of 
Charles  V.  and  of  Bonaparte. 

One  morning  the  numerous  and  magnificent  regi- 
ments which  had  been  brought  to  Brussels  were 
reviewed  by  the  Consul,  or,  as  on  this  occasion  I  ought 
to  call  him,  the  General.  His  reception  by  the  troops 
was  nothing  sho'rt  of  rapturous.  It  was  well  worth 
seeing  how  he  talked  to  the  soldiers — how  he  ques- 
tioned them  one  after  the  other  respecting  their  cam- 
paigns or  their  wounds;  taking  particular  interest  in 
the  men  who  had  accompanied  him  to  Egypt,  I  have 
heard  Mme.  Bonaparte  say  that  her  husband  was  in 
the  constant  habit  of  poring  over  the  list  of  what  are 
called  the  cadres  of  the  army,  at  night,  before  he  slept. 


155 

He  would  go  to  sleep  repeating  the  names  of  the  corps, 
and  even  those  of  some  of  the  individuals  who  com- 
posed them;  he  kept  those  names  in  a  corner  of  his 
memory,  and  this  habit  came  to  his  aid  when  he 
wanted  to  recognize  a  soldier,  and  to  give  him  the 
pleasure  of  a  cheering  word  from  his  General.  He 
spoke  to  the  subalterns  in  a  tone  of  good  fellowship, 
which  delighted  them  all,  as  he  reminded  them  of 
their  common  feats  of  arms.  Afterward,  when  his 
armies  became  so  numerous,  when  his  battles  became 
so  deadly,  he  disdained  to  exercise  this  kind  of  fasci- 
nation. Besides,  death  had  extinguished  so  many 
remembrances,  that  in  a  few  years  it  became  difficult 
for  him  to  find  any  great  number  of  the  companions 
of  his  early  exploits;  and,  when  he  addressed  his 
soldiers  before  leading  them  into  battle,  it  was  as  a 
perpetually  renewed  posterity,  to  which  the  preceding 
and  destroyed  army  had  bequeathed  its  glory.  But 
even  this  somber  style  of  encouragement  availed  for 
a  long  time  with  a  nation  which  believed  itself  to  be 
fulfilling  its  destiny  while  sending  its  sons  year  after 
year  to  die  for  Bonaparte. 

I  have  said  that  Bonaparte  took  great  pleasure  in 
recalling  his  campaign  in  Egypt;  it  was,  indeed,  his 
favorite  theme  of  discourse.  He  had  taken  with  him, 
on  the  journey  I  am  describing,  M.  Monge  the  sarant, 
whom  he  had  made  a  senator,  and  whom  he  liked 
particularly,  for  the  sole  reason  that  he  was  among 
the  number  of  the  members  of  the  Institute  who  had 
gone  with  him  to  Egypt.  Bonaparte  often  talked  to 
him  of  that  expedition — "  that  land  of  poetry,"  he 
would  say,  "  which  was  trodden  by  Caesar  and  Pom- 
pey."  He  would  speak  with  enthusiasm  of  the  time 
when  he  appeared  before  the  amazed  Orientals  like  a 
new  Prophet ;  for  the  sway  he  exercised  over  imagina- 
tion, being  the  most  complete  of  all,  he  prized  more 


156  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

highly  than  any  other.  "  In  France,"  he  said,  "  one 
must  conquer  everything  at  the  point  of  demonstra- 
tion. In  Egypt  we  did  not  require  our  mathematics; 
did  we,  Monge?  " 

It  was  at  Brussels  that  I  began  to  get  accustomed 
to  M.  de  Talleyrand,  and  to  shake  off  the  earlier  im- 
pression made  by  his  disdainful  manner  and  sarcastic 
disposition.  The  idleness  of  a  court  life  makes  the 
day  seem  a  hundred  hours  long,  and  it  happened  that 
we  often  passed  many  of  those  hours  together  in  the 
salon,  waiting  until  it  should  please  Bonaparte  to 
come  in  or  to  go  out.  It  was  during  one  of  these 
weary  waits  that  I  heard  M.  de  Talleyrand  complain 
that  his  family  had  not  realized  any  of  the  plans  he 
had  formed  for  them.  His  brother,  Archambault  de 
Perigord,  had  just  been  sent  into  exile  for  having 
indulged  in  the  sarcastic  language  common  to  the 
family.  He  had,  however,  applied  it  to  persons  of 
rank  too  high  to  be  ridiculed  with  impunity,  and  he 
had  also  offended  by  refusing  to  give  his  daughter  in 
marriage  to  Eugene  de  Beauharnais,  to  whom  he  had 
preferred  Count  Just  de  Noailles.  M.  de  Talleyrand, 
who  was  quite  as  anxious  as  Mme.  Bonaparte  that 
his  niece  should  marry  Beauharnais,  blamed  his 
brother's  conduct  severely,  and  I  could  perfectly  un- 
derstand that  such  an  alliance  would  have  been  advan- 
tageous to  his  personal  policy.  One  of  the  first  things 
that  struck  me,  when  I  had  talked  for  a  little  while 
with  M.  de  Talleyrand,  was  the  entire  absence  of  any 
kind  of  illusion  or  enthusiasm  on  his  part  with  regard 
to  all  that  was  passing  around  us.  Every  one  else  was 
more  or  less  under  the  influence  of  feelings  of  this 
kind.  The  implicit  obedience  of  the  military  officers 
might  easily  pass  for  zeal,  and,  in  the  case  of  some  of 
them,  it  really  was  devotion.  The  ministers  affected 
or  felt  profound  admiration;  M.  Maret  paraded  his 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  157 

worship  of  the  First  Consul  on  every  occasion; 
Berthier  was  happy  in  the  sincerity  of  his  attachment ; 
in  short,  every  one  seemed  to  feel  something.  M.  de 
Remusat  tried  to  like  his  post,  and  to  esteem  the  man 
who  had  conferred  it  on  him.  As  for  myself,  I  cul- 
tivated every  opportunity  of  emotion  and  of  self- 
deception;  and  the  calm  indifference  of  M.  de  Talley- 
rand amazed  me.  "  Good  heavens !  "  I  said  to  him  on 
one  occasion,  "  how  is  it  possible  that  you  can  live 
and  work  without  experiencing  any  emotion  either 
from  what  passes  around  us,  or  from  your  own 
actions  ?  "  "  Ah !  what  a  woman  you  are,  and  how 
young !  "  he  replied :  and  then  he  began  to  ridicule  me, 
as  he  did  every  one  else.  His  jests  wounded  my 
feelings,  yet  they  made  me  laugh.  I  was  angry  with 
myself  for  being  amused,  and  yet,  because  my  vanity 
was  pleased  at  my  own  comprehension  of  his  wit,  less 
shocked  than  I  ought  to  have  been  at  the  hardness  of 
his  heart.  However,  I  did  not  yet  know  him,  and 
it  was  not  till  much  later,  when  I  had  got  over  the 
restraint  that  he  imposed  on  every  one  at  first,  that  I 
observed  the  curious  mixture  of  qualities  in  his 
character. 

On  leaving  Brussels  we  went  to  Liege  and 
Maestricht,  and  reentered  the  former  boundaries  of 
France  by  way  of  Mezieres  and  Sedan.  Mme.  Bona- 
parte was  charming  during  this  journey,  and  left  an 
impression  on  my  mind  of  her  kindness  and  gracious- 
ness  which,  as  I  found  fifteen  years  afterward,  time 
could  not  efface. 

I  was  delighted  to  return  to  Paris,  and  to  find  my- 
self once  more  among  my  family  and  free  from  the 
restraint  of  court  life.  M.  de  Remusat,  like  myself, 
was  tired  of  the  idle  yet  restless  pomp  of  the  last  six 
weeks;  and  we  rejoiced  in  the  quiet  of  our  happy 
home. 


158  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

On  his  return  to  Saint  Cloud,  Bonaparte  and  Mme. 
Bonaparte  received  complimentary  addresses  from  the 
Corps  Legislatif,  the  tribunals,  etc. ;  the  First  Consul 
also  received  a  visit  from  the  Corps  Diplomatique. 
Shortly  after  this,  he  enhanced  the  dignity  of  the 
Legion  of  Honor  by  appointing  M.  de  Lacepede  its 
Chancellor.  Since  the  fall  of  Bonaparte,  certain 
liberal  writers,  and  among  others  Mme.  de  Stae'l,  have 
endeavored  to  stigmatize  that  institution  by  reviving 
the  recollection  of  an  English  caricature  which  repre- 
sented Bonaparte  cutting  up  the  bonnet  rouge  of  the 
Revolution  to  make  the  crosses  of  the  Legion.  But,  if 
he  had  not  misused  that  institution  as  he  misused 
everything,  there  would  have  been  nothing  to  blame 
in  the  invention  of  a  recompense  which  was  an  induce- 
ment to  every  kind  of  merit,  without  being  a  great 
expense  to  the  State.  What  splendid  deeds  on  the 
battle-field  has  that  little  bit  of  ribbon  inspired!  If  it 
had  been  accorded  to  merit  only  in  every  walk  of  life, 
if  it  had  never  been  given  from  motives  of  caprice 
or  individual  favor,  it  would  have  been  a  fine  idea  to 
assimilate  all  services  rendered  to  the  country,  no 
matter  of  what  nature,  and  to  bestow  a  similar  deco- 
ration upon  them  all.  The  institutions  of  Bonaparte 
in  France  ought  not  to  be  indiscriminately  condemned. 
Most  of  them  have  a  commendable  purpose,  and  might 
have  been  made  of  advantage  to  the  nation.  But  his 
insatiable  greed  of  power  perverted  them.  So  intol- 
erant was  he  of  any  obstacles,  that  he  could  not  even 
endure  those  which  arose  from  his  own  institutions, 
and  he  instantly  set  them  aside  by  an  arbitrary 
decision. 

Having  in  the  course  of  this  year  (1803)  created 
the  different  senatorships,  he  gave  a  Chancellor,  a 
Treasurer,  and  Praetors  to  the  Senate.  M.  de  Laplace 
was  the  Chancellor.  Bonaparte  honored  him  because 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  159 

he  was  a  savant,  and  liked  him  because  he  was  a  skill- 
ful flatterer.  The  two  Praetors  were  General  Lefebvre 
and  General  Serrurier.  M.  de  Fargues  was  the 
Treasurer. 

The  Republican  year  ended  as  usual  in  the  middle 
of  September,  and  the  anniversary  of  the  Republic 
was  celebrated  by  popular  fetes,  and  kept  with  royal 
pomp  at  the  palace  of  the  Tuileries.  We  heard  at  the 
same  time  that  the  Hanoverians,  who  had  been  con- 
quered by  General  Mortier,  had  celebrated  the  First 
Consul's  birthday  with  great  rejoicings.  Thus,  by 
degrees,  by  appearing  at  first  at  the  head  of  all,  and 
then  quite  alone,  he  accustomed  Europe  to  see  France 
in  his  person  only,  and  presented  himself  everywhere 
as  the  sole  representative  of  the  nation. 

Bonaparte,  who  well  knew  that  he  would  meet 
with  resistance  from  those  who  held  by  the  old  ways 
of  thinking,  applied  himself  early  and  skillfully  to 
gain  the  young,  to  whom  he  opened  all  the  doors  of 
advancement  in  life.  He  attached  auditors  to  the 
different  ministries,  and  gave  free  scope  to  ambition, 
whether  in  military  or  in  civil  careers.  He  often  said 
that  he  preferred  to  every  other  advantage  that  of 
governing  a  new  people,  and  the  youthful  generation 
afforded  him  that  novelty. 

The  institution  of  the  jury  was  also  discussed  in 
that  year.  I  have  heard  that  Bonaparte  himself  had 
no  liking  for  it ;  but,  as  he  intended  later  on  to  govern 
rather  by  himself  than  with  the  assistance  of  assem- 
blies which  he  feared,  he  was  obliged  to  make  some 
concessions  to  their  most  distinguished  members.  By 
degrees,  all  the  laws  were  presented  to  the  Council  by 
the  ministers,  and  were  either  changed  into  decrees, 
which,  without  any  other  sanction,  were  put  in  force 
from  one  end  of  France  to  the  other;  or  else,  having 
been  received  with  the  silent  approbation  of  the  Corps 


160  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

Legislatif,  they  were  passed  with  no  more  trouble 
than  that  imposed  upon  reporters  of  the  Council,  who 
had  to  preface  them  by  a  discourse,  so  that  they  might 
have  some  show  of  necessity.  Lyceums  were  also 
established  in  all  the  important  towns,  and  the  study 
of  ancient  languages,  which  had  been  abolished  during 
the  Revolution,  was  again  made  obligatory  in  public 
education. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  flotilla  of  flat-bottomed 
boats  which  was  to  be  used  for  the  invasion  of  Eng- 
land was  being  constructed.  Day  by  day  it  was  more 
confidently  asserted  that  in  fine  weather  it  would  be 
possible  for  the  flotilla  to  reach  the  shores  of  England 
without  being  impeded  by  ships  of  war.  It  was  said 
that  Bonaparte  himself  would  command  the  expedi- 
tion, and  such  an  enterprise  did  not  seem  to  be  beyond 
the  bounds  of  his  daring  or  of  his  good  fortune.  Our 
newspapers  represented  England  as  agitated  and 
alarmed,  and  in  reality  the  English  Government  was 
not  quite  exempt  from  fear  on  the  subject.  The 
"  Moniteur  "  still  complained  bitterly  of  the  English 
liberal  journals,  and  the  gauntlet  of  wordy  war  was 
taken  up  on  both  sides.  In  France  the  law  of  con- 
scription was  put  in  action,  and  large  bodies  of  troops 
were  raised.  Sometimes  people  asked  what  was  the 
meaning  of  this  great  armament,  and  of  such  para- 
graphs as  the  following,  which  appeared  in  the  "  Mon- 
iteur " ;  "  The  English  journalists  suspect  that  the  great 
preparations  for  war,  which  the  First  Consul  has  just 
commenced  in  Italy,  are  intended  for  an  Egyptian 
expedition." 

No  explanation  was  given.  The  French  nation 
placed  confidence  in  Bonaparte  of  a  kind  like  that 
which  some  credulous  minds  feel  in  magic ;  and,  as  his 
success  was  believed  to  be  infallible,  it  was  not  difficult 
to  obtain  a  tacit  consent  to  all  his  operations  from  a 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  161 

people  naturally  prone  to  worship  success.  At  that 
time  a  few  wise  heads  began  to  perceive  that  he  would 
not  be  useful  to  us;  but,  as  the  general  dread  of  the 
Revolutionary  Government  still  proclaimed  him  to 
be  necessary,  no  opposition  could  be  made  to  his 
authority  without  the  risk  of  facilitating  the  revolt  of 
that  party,  which  it  was  believed  he  alone  could 
control. 

In  the  mean  time  he  was  always  active  and  ener- 
getic ;  and,  as  it  did  not  suit  him  that  the  public  mind 
should  be  left  to  repose,  which  leads  to  reflection,  he 
aroused  apprehension  and  disturbance  in  every  way 
that  might  be  useful  to  himself.  A  letter  from  the 
Comte  d'Artois,  taken  from  the  "  Morning  Chronicle," 
was  printed  about  this  time;  it  offered  the  services  of 
the  emigres  to  the  King  of  England,  in  case  of  a 
descent  upon  his  coasts.  Rumors  were  spread  of  cer- 
tain attempts  made  in  the  eastern  departments;  and 
since  the  war  in  La  Vendee  had  been  followed  by  the 
inglorious  proceedings  of  the  Chcuans,  people  had 
become  accustomed  to  the  idea  that  any  political  move- 
ment set  on  foot  in  that  part  of  France  had  pillage 
and  incendiarism  for  its  objects.  In  fact,  there  seemed 
no  chance  of  quietness  except  in  the  duration  of  the 
established  Government;  and  when  certain  friends  of 
liberty  deplored  its  loss — for  the  new  liberal  institu- 
tions were  of  little  value  in  their  eyes  because  they 
were  the  work  of  absolute  power — they  were  met  with 
the  following  argument,  which  was  perhaps  justified  by 
circumstances :  "  After  the  storm  through  which  we 
have  passed,  and  amid  the  strife  of  so  many  parties, 
superior  force  only  can  give  us  liberty;  and,  so  long 
as  that  force  tends  to  promote  principles  of  order  and 
morality,  we  ought  not  to  regard  ourselves  as  straying 
from  the  right  road ;  for  the  creator  will  disappear,  but 
that  which  he  has  created  will  remain  with  us." 


162  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

While  more  or  less  disturbance  was  thus  kept  up  by 
his  orders,  Bonaparte  himself  maintained  a  peaceful 
attitude.  He  had  returned  to  his  usual  orderly  and 
busy  life  at  Saint  Cloud,  and  we  passed  our  days  as  I 
have  already  described.  His  brothers  were  all  em- 
ployed— Joseph,  at  the  camp  of  Boulogne;  Louis,  at 
the  Council  of  State;  Jerome,  the  youngest,  in  Amer- 
ica, whither  he  had  been  sent,  and  where  he  was  well 
received  by  the  Anglo-Americans.  Bonaparte's  sisters, 
who  were  now  in  the  enjoyment  of  wealth,  vied  with 
each  other  in  the  decoration  of  the  houses  which  the 
First  Consul  had  given  them,  and  in  the  luxury  of 
their  furniture  and  equipment.  Eugene  de  Beauhar- 
nais  occupied  himself  exclusively  in  his  military  duties; 
his  sister  lived  a  dull  and  quiet  life. 

Mme.  Leclerc  had  inspired  Prince  Borghese  (who 
had  not  long  arrived  in  France  from  Rome)  with  an 
ardent  attachment,  which  she  returned.  The  Prince 
asked  her  hand  of  Bonaparte,  but  his  demand  was  at 
first  refused.  I  do  not  know  what  the  motive  of  his 
refusal  was,  but  think  it  may  perhaps  have  been  dic- 
tated by  his  vanity,  which  would  have  been  hurt  by 
the  supposition  that  he  desired  to  be  relieved  of  any 
family  claims;  and  probably,  also,  he  did  not  wish  to 
appear  to  accept  a  first  proposal  with  alacrity.  But, 
as  the  Hason  between  his  sister  and  the  Prince  became 
publicly  known,  the  Consul  consented  at  last  to  legiti- 
mize it  by  a  marriage,  which  took  place  at  Mortefon- 
taine  while  he  was  at  Boulogne. 

He  set  out  to  visit  the  camp  and  the  flotilla  on  the 
3d  of  November,  1803.  This  time  his  journey  was  of 
an  entirely  military  character.  He  was  accompanied 
only  by  the  generals  of  his  guard,  by  his  aides-de- 
camp, and  by  M.  de  Remusat. 

When  they  arrived  at  Pont  de  Briques,  a  little 
village  about  a  league  from  Boulogne,  where  Bona- 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  163 

parte  had  fixed  his  headquarters,  my  husband  fell 
dangerously  ill.  So  soon  as  I  heard  of  his  illness  I 
set  out  to  join  him,  and  arrived  at  Pont  de  Briques  in 
the  middle  of  the  night.  Entirely  occupied  by  my 
anxiety,  I  had  thought  of  nothing  but  of  the  state  in 
which  I  should  find  the  invalid.  But,  when  I  got  out 
of  the  carriage,  I  was  rather  disconcerted  by  finding 
myself  alone  in  the  midst  of  a  camp,  and  not  knowing 
what  the  First  Consul  would  think  of  my  arrival.  I 
was  reassured,  however,  by  the  servants,  who  told 
me  I  was  expected,  and  that  a  room  had  been  set  apart 
for  me  two  days  before.  I  passed  the  remainder  of 
the  night  there,  waiting  until  daylight  before  I  saw  my 
husband,  as  I  did  not  like  to  risk  disturbing  him.  I 
found  him  greatly  pulled  down  by  illness,  but  he  was 
so  rejoiced  to  see  me  that  I  congratulated  myself  on 
having  come  without  asking  permission. 

In  the  morning  Bonaparte  sent  for  me.  I  was  so 
agitated  that  I  could  hardly  speak.  He  saw  this  the 
moment  I  entered  the  room,  and  he  kissed  me,  made 
me  sit  down,  and  restored  me  to  composure  by  his 
first  words.  "  I  was  expecting  you,"  he  said.  "  Your 
presence  will  cure  your  husband."  At  these  words  I 
burst  into  tears.  He  appeared  touched,  and  endeav- 
ored to  console  me.  Then  he  directed  me  to  come 
every  day  to  dine  and  breakfast  with  him,  laughing  as 
he  said,  "  I  must  look  after  a  woman  of  your  age 
among  so  many  soldiers."  He  asked  me  how  I  had 
left  his  wife.  A  little  while  before  his  departure  some 
more  secret  visits  from  Mile.  Georges  had  given  rise 
to  fresh  domestic  disagreements.  "  She  troubles  her- 
self," he  said,  "  a  great  deal  more  than  is  necessary. 
Josephine  is  always  afraid  that  I  shall  fall  seriously  in 
love.  Does  she  not  know,  then,  that  I  am  not  made  for 
love  ?  For  what  is  love  ?  A  passion  which  sets  all  the 
universe  on  one  side,  and  on  the  other  the  beloved 

Vol.  9  F— Memoirs 


164  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

object.  I  certainly  am  not  of  a  nature  to  give  myself 
up  to  any  such  exclusive  feeling.  What,  then,  do 
these  fancies,  into  which  my  affections  do  not  enter, 
matter  to  her?  This,"  he  continued,  looking  at  me 
seriously,  "  is  what  her  friends  ought  to  dwell  upon ; 
and,  above  all,  they  ought  not  to  try  to  increase  their 
influence  over  her  by  fostering  her  jealousy."  There 
was  in  his  last  words  a  tone  of  suspicion  and  severity 
which  I  did  not  deserve,  and  I  think  he  knew  that  very 
well;  but  he  never  missed  an  opportunity  of  carrying 
out  his  favorite  system,  which  was  to  keep  one's  mind 
what  he  called  "  breathless  " ;  that  is  to  say,  constantly 
anxious. 

He  remained  at  Pont  de  Briques  for  ten  days  after  I 
arrived  there.  My  husband's  malady  was  a  painful 
one,  but  the  doctors  were  not  alarmed.  With  the 
exception  of  one  quarter  of  an  hour  during  which  the 
First  Consul's  breakfast  lasted,  I  spent  the  morning 
with  my  dear  invalid.  Bonaparte  went  to  the  camp 
every  day,  reviewed  the  troops,  visited  the  flotilla,  and 
assisted  at  some  slight  skirmishes,  or  rather  at  an 
exchange  of  cannon-balls,  between  us  and  the  English, 
who  constantly  cruised  in  front  of  the  harbor  and 
tried  to  molest  our  workmen. 

At  six  o'clock  Bonaparte  returned,  and  then  I  was 
summoned.  Occasionally  some  of  the  officers  of  his 
household,  the  Minister  of  Marine  or  the  Minister  of 
Public  Works,  who  had  accompanied  him,  were 
invited  to  dinner.  At  other  times  we  dined  tete-a-tete, 
and  then  he  talked  on  a  multitude  of  subjects.  He 
spoke  of  his  own  character,  and  described  himself  as 
having  always  been  of  a  melancholy  temperament — 
far  more  so  than  any  of  his  comrades.  My  memory 
has  faithfully  preserved  all  he  said  to  me.  The  fol- 
lowing is  a  correct  summary  of  it : 

"  I  was  educated,"  he  said,  "  at  a  military  school, 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  165 

and  I  showed  no  aptitude  for  anything  but  the  exact 
sciences.  Every  one  said  of  me,  '  That  child  will 
never  be  good  for  anything  but  geometry.'  I  kept 
aloof  from  my  schoolfellows.  I  had  chosen  a  little 
corner  in  the  school-grounds,  where  I  would  sit  and 
dream  at  my  ease;  for  I  have  always  liked  reverie. 
When  my  companions  tried  to  usurp  possession  of 
this  corner,  I  defended  it  with  all  my  might.  I  already 
knew  by  instinct  that  my  will  was  to  override  that  of 
others,  and  that  what  pleased  me  was  to  belong  to 
me.  I  was  not  liked  at  school.  It  takes  time  to  make 
one's  self  liked :  and,  even  when  I  had  nothing  to  do,  I 
always  felt  vaguely  that  I  had  no  time  to  lose. 

"  I  entered  the  service,  and  soon  grew  tired  of  gar- 
rison work.  I  began  to  read  novels,  and  they  inter- 
ested me  deeply.  I  even  tried  to  write  some.  This 
occupation  brought  out  something  in  my  imagination 
which  mingled  itself  with  the  positive  knowledge  I  had 
acquired;  and  I  often  let  myself  dream,  in  order  that 
I  might  afterward  measure  my  dreams  by  the  com- 
pass of  my  reason.  I  threw  myself  into  an  ideal 
world,  and  I  endeavored  to  find  out  in  what  precise 
points  it  differed  from  the  actual  world  in  which  I 
lived.  I  have  always  liked  analysis;  and,  if  I  were 
to  be  seriously  in  love,  I  should  analyze  my  love  bit 
by  bit.  Why?  and  How?  are  questions  so  useful  that 
they  can  not  be  too  often  asked.  I  conquered,  rather 
than  studied,  history;  that  is  to  say,  I  did  not  care  to 
retain,  and  did  not  retain,  anything  that  could  not  give 
me  a  new  idea;  I  disdained  all  that  was  useless,  but 
took  possession  of  certain  results  which  pleased  me. 

"  I  did  not  understand  much  about  the  Revolution, 
but  I  approved  of  it.  Equality,  which  was  to  elevate 
myself,  attracted  me.  On  the  2Oth  of  June  I  was  in 
Paris,  and  I  saw  the  populace  marching  upon  the 
Tuileries.  I  have  never  liked  popular  movements,  and 


166  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

I  was  indignant  at  the  violent  deeds  of  that  day.  I 
thought  the  ringleaders  in  the  attack  very  imprudent, 
for  I  said  to  myself,  '  It  is  not  they  who  will  profit  by 
this  revolution.'  But,  when  I  was  told  that  Louis 
had  put  the  red  cap  on  his  head,  I  came  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  he  had  ceased  to  reign;  for  in  politics  there 
is  no  resurrection. 

"  On  the  loth  of  August  I  felt  that,  had  I  been  called 
upon,  I  would  have  defended  the  King.  I  set  myself 
against  those  who  founded  the  Republic  by  the  people. 
Besides,  I  saw  men  in  plain  clothes  attacking  men  in 
uniform,  and  I  could  not  stand  that. 

"  One  evening  I  was  at  the  theatre;  it  was  the  I2th 
Vendemiaire.  I  heard  it  said  about  me  that  next  day 
du  train  might  be  looked  for.  You  know  that  was  the 
usual  expression  of  the  Parisians,  who  regarded  the 
various  changes  of  government  with  indifference,  as 
those  changes  did  not  disturb  their  business,  their 
pleasures,  or  even  their  dinners.  After  the  Terror, 
people  were  satisfied  with  anything,  so  that  they  were 
allowed  to  live  quietly. 

"  I  heard  it  said  that  the  Assembly  was  sitting  in 
permanence;  I  went  there,  and  found  all  confusion 
and  hesitation.  Suddenly  I  heard  a  voice  say  from 
the  middle  of  the  hall,  *  If  any  one  here  knows  the 
address  of  General  Bonaparte,  he  is  begged  to  go  and 
tell  him  that  he  is  expected  at  the  Committee  of  the 
Assembly.'  I  have  always  observed  with  interest  how 
chance  interferes  in  certain  events,  and  this  chance 
decided  me.  I  went  to  the  Committee. 

"  There  I  found  several  terrified  deputies,  Cam- 
baceres  among  others.  They  expected  to  be  attacked 
the  next  day,  and  they  could  not  come  to  any  resolu- 
tion. They  asked  my  advice;  I  answered  by  asking 
for  guns.  This  proposition  so  alarmed  them  that  the 
whole  night  passed  without  their  coming  to  any  decision. 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  167 

In  the  morning  there  was  very  bad  news.  Then 
they  put  the  whole  business  into  my  hands,  and  after- 
ward began  to  discuss  whether  they  had  the  right  to 
repel  force  by  force.  'Are  you  going  to  wait,'  I 
asked  them,  '  until  the  people  give  you  permission  to 
fire  upon  them?  I  am  committed  in  this  matter;  you 
have  appointed  me  to  defend  you;  it  is  right  that  you 
should  leave  me  to  act.'  Thereupon  I  left  these  law- 
yers to  stultify  themselves  with  words.  I  put  the 
troops  in  motion,  and  pointed  two  cannons  with  terri- 
ble effect  from  Saint  Roch;  the  army  of  citizens  and 
the  conspirators  were  swept  away  in  an  instant. 

"  But  I  had  shed  Parisian  blood !  What  sacrilege ! 
It  was  necessary  to  obliterate  the  effect  of  such  a  deed. 
I  felt  myself  more  and  more  urgently  called  upon  to 
do  something.  I  asked  for  the  command  of  the  army 
of  Italy.  Everything  had  to  be  put  in  order  in  that 
army,  both  men  and  things.  Only  youth  can  have 
patience,  because  it  has  the  future  before  it.  I  set  out 
for  Italy  with  ill-trained  soldiers,  who  were,  how- 
ever, full  of  zeal  and  daring.  In  the  midst  of  the 
troops  I  had  wagons  placed,  and  escorted  on  the 
march,  although  they  were  empty.  These  I  called  the 
treasure-chests  of  the  army.  I  put  it  in  the  order  of 
the  day  that  shoes  should  be  distributed  to  the  recruits : 
no  one  would  wear  them.  I  promised  my  soldiers  that 
fortune  and  glory  should  await  us  behind  the  Alps; 
I  kept  my  word,  and  ever  since  then  the  army  would 
follow  me  to  the  end  of  the  world. 

"  I  made  a  splendid  campaign ;  I  became  a  person 
of  importance  in  Europe.  On  the  one  hand,  with  the 
assistance  of  my  orders  of  the  day,  I  maintained  the 
revolutionary  system;  on  the  other  hand,  I  secretly 
conciliated  the  emigres  by  allowing  them  to  form  cer- 
tain hopes.  It  is  easy  to  deceive  that  party,  because 
it  starts  always  not  from  what  exists,  but  from  what 


1 68  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

it  wishes  to  believe.  I  received  magnificent  offers  of 
recompense  if  I  would  follow  the  example  of  General 
Monk;  the  Pretender  even  wrote  to  me  in  his  vague 
and  florid  style ;  I  conquered  the  Pope  more  effectually 
by  not  going  to  Rome  than  if  I  had  burned  his  capital. 
In  short,  I  became  important  and  formidable;  and  the 
Directory,  although  I  made  them  very  uneasy,  could 
not  bring  any  formal  accusation  against  me. 

"  I  have  been  reproached  with  having  favored  the 
i8th  Fructidor;  they  might  as  well  reproach  me  with 
having  supported  the  Revolution.  It  was  necessary 
to  take  advantage  of  the  Revolution,  and  to  derive 
some  profit  from  the  blood  that  had  been  shed.  What ! 
were  we  to  give  ourselves  up  unconditionally  to  the 
princes  of  the  house  of  Bourbon,  who  would  have, 
thrown  in  our  teeth  all  the  misfortunes  we  had  suffered 
since  their  departure,  and  would  have  imposed  silence 
upon  us,  because  we  had  solicited  their  return?  Were 
we  to  exchange  our  victorious  flag  for  that  white 
banner  which  had  mingled  with  the  standards  of  our 
enemies?  Was  I  to  content  myself  with  a  few  mil- 
lions and  a  petty  dukedom  ?  The  part  of  Monk  is  not 
a  difficult  one  to  play;  it  would  have  given  me  less 
trouble  than  the  Egyptian  campaign,  or  even  than  the 
i8th  Brumaire;  but  can  anything  teach  princes  who 
have  never  seen  a  battle-field?  To  what  did  the  re- 
turn of  Charles  II.  lead  the  English,  except  the 
dethronement  of  James  II.?  Had  it  been  necessary, 
I  should  certainly  have  dethroned  the  Bourbons  a 
second  time,  so  that  the  best  thing  they  could  have 
done  would  have  been  to  get  rid  of  me. 

"  When  I  returned  to  France,  I  found  public  opin- 
ion in  a  lethargic  condition.  In  Paris — and  Paris  is 
France — people  can  never  interest  themselves  in  things 
if  they  do  not  care  about  persons.  The  customs  of  an 
an  old  monarchy  had  taught  them  to  personify  every- 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  169 

thing.  This  habit  of  mind  is  bad  for  a  people  who 
desire  liberty  seriously;  but  Frenchmen  can  no  longer 
desire  anything  seriously,  except  perhaps  it  be 
equality ;  and  even  that  they  would  renounce  willingly 
if  every  one  could  flatter  himself  that  he  was  the  first 
To  be  equals,  with  everybody  uppermost,  is  the  secret 
of  the  vanity  of  all  of  you;  every  man  among  you 
must,  therefore,  be  given  the  hope  of  rising.  The 
great  difficulty  of  the  Directory  was  that  no  one  cared 
about  them,  and  that  people  began  to  care  a  good  deal 
about  me. 

"  I  do  not  know  what  would  have  happened  to  me 
had  I  not  conceived  the  happy  thought  of  going  to 
Egypt.  When  I  embarked  I  did  not  know  but  that  I 
might  be  bidding  an  eternal  farewell  to  France;  but 
I  had  no  doubt  that  she  would  recall  me.  The  charm 
of  Oriental  conquest  drew  my  thoughts  away  from 
Europe  more  than  I  should  have  believed  possible. 
My  imagination  interfered  this  time  again  with  my 
actions;  but  I  think  it  died  out  at  Saint  Jean  d'Arc. 
However  that  may  be,  I  shall  never  allow  it  to  inter- 
fere with  me  again. 

"  In  Egypt  I  found  myself  free  from  the  wearisome 
restraints  of  civilization.  I  dreamed  all  sorts  of 
things,  and  I  saw  how  all  that  I  dreamed  might  be 
realized.  I  created  a  religion.  I  pictured  myself  on 
the  road  to  Asia,  mounted  on  an  elephant,  with  a 
turban  on  my  head,  and  in  my  hand  a  new  Koran, 
which  I  should  compose  according  to  my  own  ideas. 
I  would  have  the  combined  experience  of  two  worlds 
to  set  about  my  enterprise;  I  was  to  have  ransacked, 
for  my  own  advantage,  the  whole  domain  of  history; 
I  was  to  have  attacked  the  English  power  in  India, 
and  renewed  my  relations  with  old  Europe  by  my 
conquest.  The  time  which  I  passed  in  Egypt  was  the 
most  delightful  part  of  my  life,  for  it  was  the  most 


170  EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE 

ideal.  Fate  decided  against  my  dreams;  I  received 
letters  from  France;  I  saw  that  there  was  not  a 
moment  to  lose.  I  reverted  to  the  realities  of  life,  and 
I  returned  to  Paris — to  Paris,  where  the  gravest 
interests  of  the  country  are  discussed  in  the  entr'acte 
of  an  opera. 

"  The  Directory  trembled  at  my  return.  I  was  very 
cautious;  that  is  one  of  the  epochs  of  my  life  in  which 
I  have  acted  with  the  soundest  judgment.  I  saw  the 
Abbe  Sieyes,  and  promised  him  that  his  verbose  con- 
stitution should  be  put  into  effect ;  I  received  the  chiefs 
of  the  Jacobins  and  the  agents  of  the  Bourbons;  I 
listened  to  advice  from  everybody,  but  I  only  gave  it 
in  the  interest  of  my  own  plans.  I  hid  myself  from 
the  people,  because  I  knew  that  when  the  time  came 
curiosity  to  see  me  would  make  them  run  after  me. 
Every  one  was  taken  in  my  toils ;  and,  when  I  became 
the  head  of  the  State,  there  was  not  a  party  in  France 
which  did  not  build  some  special  hope  upon  my 
success." 


CHAPTER    IV 
(1803-1804  ) 

ONE  evening,  while  we  were  at  Boulogne,  Bona- 
parte turned  the  conversation  upon  literature. 
Lemercier,  the  poet,  whom  Bonaparte  liked, 
had  just  finished  a  tragedy,  called  "  Philippe  Auguste," 
which  contained  allusions  to  the  First  Consul,  and  had 
brought  the  manuscript  to  him.  Bonaparte  took  it 
into  his  head  to  read  this  production  aloud  to  me.  It 
was  amusing  to  hear  a  man,  who  was  always  in  a 
hurry  when  he  had  nothing  to  do,  trying  to  read  Alex- 
andrine verses,  of  which  he  did  not  know  the  meter, 
and  pronouncing  them  so  badly  that  he  did  not  seem 
to  understand  what  he  read.  Besides,  he  no  sooner 
opened  any  book  than  he  wanted  to  criticise  it.  I 
asked  him  to  give  me  the  manuscript,  and  I  read  it  out 
myself.  Then  he  began  to  talk;  he  took  the  play  out 
of  my  hand,  struck  out  whole  passages,  made  several 
marginal  notes,  and  found  fault  with  the  plot  and  the 
characters.  He  did  not  run  much  risk  of  spoiling  the 
piece,  for  it  was  very  bad.  Singularly  enough,  when 
he  had  done  reading,  he  told  me  he  did  not  wish  the 
author  to  know  that  all  these  erasures  and  corrections 
were  made  by  so  important  a  hand,  and  he  directed 
me  to  take  them  upon  myself.  I  objected  to  this,  as 
may  be  supposed.  I  had  great  difficulty  in  convincing 
him  that,  as  it  might  be  thought  strange  that  even  he 
should  thus  have  meddled  with  an  author's  manu- 
script, it  would  be  contrary  to  all  the  convenances  for 

171 


172  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

me  to  have  taken  such  a  liberty.  "  Well,  well,"  said 
he,  "  perhaps  you  are  right ;  but  on  this,  as  on  every 
other  occasion,  I  own  I  do  not  like  that  vague  and 
levelling  phrase,  the  convenances,  which  you  women 
are  always  using.  It  is  a  device  of  fools  to  raise  them- 
selves to  the  level  of  people  of  intellect ;  a  sort  of  social 
gag,  which  obstructs  the  strong  mind  and  only  serves 
the  weak.  It  may  be  all  very  well  for  women :  they 
have  not  much  to  do  in  this  life;  but  you  must  be 
aware  that  I,  for  example,  can  not  be  bound  by  the 
convenances." 

"  But,"  I  replied,  "  is  not  the  application  of  these 
laws  to  the  conduct  of  life  like  that  of  the  dramatic 
unities  to  the  drama?  They  give  order  and  regular- 
ity, and  they  do  not  really  trammel  genius,  except 
when  it  would,  without  their  control,  err  against  good 
taste." 

"  Ah,  good  taste !  That  is  another  of  those  clas- 
sical words  which  I  do  not  adopt.  It  is  perhaps  my 
own  fault,  but  there  are  certain  rules  which  mean 
nothing  to  me.  For  example,  what  is  called  '  style,' 
good  or  bad,  does  not  affect  me.  I  care  only  for  the 
force  of  the  thought.  I  used  to  like  Ossian,  but  it  was 
for  the  same  reason  which  made  me  delight  in  the 
murmur  of  the  winds  and  waves.  In  Egypt  I  tried  to 
read  the  '  Iliad  ' :  but  I  got  tired  of  it.  As  for  French 
poets,  I  understand  none  of  them  except  Corneille. 
That  man  understood  politics,  and  if  he  had  been 
trained  to  public  affairs  he  would  have  been  a  states- 
man. I  think  I  appreciate  him  more  truly  than  any 
one  else  does,  because  I  exclude  all  the  dramatic  senti- 
ments from  my  view  of  him.  For  example,  it  is  only 
lately  I  have  come  to  understand  the  denouement  of 
'  Cinna.'  At  first  I  regarded  it  as  merely  a  contri- 
vance for  a  pathetic  fifth  act:  for  really,  clemency, 
properly  speaking,  is  such  a  poor  little  virtue,  when 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  173 

it  is  not  founded  on  policy,  that  to  turn  Augustus  sud- 
denly into  a  kind-hearted  prince  appeared  to  me  an 
unworthy  climax.  However,  I  saw  Monvel  act  in 
the  tragedy  one  night,  and  the  mystery  of  the  great 
conception  was  revealed  to  me.  He  pronounced  the 
'  Soyons  amis,  Cinna,'  in  so  cunning  and  subtle  a  tone, 
that  I  saw  at  once  the  action  was  only  a  feint  of  the 
tyrant,  and  I  approved  as  a  calculation  what  had 
appeared  to  me  silly  as  a  sentiment.  The  line  should 
always  be  so  delivered  that,  of  all  those  who  hear  it, 
only  Cinna  is  deceived. 

"  As  for  Racine,  he  pleases  me  in  '  Iphigenie.'  That 
piece,  while  it  lasts,  makes  one  breathe  the  poetic  air 
of  Greece.  In  '  Britannicus '  he  has  been  trammeled 
by  Tacitus,  against  whom  I  am  prejudiced,  because 
he  does  not  sufficiently  explain  his  meaning.  The 
tragedies  of  Voltaire  are  passionate,  but  they  do  not 
go  deeply  into  human  nature.  For  instance,  his 
Mahomet  is  neither  a  prophet  nor  an  Arab.  He  is  an 
impostor,  who  might  have  been  educated  at  the  Ecole 
Polytechnique,  for  he  uses  power  as  I  might  use  it  in 
an  age  like  the  present.  And  then,  the  murder  of  the 
father  by  the  son  is  a  useless  crime.  Great  men  are 
never  cruel  except  from  necessity. 

"  As  for  comedy,  it  interests  me  about  as  much  as 
the  gossip  of  your  drawing-rooms.  I  understand  your 
admiration  of  Moliere,  but  I  do  not  share  it;  he  has 
placed  his  personages  in  situations  which  have  no 
attractions  for  me." 

From  these  observations  it  is  plain  that  Bonaparte 
cared  only  to  observe  human  nature  when  it  was 
struggling  with  the  great  chances  of  life,  and  that 
man  in  the  abstract  interested  him  but  little.  In  con- 
versations of  this  kind  the  time  I  spent  at  Boulogne 
with  the  First  Consul  was  passed,  and  it  was  at  the 
close  of  my  sojourn  there  that  I  underwent  the  first 


174  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

experience  that  inspired  me  with  mistrust  of  persons 
among  whom  I  was  obliged  to  live  at  Court.  The 
officers  of  the  household  could  not  believe  that  a 
woman  might  remain  for  hours  together  with  their 
master,  simply  talking  with  him  on  matters  of  general 
interest,  and  they  drew  conclusions  which  were  inju- 
rious to  my  character.  I  may  now  venture  to  say  that 
the  purity  of  my  mind,  and  my  life-long  attachment 
to  my  husband,  prevented  my  even  conceiving  the 
possibility  of  such  a  suspicion  as  that  which  was 
formed  in  the  Consul's  ante-chamber,  while  I  was  con- 
versing with  him  in  his  salon.  When  Bonaparte  re- 
turned to  Paris,  his  aides-de-camp  talked  about  my 
long  interviews  with  him,  and  Mme.  Bonaparte  took 
fright  at  their  stories;  so  that  when,  after  a  month's 
stay  at  Pont  de  Briques,  my  husband  was  sufficiently 
recovered  to  bear  the  journey,  and  we  returned  to 
Paris,  my  jealous  patroness  received  me  coldly. 

I  returned  full  of  gratitude  toward  the  First  Con- 
sul. He  had  received  me  so  kindly;  he  had  shown 
such  interest  in  the  state  of  my  husband's  health;  his 
attention  to  me  had  so  much  soothed  my  troubled  and 
anxious  mind,  and  had  been  so  great  a  resource  in  that 
solitary  place;  and  I  was  so  much  flattered  by  the 
pleasure  he  seemed  to  take  in  my  society,  that  on  my 
return  I  told  every  one,  with  the  eager  gratitude  of 
one  twenty-three  years  old,  of  the  extreme  kindness 
he  had  shown  me.  My  friend,  who  was  really  at- 
tached to  me,  advised  me  to  be  careful  of  my 
words,  and  apprised  me  of  the  impression  they  had 
made.  I  remember  to  this  hour  that  her  hint  struck 
like  a  dagger  to  my  heart.  It  was  the  first  time  I  had 
suffered  injustice;  my  youth  and  all  my  feelings  re- 
volted against  such  an  accusation.  Stern  experience 
only  can  steel  us  against  the  unjust  judgments  of  the 
world,  and  perhaps  we  ought  to  regret  the  time  when 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  175 

they  had  the  power  to  wound  us  deeply.  My  friend's 
warning  had,  however,  explained  Mme.  Bonaparte's 
conduct  toward  me.  One  day,  when  I  was  more  hurt 
by  this  than  usual,  I  could  not  refrain  from  saying 
to  her,  with  tears  in  my  eyes,  "  What,  madame !  do 
you  suspect  me  ?  "  As  she  was  very  kind  and  always 
easily  touched  by  passing  emotions,  she  embraced  me, 
and  thenceforth  treated  me  with  her  former  cordiality. 
But  she  did  not  understand  my  feelings.  There  was 
nothing  in  her  mind  which  corresponded  to  my  just 
indignation;  and,  without  endeavoring  to  ascertain 
whether  my  relations  with  her  husband  at  Boulogne 
had  been  such  as  they  were  represented  to  her,  she  was 
content  to  conclude  that  in  any  case  the  affair  had  been 
merely  temporary,  since  I  did  not,  when  under  her 
own  eyes,  depart  from  my  usual  reserve  toward  Bo- 
naparte. In  order  to  justify  herself,  she  told  me  that 
the  Bonaparte  family  had  spread  injurious  reports 
against  me  during  my  absence.  "  Do  you  not  per- 
ceive," I  asked  her,  "  that,  rightly  or  wrongly,  it  is 
believed  here  that  my  tender  attachment  to  you,  ma- 
dame,  makes  me  clear-sighted  to  what  is  going  on, 
and  that,  feeble  as  my  counsels  are,  they  may  help 
you  to  act  with  prudence?  Political  jealousy  spreads 
suspicion  broadcast  everywhere,  and,  insignificant  as 
I  am,  I  do  believe  they  want  to  make  you  quarrel  with 
me."  Mme.  Bonaparte  agreed  in  the  truth  of  my 
observation ;  but  she  had  not  the  least  idea  that  I  could 
feel  aggrieved  because  it  had  not  occurred  to  herself 
in  the  first  instance.  She  acknowledged  that  she  had 
reproached  her  husband  about  me,  and  he  had  evi- 
dently amused  himself  by  leaving  her  in  doubt.  These 
occurrences  opened  my  eyes  about  the  people  among 
whom  I  lived  to  an  extent  which  alarmed  me  and  up- 
set all  my  former  feelings  toward  them.  I  began  to 
feel  that  the  ground  which  I  had  trodden  until  then 


176  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

with  all  the  confidence  of  ignorance  was  not  firm;  I 
knew  that  from  the  kind  of  annoyance  I  had  just  expe- 
rienced I  should  never  again  be  free. 

The  First  Consul,  on  leaving  Boulogne,  had  de- 
clared, in  the  order  of  the  day,  that  he  was  pleased 
with  the  army;  and  in  the  "  Moniteur  "  of  November 
12,  1803,  we  read  the  following:  "It  was  remarked 
as  a  presage  that,  in  the  course  of  the  excavations  for 
the  First  Consul's  camp,  a  war  hatchet  was  found, 
which  probably  belonged  to  the  Roman  army  that 
invaded  Britain.  There  were  also  medals  of  William 
the  Conqueror  found  at  Ambleteuse,  where  the  First 
Consul's  tent  was  pitched.  It  must  be  admitted  that 
these  circumstances  are  singular,  and  they  appear  still 
more  strange  when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  when 
General  Bonaparte  visited  the  ruins  of  Pelusium,  in 
Egypt,  he  found  there  a  medallion  of  Julius  Caesar." 

The  allusion  was  not  a  very  fortunate  one,  for,  not- 
withstanding the  medallion  of  Julius  Caesar,  Bona- 
parte was  obliged  to  leave  Egypt;  but  these  little 
parallels,  dictated  by  the  ingenious  flattery  of  M. 
Maret,  pleased  his  master  immensely,  and  Bonaparte 
was  confident  that  they  were  not  without  effect  upon 
the  country. 

In  the  journals  every  effort  was  made  at  that  time 
to  excite  the  popular  imagination  on  the  subject  of  the 
invasion  of  England.  I  do  not  know  whether  Bona- 
parte really  believed  that  such  an  adventure  was  pos- 
sible, but  he  appeared  to  do  so,  and  the  expense  in- 
curred in  the  construction  of  flat-bottomed  boats  was 
considerable.  The  war  of  words  between  the  English 
newspapers  and  the  "  Moniteur  "  continued.  We  read 
in  the  "  Times,"  "  It  is  said  that  the  French  have  made 
Hanover  a  desert,  and  they  are  now  about  to  abandon 
it  " ;  to  which  a  note  in  the  "  Moniteur  "  immediately 
replied,  "  Yes,  when  you  abandon  Malta."  The 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  177 

Bishops  issued  pastorals,  in  which  they  exhorted  the 
nation  to  arm  itself  for  a  just  war.  "  Choose  men 
of  good  courage,"  said  the  Bishop  of  Arras,  "  and  go 
forth  to  fight  Amalek.  Bossuet  has  said,  'To  sub- 
mit to  the  public  orders  is  to  submit  to  the  orders  of 
God,  who  establishes  empires.' ' 

This  quotation  from  Bossuet  reminds  me  of  a  story 
which  M.  Bourlier,  the  Bishop  of  Evreux,  used  to  tell. 
It  related  to  the  time  when  the  Council  was  assembled 
at  Paris  with  a  view  to  inducing  the  Bishops  to  oppose 
the  decrees  of  the  Pope.  "  Sometimes,"  said  the 
Bishop  of  Evreux,  "  the  Emperor  would  have  us  all 
summoned,  and  would  begin  a  theological  discussion 
with  us.  He  would  address  himself  to  the  most  recal- 
citrant among  us,  and  say,  '  My  religion  is  that  of 
Bossuet;  he  is  my  Father  of  the  Church;  he  defended 
our  liberties.  I  want  to  commence  his  wrork  and  to 
maintain  your  dignity.  Do  you  understand  me  ? ' 
Speaking  thus,  and  pale  with  anger,  he  would  clap  his 
hand  on  the  hilt  of  his  sword.  The  ardor  with  which 
he  was  ready  to  defend  us  made  me  tremble,  and  this 
singular  amalgamation  of  the  name  of  Bossuet  and 
the  word  liberty,  with  his  own  threatening  gestures, 
would  have  made  me  smile  if  I  had  not  been  too 
heavy-hearted  at  the  prospect  of  the  hard  times  which 
I  foresaw  for  the  Church." 

I  now  return  to  the  winter  of  1804.  This  winter 
passed  as  the  preceding  one  had  done,  in  balls  and 
fetes  at  Court  and  in  Paris,  and  in  the  organization 
of  the  new  laws  which  were  presented  to  the  Corps 
Legislatif.  Mme.  Bacciochi,  who  had  a  very  decided 
liking  for  M.  de  Fontanes,  spoke  of  him  so  often  at 
that  time  to  her  brother,  that  her  influence,  added  to 
Bonaparte's  own  high  opinion  of  the  academician, 
determined  him  to  make  M.  de  Fontanes  President  of 
the  Corps  Legislatif.  This  selection  appeared  strange 


1 78  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

to  some  people ;  but  a  man  of  letters  would  do  as  well 
as  any  other  President  for  what  Bonaparte  intended 
to  make  of  the  Corps  Legislatif.  M.  de  Fontanes  had 
to  deliver  harangues  to  the  Emperor  under  most  diffi- 
cult circumstances,  but  he  always  acquitted  himself 
with  grace  and  distinction.  He  had  but  little  strength 
of  character,  but  his  ability  told  when  he  had  to  speak 
in  public,  and  his  good  taste  lent  him  dignity  and 
impressiveness.  Perhaps  that  was  not  an  advantage 
for  Bonaparte.  Nothing  is  so  dangerous  for  sov- 
ereigns as  to  have  their  abuses  of  power  clothed  in  the 
glowing  colors  of  eloquence,  when  they  figure  before 
nations;  and  this  is  especially  dangerous  in  France, 
where  forms  are  held  in  such  high  esteem.  How  often 
have  the  Parisians,  although  in  the  secret  of  the  farce 
the  Government  was  acting,  lent  themselves  to  the 
deception  with  a  good  grace,  simply  because  the  actors 
did  justice  to  that  delicacy  of  taste  which  demands 
that  each  shall  do  his  best  with  the  role  assigned  to 
him? 

In  the  course  of  the  month  of  January,  the  "  Mon- 
iteur  "  published  a  selection  of  articles  from  the  Eng- 
lish journals,  in  which  the  differences  between  Bavaria 
and  Austria,  and  the  probabilities  of  a  continental  war, 
were  discussed.  Paragraphs  of  this  kind  were  from 
time  to  time  inserted  in  the  newspapers,  without  any 
comment,  as  if  to  prepare  us  for  what  might  happen. 
These  intimations — like  the  clouds  over  mountain 
summits,  which  fall  apart  for  a  moment  now  and  then, 
and  afford  a  glimpse  of  what  is  passing  behind — al- 
lowed us  to  have  momentary  peeps  at  the  important 
discussions  which  were  taking  place  in  Europe,  so 
that  we  should  not  be  much  surprised  when  they  re- 
sulted in  a  rupture.  After  each  glimpse  the  clouds 
would  close  again,  and  we  would  remain  in  darkness 
until  the  storm  burst. 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  179 

I  am  about  to  speak  of  an  important  epoch,  concern- 
ing which  my  memory  is  full  and  faithful.  It  is  that 
of  the  conspiracy  of  Georges  Cadoudal,  and  the  crime 
to  which  it  led.  With  respect  to  General  Moreau,  I 
shall  repeat  what  I  have  heard  said,  but  shall  be  careful 
to  affirm  nothing.  I  think  it  well  to  preface  this  nar- 
rative by  a  brief  explanation  of  the  state  of  affairs  at 
that  time.  Certain  persons,  somewhat  closely  con- 
nected with  politics,  were  beginning  to  assert  that 
France  felt  the  necessity  of  hereditary  right  in  the 
governing  power.  Political  courtiers,  and  honest, 
sincere  revolutionists,  seeing  that  the  tranquillity  of 
the  country  depended  on  one  life,  were  discussing  the 
instability  of  the  Consulate.  By  degrees  the  thoughts 
of  all  were  once  more  turned  to  monarchy,  and  this 
would  have  had  its  advantages  if  they  could  have 
agreed  to  establish  a  monarchy  tempered  by  the  laws. 
Revolutions  have  this  great  disadvantage,  that  they 
divide  public  opinion  into  an  infinite  number  of  varie- 
ties, which  are  all  modified  by  circumstances.  This 
it  is  which  gives  opportunity  to  that  despotism  which 
comes  after  revolutions.  To  restrain  the  power  of 
Bonaparte,  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  venture 
on  uttering  the  word  "  Liberty  " ;  but  as,  only  a  few 
years  before,  that  word  had  been  used  from  one  end 
of  France  to  the  other  as  a  disguise  for  the  worst 
kind  of  slavery,  it  inspired  an  unreasonable  but  fatal 
repugnance. 

The  Royalists,  finding  that  day  by  day  Bonaparte 
was  departing  more  widely  from  the  path  they  had 
expected  he  would  take,  were  much  disturbed.  The 
Jacobins,  whose  opposition  the  First  Consul  feared 
much  more,  were  secretly  preparing  for  action,  for 
they  perceived  that  it  was  to  their  antagonists  that  the 
Government  was  giving  guarantees.  The  Concordat, 
the  advances  made  to  the  old  nobility,  the  destruction 


i8o  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

of  revolutionary  equality,  all  these  things  constituted 
an  encroachment  upon  them.  How  happy  would 
France  have  been  had  Bonaparte  contended  only 
against  the  factions!  But,  to  have  done  that,  he  must 
have  been  animated  solely  by  the  love  of  justice,  and 
guided  by  the  counsels  of  a  generous  mind. 

When  a  sovereign,  no  matter  what  his  title  may  be, 
sides  with  one  or  other  of  the  violent  parties  which 
stir  up  civil  strife,  it  is  certain  that  he  has  hostile 
intentions  against  the  rights  of  citizens,  who  have  con- 
fided those  rights  to  his  keeping.  Bonaparte,  in  order 
to  fix  his  despotic  yoke  upon  France,  found  himself 
obliged  to  come  to  terms  with  the  Jacobins;  and,  un- 
fortunately, there  are  persons  whom  no  guarantee  but 
that  of  crime  will  satisfy.  Their  ally  must  involve 
himself  in  some  of  their  iniquities.  This  motive  had 
a  great  deal  to  do  with  the  death  of  the  Due  d'En- 
ghien;  and  I  am  convinced  that  all  which  happened  at 
that  time  was  the  result  of  no  violent  feeling,  of  no 
blind  revenge,  but  simply  a  Machiavellian  policy,  re- 
solved to  smooth  its  own  path  at  any  cost.  Neither 
was  it  for  the  gratification  of  vanity  that  Bonaparte 
wanted  to  change  his  title  of  Consul  for  that  of  Em- 
peror. We  must  not  believe  that  he  was  always  ruled 
by  insatiable  passions;  he  was  capable  of  controlling 
them  by  calculation,  and,  if  in  the  end  he  allowed  him- 
self to  be  led  away,  it  was  because  he  became  intoxi- 
cated by  success  and  flattery.  The  comedy  of  republi- 
can equality,  which  he  was  obliged  to  play  so  long  as 
he  remained  Consul,  annoyed  him,  and  in  reality  only 
deceived  those  who  were  willing  to  be  deceived.  It  re- 
sembled the  political  pretenses  of  ancient  Rome,  when 
the  Emperors  from  time  to  time  had  themselves  re- 
elected  by  the  Senate.  I  have  heard  persons  who, 
having  put  on  the  4ove  of  liberty  like  a  garment,  and 
yet  paid  assiduous  court  to  Bonaparte  while  he  was 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  181 

First  Consul,  declare  that  they  had  quite  withdrawn 
their  esteem  from  him  so  soon  as  he  conferred  the 
title  of  Emperor  upon  himself.  I  never  could  under- 
stand their  argument.  How  was  it  possible  that  the 
authority  which  he  exercised  almost  from  the  moment 
of  his  entrance  into  the  government  did  not  enlighten 
them  as  to  his  actual  position?  Might  it  not  rather 
be  said  that  he  gave  a  proof  of  sincerity  in  his  assump- 
tion of  a  title  whose  real  powers  he  exercised? 

At  the  epoch  of  which  I  am  treating,  it  became 
necessary  that  the  First  Consul  should  strengthen  his 
position  by  some  new  measure.  The  English,  who 
had  been  threatened,  were  secretly  exciting  disturb- 
ances to  act  as  diversions  from  the  projects  formed 
against  themselves;  their  relations  with  the  Chouans 
were  resumed;  and  the  Royalists  regarded  the  Con- 
sular Government  as  a  mere  transition  state  from  the 
Directory  to  the  Monarchy.  One  man  only  stood  in 
the  way;  it  became  easy  to  conclude  that  he  must  be 
got  rid  of. 

I  remember  to  have  heard  Bonaparte  say  in  the  sum- 
mer of  that  year  (1804)  that  for  once  events  had  hur- 
ried him,  and  that  he  had  not  intended  to  establish 
royalty  until  two  years  later.  He  had  placed  the  police 
in  the  hands  of  the  Minister  of  Justice.  This  was  a 
sound  and  moral  proceeding,  but  it  was  contradicted 
by  his  intention  that  the  magistracy  should  use  that 
police  as  it  had  been  used  when  it  was  a  revolutionary 
institution.  I  have  already  said  that  Bonaparte's  first 
ideas  were  generally  good  and  great.  To  conceive  and 
carry  them  out  was  to  exercise  his  power,  but  to  sub- 
mit to  them  afterward  savored  of  abdication.  He  was 
unable  to  endure  the  dominion  even  of  any  of  his  own 
institutions.  Restrained  by  the  slow  and  regular  forms 
of  justice,  and  also  by  the  feebleness  and  mediocrity 
of  his  Chief  Judge,  he  surrounded  himself  with  in- 


182  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

numerable  police  agents,  and  by  degrees  regained 
confidence  in  Fouche,  who  was  an  adept  in  the  art  of 
making  himself  necessary.  Fouche,  a  man  of  keen 
and  far-seeing  intellect,  a  Jacobin  grown  rich,  and 
consequently  disgusted  with  some  of  the  principles  of 
that  party — with  which,  however,  he  still  remained 
conne'cted,  so  that  he  might  have  support  should 
trouble  arise — had  no  objection  to  invest  Bonaparte 
with  royalty.  His  natural  flexibility  made  him  always 
ready  to  accept  any  form  of  government  in  which  he 
saw  a  post  for  himself.  His  habits  were  more  revolu- 
tionary than  his  principles,  and  the  only  state  of  things, 
I  believe,  which  he  could  not  have  endured,  would 
have  been  one  which  should  make  an  absolute  nonen- 
ity  of  him.  To  make  use  of  him  one  must  thoroughly 
understand  his  disposition,  and  be  very  cautious  in 
dealing  with  him,  remembering  that  he  needed  troub- 
lous times  for  the  full  display  of  his  capacity;  for,  as 
he  had  no  passions  and  no  aversions,  he  rose  at  such 
times  superior  to  the  generality  of  those  about  him, 
who  were  all  more  or  less  actuated  by  either  fear  or 
resentment. 

Fouche  has  denied  that  he  advised  the  murder  of  the 
Due  d'Enghien.  Unless  there  is  complete  certainty 
of  the  fact,  I  see  no  reason  for  bringing  the  accusation 
of  a  crime  against  a  man  who  positively  denies  it. 
Besides,  Fouche,  who  was  very  far-sighted,  must  have 
foreseen  that  such  a  deed  would  give  only  a  temporary 
guarantee  to  the  party  which  Bonaparte  wanted  to 
win.  He  knew  the  First  Consul  too  well  to  fear  that 
he  would  think  of  replacing  the  King  on  a  throne 
which  he  might  occupy  himself,  and  there  is  little 
doubt  that,  with  the  information  he  possessed,  he 
would  have  pronounced  the  murder  of  the  Due  d'En- 
ghien to  be  a  mistake. 

M.  de  Talleyrand's  plans  were  also  served  by  his 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  183 

advice  that  Bonaparte  should  invest  himself  with 
royalty.  That  proceeding  would  suit  M.  de  Talley- 
rand to  a  nicety.  His  enemies,  and  even  Bonaparte 
himself,  have  accused  him  of  having  advised  the  mur- 
der of  the  unhappy  prince.  But  Bonaparte  and  his 
enemies  are  not  credible  on  this  point ;  the  well-known 
character  of  M.  de  Talleyrand  is  against  the  truth  of 
the  statement.  He  has  said  to  me  more  than  once  that 
Bonaparte  informed  him  and  the  two  Consuls  of  the 
arrest  of  the  Due  d'Enghien  and  of  his  own  unalter- 
able determination  at  the  same  time.  He  added  that 
they  all  three  saw  that  words  were  useless,  and  there- 
fore kept  silence.  That  was  indeed  a  deplorable  weak- 
ness, but  one  very  common  to  M.  de  Talleyrand,  who 
would  not  think  of  remonstrating  for  the  sake  of 
conscience  only,  when  he  knew  that  a  line  of  action 
had  been  decided  upon.  Opposition  and  bold  resist- 
ance may  take  effect  upon  any  nature,  however  reso- 
lute. A  sovereign  of  a  cruel  and  sanguinary  disposi- 
tion will  sometimes  sacrifice  his  inclination  to  the 
force  of  reason  arrayed  against  it.  Bonaparte  was 
not  cruel  either  by  inclination  or  on  system ;  he  merely 
wanted  to  carry  his  point  by  the  quickest  and  surest 
method.  He  has  himself  said  that  at  that  time  he  was 
obliged  to  get  rid  of  both  Jacobins  and  Royalists. 
The  imprudence  of  the  latter  furnished  him  with  this 
fatal  opportunity.  He  seized  it ;  and  what  I  shall  here- 
after have  to  relate  will  show  that  it  was  with  the 
coolest  of  calculation,  or  rather  of  sophistry,  that  he 
shed  illustrious  and  innocent  blood. 

A  few  days  after  the  first  return  of  the  King,  the 
Due  de  Rovigo  [General  Savary]  presented  himself 
at  my  house  one  morning.  He  then  tried  to  clear  him- 
self from  the  accusations  that  were  brought  against 
him.  He  spoke  to  me  of  the  death  of  the  Due  d'En- 
ghien. "The  Emperor  and  I,"  he  said,  "were 


184  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

deceived  on  that  occasion.  One  of  the  inferior  agents 
in  Georges  Cadoudal's  conspiracy  had  been  suborned 
by  my  police.  He  came  to  us,  and  stated  that  one 
night,  when  all  the  conspirators  were  assembled,  the 
secret  arrival  of  an  important  chief  who  could  not  yet 
be  named  had  been  announced  to  them.  A  few  nights 
later,  a  person  appeared  among  them,  to  whom  the 
others  paid  great  respect.  The  spy  described  the  un^ 
known  so  as  to  give  us  the  impression  that  he  was  a 
prince  of  the  house  of  Bourbon.  About  the  same  time 
the  Due  d'Enghien  had  established  himself  at  Etten- 
heim,  with  the  intention,  no  doubt,  of  awaiting  the 
result  of  the  conspiracy.  The  police  agents  wrote  that 
he  sometimes  disappeared  for  several  days  together. 
We  concluded  that  at  these  times  he  came  to  Paris, 
and  his  arrest  was  resolved  upon.  Afterward,  when 
the  spy  was  confronted  with  the  persons  who  had  been 
arrested,  he  recognized  Pichegru  as  the  important 
personage  of  whom  he  had  spoken;  and  when  I  told 
this  to  Bonaparte  he  exclaimed,  with  a  stamp  of  his 
foot,  '  Ah,  the  wretch !  what  has  he  made  me  do  ?' ' 

To  return  to  the  facts.  Pichegru  arrived  in  France 
on  the  1 5th  of  January,  1804,  and  from  the  25th  of 
January  was  concealed  in  Paris.  It  was  known  that, 
in  the  year  5  of  the  Republic,  General  Moreau  had 
denounced  him  to  the  Government  for  keeping  up 
relations  with  the  house  of  Bourbon.  Moreau  was 
supposed  to  hold  Republican  opinions ;  but  he  had 
probably  then  exchanged  them  for  the  idea  of  a  con- 
stitutional monarchy.  I  do  not  know  whether  his 
family  would  now  defend  him  as  earnestly  as  they 
did  then  from  the  accusation  of  having  aided  the  plans 
of  the  Royalists,  nor  do  I  know  whether  implicit  con- 
fidence is  to  be  placed  on  confessions  made  in  the  reign 
of  Louis  XVIII.  The  conduct  of  Moreau  in  1813, 
and  the  honor  paid  to  his  memory  by  our  princes, 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  185 

might,  however,  fairly  lead  us  to  believe  that  they  had 
reason  to  count  on  him  previously.  At  the  pejiod  of 
which  I  am  now  speaking,  Moreau  was  deeply  irri- 
tated against  Bonaparte.  It  has  never  been  doubted 
that  he  visited  Pichegru  in  secret;  he  certainly  kept 
silence  about  the  conspiracy.  Some  of  the  Royalists 
who  were  arrested  at  this  time  declared  that  he  Had 
merely  displayed  that  prudent  hesitation  which  waits 
to  declare  itself  for  the  success  of  a  party.  Moreau, 
it  was  said,  was  a  feeble  and  insignificant  man,  ex- 
cept on  the  field  of  battle,  and  overweighted  by  his  rep- 
utation. "  There  are  persons,"  said  Bonaparte,  "  who 
do  not  know  how  to  wear  their  fame.  The  part  of 
Monk  suited  Moreau  perfectly.  In  his  place  I  should 
have  acted  as  he  did,  only  more  cleverly." 

It  is  not,  however,  in  order  to  justify  Bonaparte 
that  I  mention  my  doubts.  Whatever  was  Moreau's 
character,  his  fame  was  real;  it  ought  to  have  been 
respected,  and  an  old  comrade  in  arms,  grown  discon- 
tented and  embittered,  ought  to  have  been  excused. 
A  reconciliation  with  him,  even  if  it  had  only  been  a 
result  of  that  political  calculation  which  Bonaparte 
discerned  in  the  "  Auguste  "  of  Corneille,  would  still 
have  been  the  wisest  proceeding.  But  I  do  not  doubt 
that  Bonaparte  was  sincerely  convinced  of  what  he 
called  Moreau's  moral  treason,  and  he  held  that  to  be 
sufficient  for  the  law  and  for  justice,  because  he  al- 
ways refused  to  look  at  the  true  aspect  of  anything 
which  was  displeasing  to  himself.  He  was  assured 
that  proofs  to  justify  the  condemnation  of  Moreau 
were  not  wanting.  He  found  himself  committed  to  a 
line  of  action,  and  afterward  he  refused  to  recognize 
anything  but  party  spirit  in  the  equity  of  the  tribunals ; 
and,  besides,  he  knew  the  most  injurious  thing  which 
could  happen  to  him  would  be  that  this  interesting 
prisoner  should  be  declared  innocent.  When  he  found 


1 86  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

himself  on  the  point  of  being-  compromised,  he  would 
stop  at  nothing.  From  this  cause  arose  the  deplorable 
incidents  of  the  famous  trial.  The  conspiracy  had 
been  a  subject  of  conversation  for  several  days.  On 
the  1 7th  of  February,  1804,  I  went  to  the  Tuileries 
in  the  morning.  The  Consul  was  in  the  room  with  his 
wife;  I  was  announced  and  shown  in.  Mme.  Bona- 
parte was  in  great  distress;  her  eyes  were  red  with 
crying.  Bonaparte  was  sitting  near  the  fireplace,  with 
little  Napoleon  on  his  knees.  He  looked  grave,  but 
not  agitated,  and  was  playing  mechanically  with  the 
child. 

"Do  you  know  what  I  have  done?"  said  he.  I 
answered  in  the  negative.  "  I  have  just  given  an 
order  for  Moreau's  arrest."  I  could  not  repress  a 
start.  "  Ah,  you  are  astonished,"  said  he.  "  There 
will  be  a  great  fuss  about  this,  will  there  not?  Of 
course,  it  will  be  said  that  I  am  jealous  of  Moreau,  that 
this  is  revenge,  and  other  petty  nonsense  of  the  same 
kind.  I  jealous  of  Moreau!  Why,  he  owes  the  best 
part  of  his  reputation  to  me.  It  was  I  who  left  a  fine 
army  with  him,  and  kept  only  recruits  with  myself 
in  Italy.  I  wanted  nothing  more  than  to  get  on  well 
with  him.  I  certainly  was  not  afraid  of  him;  I  am 
not  afraid  of  anybody,  and  less  of  Moreau  than  of 
other  people.  I  have  hindered  him  from  committing 
himself  twenty  times  over.  I  warned  him  that  there 
would  be  mischief  made  between  us;  he  knew  that  as 
well  as  I  did.  But  he  is  weak  and  conceited ;  he  allows 
women  to  lead  him,  and  the  various  parties  have  urged 
him." 

While  he  was  speaking  Bonaparte  rose,  approached 
his  wife,  and,  taking  her  by  the  chin,  made  her  hold 
up  her  head.  "  Ha !  "  he  said,  "  every  one  has  not  got 
a  good  wife,  like  me.  You  are  crying,  Josephine. 
What  for,  eh?  Are  you  frightened?"  "No;  but  J 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  187 

don't  like  to  think  of  what  will  be  said."  "What? 
How  can  that  be  helped?  "  Then,  turning  to  me,  he 
added,  "  I  am  not  actuated  by  any  enmity  or  any  desire 
of  vengeance;  I  have  reflected  deeply  before  arresting 
Moreau.  I  might  have  shut  my  eyes,  and  given  him 
time  to  fly,  but  it  would  have  been  said  that  I  did  not 
dare  to  bring  him  to  trial.  I  have  the  means  of  con- 
victing him.  He  is  guilty;  I  am  the  Government;  the 
whole  thing  is  quite  simple." 

I  can  not  tell  whether  the  power  of  my  old  recol- 
lections is  still  upon  me,  but  I  confess  that  even  at  this 
moment  I  can  hardly  believe  that  when  Bonaparte 
spoke  thus  he  was  not  sincere.  I  have  watched  each 
stage  of  progress  in  the  art  of  dissimulation,  and  I 
know  that  at  that  particular  epoch  he  still  retained 
certain  accents  of  truthfulness,  which  afterward  were 
no  longer  to  be  detected  in  his  voice.  Perhaps,  how- 
ever, it  was  only  that  at  that  time  I  still  believed  in 
him. 

With  the  above  words  he  left  us,  and  Mme.  Bona- 
parte told  me  that  he  remained  up  almost  the  whole 
of  the  night,  debating  whether  or  not  he  should  have 
Moreau  arrested,  weighing  the  pros  and  cons  of  the 
measure,  without  any  symptom  of  personal  feeling  in 
the  matter;  that  then,  toward  daybreak,  he  sent  for 
General  Berthier,  and  after  a  long  interview  with  him 
he  determined  on  sending  to  Grosbois,  whither  Mo- 
reau had  retired. 

This  event  gave  rise  to  a  great  deal  of  discussion, 
and  opinion  was  much  divided.  General  Moreau's 
brother,  a  tribune,  spoke  with  great  vehemence  at  the 
Tribunate,  and  produced  considerable  effect.  A  depu- 
tation was  sent  up  by  the  three  representative  bodies 
with  an  address  of  congratulation  to  the  First  Consul. 
In  Paris,  all  who  represented  the  liberal  portion  of  the 
population,  a  section  of  the  bourgeoisie,  lawyers,  and 


1 88  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

men  of  letters,  were  warmly  in  favor  of  Moreau.  It 
was,  of  course,  plain  enough  that  political  opposition 
formed  an  element  in  the  interest  exhibited  on  his 
behalf;  his  partisans  agreed  that  they  would  throng 
the  court  at  which  he  was  to  be  brought  up,  and  there 
was  even  a  threatening  whisper  about  what  should 
be  done  if  he  were  condemned.  Bonaparte's  police 
informed  him  that  there  was  a  plot  to  break  into 
Moreau's  prison.  This  irritated  him,  and  his  calmness 
began  to  give  way.  Murat,  his  brother-in-law,  who 
was  then  Governor  of  Paris,  hated  Moreau,  and  took 
care  to  add  to  Bonaparte's  exasperation  by  his  daily 
reports  to  him,  he  and  Dubois,  the  Prefect  of  Police, 
combining  together  to  pursue  him  with  alarming 
rumors.  Events,  unhappily,  came  to  the  aid  of  their 
design.  Each  day  a  fresh  ramification  of  the  con- 
spiracy was  discovered,  and  each  day  Parisian  society 
refused  more  obstinately  than  on  the  preceding  to  be- 
lieve that  there  was  any  conspiracy  at  all.  A  war  of 
opinion  was  being  waged  between  Bonaparte  and  the 
Parisians. 

On  the  29th  of  February  Pichegru's  hiding-place 
was  discovered,  and  he  was  arrested,  after  a  gallant 
struggle  with  the  gendarmes.  This  event  somewhat 
shook  the  general  incredulity,  but  public  interest  still 
centered  in  Moreau.  His  wife's  grief  assumed  a  rather 
theatrical  aspect,  and  this  also  had  its  effect.  In  the 
mean  time  Bonaparte,  who  was  ignorant  of  the  for- 
malities of  law,  found  them  much  more  tedious  than 
he  had  expected.  At  the  commencement  of  the  affair, 
the  Chief  Judge  had  too  readily  undertaken  to  sim- 
plify and  shorten  the  procedure,  and  now  only  one 
charge  was  distinctly  made:  that  Moreau  had  held 
secret  conferences  with  Pichegru,  and  had  received  his 
confidence,  but  without  pledging  himself  positively 
to  anything.  This  was  not  sufficient  to  secure  a  con- 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  189 

damnation,  which  was  becoming  a  necessity.  In  short, 
notwithstanding  that  great  name  which  is  mixed  up 
in  the  affair,  Georges  Cadoudal  has  always  been  be- 
lieved to  have  been,  as  at  the  trial  he  appeared  to  be, 
the  real  leader  of  the  conspiracy. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  describe  the  excitement 
that  pervaded  the  palace.  Everybody  was  consulted; 
the  most  trifling  conversations  were  repeated.  One 
day  Savary  took  M.  de  Remusat  aside,  and  said,  "  You 
have  been  a  magistrate,  you  know  the  laws;  do  you 
think  the  details  of  this  affair  that  we  are  in  posses- 
sion of  are  sufficient  for  the  information  of  the 
judges?"  "No  man,"  replied  my  husband,  "has 
ever  been  condemned  merely  because  he  did  not  reveal 
projects  with  which  he  was  made  acquainted.  No 
doubt  that  is  a  political  wrong  with  respect  to  the 
Government,  but  it  is  not  a  crime  which  ought  to  in- 
volve the  penalty  of  death;  and,  if  that  is  your  sole 
plea,  you  will  only  have  furnished  Moreau  with  evi- 
dence damaging  to  yourselves."  "  In  that  case,"  said 
Savary,  "  the  Chief  Judge  has  led  us  into  making  a 
great  blunder.  It  would  have  been  better  to  have  had 
a  military  commission." 

From  the  day  of  Pichegru's  arrest,  the  gates  of 
Paris  were  shut,  while  search  was  made  for  Georges 
Cadoudal,  who  eluded  pursuit  with  extraordinary  suc- 
cess. Fouche,  who  laid  the  foundations  of  his  new 
reputation  on  this  occasion,  mercilessly  ridiculed  the 
unskillfulness  of  the  police,  and  his  comments  en- 
raged Bonaparte,  who  was  already  angry  enough;  so 
that,  when  he  had  incurred  a  real  danger,  and  saw 
that  the  Parisians  were  disinclined  to  believe  the  state- 
ment of  the  facts,  he  began  to  wish  for  revenge. 
"  Judge,"  said  he,  "  whether  the  French  can  ever  be 
governed  by  legal  and  moderate  institutions :  I  have 
put  down  a  revolutionary  but  useful  department  of 


190  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

the  ministry,  and  conspiracies  are  immediately  formed. 
I  have  foregone  my  own  personal  feelings;  I  have 
handed  over  the  punishment  of  a  man  who  intended 
to  kill  me  to  an  authority  independent  of  myself;  and, 
far  from  giving  me  any  thanks  for  all  this,  people 
laugh  at  my  moderation,  and  assign  corrupt  motives 
to  my  conduct.  I  will  teach  them  to  belie  my  inten- 
tions. I  will  lay  hold  of  all  my  powers  again,  and 
prove  to  them  that  I  alone  am  made  to  govern,  to  de- 
cide, and  to  punish." 

Bonaparte  grew  more  and  more  angry  as  he  became 
aware,  from  moment  to  moment,  that  something  was 
amiss  with  himself.  He  had  thought  to  rule  public 
opinion,  but  here  was  public  opinion  escaping  from 
his  hold.  He  had  been  ruled  himself  by  it  in  the  out- 
set of  his  career,  I  am  certain,  and  he  had  gained  no 
credit  by  that ;  so  he  resolved  that  never  again  would 
he  be  so  mistaken.  It  will  seem  strange,  to  those  who 
do  not  know  how  utterly  the  wearing  of  a  uniform 
destroys  the  habit  of  thinking,  that  not  the  slightest 
uneasiness  was  felt  on  this  occasion  with  respect  to  the 
army.  Military  men  do  everything  by  word  of  com- 
mand, and  they  abstain  from  opinions  which  are  not 
prescribed  to  them.  Very  few  officers  remembered 
then  that  they  had  fought  and  conquered  under 
Moreau,  and  the  bourgeoisie  was  much  more  excited 
about  the  affair  than  any  other  class. 

The  Polignacs,  M.  de  Riviere,  and  some  others  were 
arrested.  Then  the  public  began  to  think  there  really 
was  some  truth  in  the  story  of  the  conspiracy,  and  that 
the  plot  was  a  Royalist  one.  Nevertheless,  the  Repub- 
lican party  still  demanded  Moreau.  The  nobility  were 
alarmed  and  kept  very  quiet;  they  condemned  the  im- 
prudence of  the  Polignacs,  who  have  since  acknowl- 
edged that  they  were  not  seconded  with  so  much  zeal 
as  they  had  been  led  to  expect.  The  error  into  which 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  191 

they  fell,  and  to  which  the  Royalist  party  was  always 
prone,  was  that  they  believed  in  the  existence  of  what 
they  desired,  and  acted  upon  their  illusions.  This  is 
a  mistake  common  to  men  who  are  led  by  their  pas- 
sions or  by  their  vanity. 

I  suffered  a  great  deal  at  this  time.  At  the  Tuile- 
ries  the  First  Consul  was  moody  and  silent,  his  wife 
was  frequently  in  tears,  his  family  were  angry;  his 
sister  exasperated  him  by  her  violent  way  of  talking. 
In  society  opinions  were  divided:  on  the  one  hand 
were  distrust,  suspicion,  indignant  satisfaction;  on  the 
other,  regret  that  the  attempt  had  failed  and  passion- 
ate condemnation.  All  these  contentions  distracted 
and  upset  me.  I  shut  myself  up  with  my  mother  and 
my  husband ;  we  questioned  one  another  about  all  that 
we  heard  and  everything  that  we  respectively  thought. 
M.  de  Remusat's  steady  rectitude  of  mind  was  grieved 
by  the  errors  which  were  perpetrated;  and,  as  his 
judgment  was  quite  uninfluenced  by  passion,  he  began 
to  dread  the  future,  and  imparted  to  me  his  sagacious 
and  melancholy  prevision  of  a  character  which  he 
studied  closely  and  silently.  His  apprehensions  dis- 
tressed me;  the  doubts  which  were  springing  up  in 
my  own  mind  rendered  me  very  unhappy.  Alas!  the 
moment  was  drawing  near  when  I  was  to  be  far  more 
painfully  enlightened. 


CHAPTER  V 

AFTER  the  arrests  which  I  have  already  re- 
corded, there  appeared  in  the  "  Moniteur " 
certain  articles  from  the  "  Morning  Chron- 
icle," in  which  it  was  stated  that  the  death  of  Bona- 
parte and  the  restoration  of  Louis  XVIII.  were 
imminent.  It  was  added  that  persons  newly  arrived 
from  London  affirmed  that  speculation  upon  these 
eventualities  was  rife  on  the  Stock  Exchange,  and 
that  Georges  Cadoudal,  Pichegru,  and  Moreau  were 
named  openly  there.  In  the  same  "  Moniteur " 
appeared  a  letter  from  an  Englishman  to  Bonaparte, 
whom  he  addressed  as  "  Monsieur  Consul."  The 
purport  of  this  letter  was  to  recommend,  as  specially 
applicable  to  Bonaparte,  a  pamphlet  written  in  Crom- 
well's time,  which  tended  to  prove  that  persons  such 
as  Cromwell  and  himself  could  not  be  assassinated, 
because  there  was  no  crime  in  killing  a  dangerous 
animal  or  a  tyrant.  "  To  kill  is  not  to  assassinate  in 
such  cases,"  said  the  pamphlet;  "the  difference  is 
great." 

In  France,  however,  addresses  from  all  the  towns 
and  from  all  the  regiments,  and  pastorals  by  all  the 
Bishops,  complimenting  the  First  Consul  and  congrat-* 
ulating  France  on  the  danger  which  had  been  escaped, 
were  forwarded  to  Paris;  and  these  documents  were 
punctually  inserted  in  the  "  Moniteur." 

At  length,  on  the  29th  of  March,  Georges  Cadoudal 
was  arrested  in  the  Place  de  1'Odeon.  He  was  in  a 
cabriolet,  and,  perceiving  that  he  was  followed,  he 

192 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  193 

urged  on  his  horse.  A  gendarme  bravely  caught  the 
animal  by  the  head,  and  was  shot  dead  by  Cadoudal ; 
the  cabriolet  was,  however,  stopped,  owing  to  the 
crowd  which  instantly  collected  at  the  noise  of  the 
pistol-shot,  and  Cadoudal  was  seized.  Between  sixty 
thousand  and  eighty  thousand  francs  in  notes  were 
found  on  him,  and  given  to  the  widow  of  the  man 
whom  he  had  killed.  The  newspapers  stated  that  he 
acknowledged  he  had  come  to  France  for  no  other 
purpose  than  to  assassinate  Bonaparte;  but  I  remem- 
ber to  have  heard  at  the  time  that  the  prisoner,  whose 
courage  and  firmness  during  the  whole  of  the  proceed- 
ings were  unshaken,  and  who  evinced  great  devotion 
to  the  house  of  Bourbon,  steadily  denied  that  there 
had  ever  been  any  purpose  of  assassination,  while 
admitting  that  his  intentions  had  been  to  attack  the 
carriage  of  the  First  Consul,  and  to  carry  him  off 
without  harming  him. 

At  this  time  the  King  of  England  (George  III.) 
was  taken  seriously  ill,  and  our  Government  reckoned 
upon  his  death  to  insure  the  retirement  of  Mr.  Pitt 
from  the  ministry. 

On  the  2ist  of  March  the  following  appeared  in 
the  "  Moniteur  " :  "  Prince  de  Conde  has  addressed  a 
circular  to  the  emigres,  with  a  view  to  collecting  them 
on  the  Rhine.  A  prince  of  the  house  of  Bourbon  is 
now  on  the  frontier  for  that  purpose." 

Immediately  afterward  the  secret  correspondence 
that  had  been  taken  from  Mr.  Drake,  the  accredited 
English  Minister  in  Bavaria,  was  published.  These 
proved  that  the  English  Government  was  leaving  no 
means  untried  of  creating  disturbance  in  France.  M. 
de  Talleyrand  was  directed  to  send  copies  of  this 
correspondence  to  all  the  members  of  the  Corps  Dip- 
lomatique, and  they  expressed  their  indignation  in 
letters  which  were  inserted  in  the  "  Moniteur." 


194  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

Holy  Week  was  approaching.  On  Pas^.on  Sunday, 
the  1 8th  of  March,  my  week  of  attendance  on  Mine. 
Bonaparte  began.  I  went  to  the  Tuileries  in  the  morn- 
ing, in  time  for  mass,  which  was  again  celebrated  with 
all  the  former  pomp.  After  mass,  Mme.  Bonaparte 
received  company  in  the  great  drawing-room,  and  re- 
mained for  some  time,  talking  to  several  persons. 
When  we  went  down  to  her  private  apartments,  she 
informed  me  that  we  were  to  pass  that  week  at  Mal- 
maison.  "  I  am  very  glad,"  she  added ;  "  Paris 
frightens  me  just  now."  Shortly  afterward  we  set 
out;  Bonaparte  was  in  his  own  carriage,  Mme.  Bona- 
parte and  myself  in  hers.  I  observed  that  she  wns 
very  silent  and  sad  for  a  part  of  the  way,  and  I  let 
her  see  that  I  was  uneasy  about  her.  At  first  she 
seemed  reluctant  to  give  me  any  explanation,  but  at 
length  she  said,  "  I  am  going  to  trust  you  with  a  great 
secret.  This  morning  Bonaparte  told  me  that  he  had 
sent  M.  de  Caulaincourt  to  the  frontier  to  seize  the 
Due  d'Enghien.  He  is  to  be  brought  back  here." 
"  Ah,  madame,"  I  exclaimed,  "  what  are  they  going 
to  do  with  him?"  "I  believe,"  she  answered,  "he 
will  have  him  tried."  I  do  not  think  I  have  ever  in 
my  life  experienced  such  a  thrill  of  terror  as  that 
which  her  words  sent  through  me.  Mme.  Bonaparte 
thought  I  was  going  to  faint,  and  let  down  all  the 
glasses.  "  I  have  done  what  I  could,"  she  went  on, 
"to  induce  him  to  promise  me  that  the  prince's  life 
shall  not  be  taken,  but  I  am  greatly  afraid  his  mind  is 
made  up."  "  What,  do  you  really  think  he  will  have 
him  put  to  death?  "  "  I  fear  so."  At  these  words  I 
burst  into  tears,  and  then,  so  soon  as  I  could  master 
my  emotion  sufficiently  to  be  able  to  speak,  I  urged 
upon  her  the  fatal  consequences  of  such  a  deed,  the 
indelible  stain  of  the  royal  blood,  whose  shedding 
would  satisfy  the  Jacobin  party  only,  the  strong  inter- 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  195 

est  with  which  the  prince  inspired  all  the  other  parties, 
the  great  name  of  Conde,  the  general  horror,  the  bitter 
animosity  which  would  be  aroused,  and  many  other 
considerations.  I  urged  every  side  of  the  question, 
of  which  Mme.  Bonaparte  contemplated  one  only. 
The  idea  of  a  murder  was  that  which  had  struck  her 
most  strongly;  but  I  succeeded  in  seriously  alarming 
her,  and  she  promised  me  that  she  would  endeavor  by 
every  means  in  her  power  to  induce  Bonaparte  to 
relinquish  his  fatal  purpose. 

We  both  arrived  at  Malmaison  in  the  deepest  dejec- 
tion. I  took  refuge  at  once  in  my  own  room,  where  I 
wept  bitterly.  I  was  completely  overwhelmed  by  this 
terrible  discovery.  I  liked  and  admired  Bonaparte; 
I  believed  him  to  be  called  by  an  invincible  power  to 
the  highest  of  human  destinies;  I  allowed  my  youthful 
imagination  to  run  riot  concerning  him.  All  in  a 
moment,  the  veil  which  hid  the  truth  from  my  eyes 
was  torn  away,  and  by  my  own  feelings  at  that  instant 
I  could  only  too  accurately  divine  what  would  be  the 
general  opinion  of  such  an  act. 

There  was  no  one  at  Malmaison  to  whom  I  could 
speak  freely.  My  husband  was  not  in  waiting,  and 
had  remained  in  Paris.  I  was  obliged  to  control  my 
agitation,  and  to  make  my  appearance  with  an  un- 
moved countenance ;  for  Mme.  Bonaparte  had  earnestly 
entreated  me  not  to  let  Bonaparte  divine  that  she  had 
spoken  to  me  of  this  matter. 

On  going  down  to  the  drawing-room  at  six  o'clock, 
I  found  the  First  Consul  playing  a  game  of  chess.  He 
appeared  quite  serene  and  calm ;  it  made  me  ill  to  look 
at  his  face.  So  completely  had  my  mind  been  upset 
by  all  that  had  passed  through  it  during  the  last  two 
hours,  that  I  could  not  regard  him  with  the  feelings 
which  his  presence  usually  inspired;  it  seemed  to  me 
that  I  must  see  some  extraordinary  alteration  in  him. 

yol.  9  G — Memoirs 


196  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

A  few  officers  dined  with  him.  Nothing  whatever  of 
any  significance  occurred.  After  dinner  he  withdrew 
to  his  cabinet,  where  he  transacted  business  with  his 
police.  That  night,  when  I  was  leaving  Mme.  Bona- 
parte, she  again  promised  me  that  she  would  renew 
her  entreaties. 

I  joined  her  as  early  as  I  could  on  the  following 
morning,  and  found  her  quite  in  despair.  Bonaparte 
had  repelled  her  at  every  point.  He  had  told  her  that 
women  had  no  concern  with  such  matters;  that  his 
policy  required  this  coup  d'etat;  that  by  it  he  should 
acquire  the  right  to  exercise  clemency  hereafter;  that, 
in  fact,  he  was  forced  to  choose  between  this  decisive 
act  and  a  long  series  of  conspiracies  which  he  would 
have  to  punish  in  detail,  as  impunity  would  have  en- 
couraged the  various  parties.  He  should  have  to  go 
on  prosecuting,  exiling,  condemning,  without  end;  to 
revoke  his  measures  of  mercy  toward  the  emigres;  to 
place  himself  in  the  hands  of  the  Jacobins.  The 
Royalists  had  more  than  once  compromised  him  with 
the  revolutionists.  The  contemplated  action  would 
set  him  free  from  all  parties  alike.  Besides,  the  Due 
d'Enghien,  after  all,  had  joined  in  the  conspiracy  of 
Georges  Cadoudal;  he  was  a  cause  of  disturbance  to 
France,  and  a  tool  in  the  hands  of  England  for  effect- 
ing her  purposes  of  vengeance.  The  prince's  military 
reputation  might  in  the  future  prove  a  source  of 
trouble  in  the  army;  whereas  by  his  death  the  last  link 
between  our  soldiers  and  the  Bourbons  would  be 
broken.  In  politics,  a  death  which  tranquillizes  a 
nation  is  not  a  crime.  Finally,  he  had  given  his  orders 
— he  would  not  withdraw  them;  there  was  an  end  of 
the  matter. 

During  this  interview,  Mme.  Bonaparte  informed 
her  husband  that  he  was  about  to  aggravate  the 
heinousness  of  the  deed  by  the  selection  of  M.  de  Cau- 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  197 

laincourt,  whose  parents  had  formerly  been  in  the 
household  of  the  Prince  de  Conde,  as  the  person  who 
was  to  arrest  the  Due  d'Enghien.  "  I  did  not  know 
that,"  replied  Bonaparte;  "but  what  does  it  matter? 
If  Caulaincourt  is  compromised,  there  is  no  great 
harm  in  that;  indeed,  it  will  only  make  him  serve  me 
all  the  better,  and  the  opposite  party  will  henceforth 
forgive  him  for  being  a  gentleman."  He  then  added 
that  M.  de  Caulaincourt,  who  had  been  informed  of 
only  a  portion  of  his  plan,  believed  that  the  Due 
d'Enghien  was  to  be  imprisoned  in  France. 

My  heart  failed  me  at  these  words.  M.  de  Caulain- 
court was  a  friend  of  mine.  It  seemed  to  me  that  he 
ought  to  have  refused  to  undertake  such  a  task  as  that 
which  had  been  imposed  upon  him. 

The  day  passed  drearily.  I  remember  that  Mme. 
Bonaparte,  who  was  very  fond  of  trees  and  flowers, 
was  busy  during  the  morning  superintending  the  trans- 
planting of  a  cypress  to  a  newly  laid-out  portion  of 
her  garden.  She  threw  a  few  handfuls  of  earth  on 
the  roots  of  the  tree,  so  that  she  might  say  that  she  had 
planted  it  with  her  own  hands.  "  Ah,  madame,"  said 
I  to  her,  as  I  observed  her  doing  so,  "  a  cypress  is 
just  the  tree  to  suit  such  a  day  as  this."  I  have  never 
passed  by  that  cypress  since  without  a  thrill  of  pain. 

My  profound  emotion  distressed  Mme.  Bonaparte. 
She  had  great  faith  in  all  Bonaparte's  views,  and, 
owing  to  her  natural  levity  and  fickleness,  she  excess- 
ively disliked  painful  or  lasting  impressions.  Her 
feelings  were  quick,  but  extraordinarily  evanescent. 
Being  convinced  that  the  death  of  the  Due  d'Enghien 
was  inevitable,  she  wanted  to  get  rid  of  an  unavailing 
regret;  but  I  would  not  allow  her  to  do  so.  I  im- 
portuned her  all  day  long,  without  ceasing.  She 
listened  to  me  with  extreme  gentleness  and  kindness, 
but  in  utter  dejection;  she  knew  Bonaparte  better  than 


198  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

I.  I  wept  while  talking  to  her ;  I  implored  her  not  to 
allow  herself  to  be  put  down,  and,  as  I  was  not  with- 
out influence  over  her,  I  succeeded  in  inducing  her  to 
make  a  last  attempt. 

"  Mention  me  to  the  First  Consul,  if  necessary," 
said  I.  "  I  am  of  very  little  importance,  but  at  least 
he  will  be  able  to  judge  of  the  impression  he  is  about 
to  make  by  the  effect  upon  me,  and  I  am  more  attached 
to  him  than  other  people  are.  I,  who  would  ask 
nothing  better  than  to  find  excuses  for  him,  can  not 
see  even  one  for  what  he  intends  to  do." 

We  saw  very  little  of  Bonaparte  during  the  whole 
of  that  second  day.  The  Chief  Judge,  the  Prefect 
of  Police,  and  Murat  all  came  to  Malmaison,  and  had 
prolonged  audience  of  the  First  Consul;  I  augured  ill 
from  their  countenances.  I  remained  up  a  great  part 
of  the  night;  and  when  at  length  I  fell  asleep  my 
dreams  were  frightful.  I  fancied  that  I  heard  con- 
stant movements  in  the  chateau,  and  that  a  fresh 
attempt  was  about  to  be  made  upon  our  lives.  I  was 
possessed  with  a  strong  desire  to  go  and  throw  myself 
at  Bonaparte's  feet,  and  implore  him  to  take  pity 
upon  his  own  fame,  which  I  then  believed  to  be  very 
pure  and  bright,  and  I  grieved  heartily  over  the  tar- 
nishing of  it.  The  hours  of  that  night  can  never  be 
effaced  from  my  memory. 

On  the  Tuesday  morning  Mme.  Bonaparte  said  to 
me,  "  All  is  useless.  The  Due  d'Enghien  arrives  tfiis 
evening.  He  will  be  taken  to  Vincennes  and  tried 
to-night.  Murat  has  undertaken  the  whole.  He  is 
odious  in  this  matter ;  it  is  he  who  is  urging  Bonaparte 
on,  by  telling  him  that  his  clemency  will  be  taken  for 
weakness,  that  the  Jacobins  will  be  furious,  and  one 
party  is  now  displeased  because  the  form**  fame  of 
Moreau  has  not  been  taken  into  consideration,  and  will 
ask  why  a  Bourbon  should  be  differently  treated. 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  199 

Bonaparte  has  forbidden  me  to  speak  to  him  again 
on  the  subject.  He  asked  me  about  you,"  she  added, 
"  and  I  acknowledged  that  I  had  told  you  everything. 
He  had  perceived  your  distress.  Pray  try  to  control 
yourself." 

At  this  I  lost  all  self-restraint,  and  exclaimed,  "  Let 
,him  think  what  he  likes  of  me.  It  matters  very  little 
to  me,  madame,  I  assure  you ;  and  if  he  asks  me  why 
I  am  weeping,  I  will  tell  him  that  I  weep  for  him." 
And,  in  fact,  I  again  burst  into  tears. 

Mme.  Bonaparte  was  thrown  into  utter  consterna- 
tion by  the  state  I  was  in — she  was  almost  a  stranger 
to  any  strong  mental  emotion;  and  when  she  tried  to 
calm  me  by  reassuring  words  I  could  only  say  to  her, 
"  Ah,  madame,  you  do  not  understand  me !  "  After 
this  event,  she  said,  Bonaparte  would  go  on  just  as 
he  had  done  before.  Alas !  it  was  not  the  future  which 
was  troubling  me.  I  did  not  doubt  his  power  over 
himself  and  others.  The  anguish  that  filled  my  whole 
being  was  interior  and  personal. 

Dinner  hour  came,  and  she  had  to  go  down  with  a 
composed  face.  Mine  was  quite  beyond  my  control. 
Again  Bonaparte  was  playing  chess:  he  had  taken  a 
fancy  to  that  game.  Immediately  on  perceiving  me 
he  called  me  to  him,  saying  that  he  wanted  to  consult 
me.  I  was  not  able  to  speak.  He  addressed  me  in  a 
tone  of  kindness  and  interest,  which  increased  my  con- 
fusion and  distress.  When  dinner  was  served,  he 
placed  me  near  himself,  and  asked  me  a  number  of 
questions  about  the  affairs  of  my  family.  He  seemed 
bent  on  bewildering  me,  and  hindering  me  from  think- 
ing. Little  Napoleon  (the  son  of  Louis  and  Hor- 
tense)  had  been  brought  down  from  Parts;  and  his 
uncle  placed  the  child  in  the  middle  of  the  table,  and 
seemed  much  amused  when  he  pulled  the  dishes  about, 
and  upset  everything  within  his  reach. 


200  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

After  dinner  he  sat  on  the  floor,  playing  with  the 
boy,  and  apparently  in  very  high  spirits,  but,  it  seemed 
to  me,  assumed.  Mme.  Bonaparte,  who  was  afraid 
that  he  would  have  been  angry  at  what  she  had  told 
him  about  me,  looked  from  him  to  me,  smiling  sweetly, 
as  if  she  would  have  said,  "  You  see,  he  is  not  so  bad 
after  all;  we  may  make  our  minds  easy." 

I  hardly  knew  where  I  was.  I  felt  as  though  I 
were  dreaming  a  bad  dream;  no  doubt  I  looked  be- 
wildered. Suddenly,  fixing  a  piercing  gaze  on  me, 
Bonaparte  said,  "  Why  have  you  no  rouge  on  ?  You 
are  too  pale."  I  answered  that  I  had  forgotten  to  put 
on  any.  "  What !  "  said  he,  "  a  woman  forget  to  put 
on  her  rouge  ?  "  And  then,  with  a  loud  laugh,  he  turned 
to  his  wife  and  added,  "  That  would  never  happen  to 
you,  Josephine."  I  was  greatly  disconcerted,  and  he 
completed  my  discomfiture  by  remarking,  "  Two 
things  are  very  becoming  to  women — rouge  and  tears." 

When  General  Bonaparte  was  in  high  spirits,  he 
was  equally  devoid  of  taste  and  moderation,  and  on 
such  occasions  his  manners  smacked  of  the  barrack- 
room.  He  went  on  for  some  time  jesting  with  his 
wife  with  more  freedom  than  delicacy,  and  then  chal- 
lenged me  to  a  game  of  chess.  He  did  not  play  well, 
and  never  would  observe  the  correct  "  moves."  I 
allowed  him  to  do  as  he  liked;  every  one  in  the  room 
kept  silence.  Presently  he  began  to  mutter  some  lines 
of  poetry,  and  then  repeated  a  little  louder,  "  Soyons 
amis,  Cinna,"  and  Guzman's  lines  in  Act  v.  Scene  vii. 
of  "Alzire": 

"Des  dieux  que  nous  seryons  connais  la  difference: 
Les  tiens  t'ont  commande  le  meurtre  et  la  vengeance: 
Et  le  mien,  quand  ton  bras  vient  de  m'assassiner, 
M'ordonne  de  te  plaindre  et  de  te  pardonner." 

As  he  half  whispered  the  line, 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  201 

"Et  le  mien,  quand  ton  bras  vient  de  m'assassiner," 

I  could  not  refrain  from  raising  my  eyes  and  looking 
at  him.  He  smiled,  and  went  on  repeating  the  verses. 
In  truth,  at  that  moment  I  did  believe  that  he  had 
deceived  his  wife  and  everybody  else,  and  was  plan- 
ning a  grand  scene  of  magnanimous  pardon.  I  caught 
eagerly  at  this  idea,  and  it  restored  me  to  composure. 
My  imagination  was  very  juvenile  in  those  days,  and 
I  longed  so  much  to  be  able  to  hope ! 

;<  You  like  poetry?"  Bonaparte  asked  me.  How  I 
longed  to  answer,  "  Especially  when  the  lines  are 
applicable ;  "  but  I  did  not  dare  to  utter  the  words.  I 
may  as  well  mention  in  this  place  that  the  very  day 
after  I  had  set  down  the  above  reminiscence,  a  friend 
lent  me  a  book  entitled  "  Memoires  Secretes  sur  la  Vie 
de  Lucien  Bonaparte."  This  work,  which  is  probably 
written  by  a  secretary  of  Lucien's,  is  inaccurate  in 
several  instances.  Some  notes  added  at  the  end  are 
said  to  be  written  by  a  person  worthy  of  belief.  I 
found  among  them  the  following,  which  struck  me  as 
curious :  "  Lucien  was  informed  of  the  death  of  the 
Due  d'Enghien  by  General  Hullin,  a  relative  of  Mme. 
Jouberthon,  who  came  to  her  house  some  hours  after 
that  event,  looking  the  image  of  grief  arid  consterna- 
tion. The  Military  Council  had  been  assured  that  the 
First  Consul  only  purposed  to  assert  his  authority, 
and  fully  intended  to  pardon  the  prince,  and  certain 
lines  from  '  Alzire  ',  commencing 

'  Des  dieux  que  nous  servons  connais  la  difference/ 

had  been  quoted  to  them." 

But  to  resume.  We  went  on  with  our  game,  and  his 
gayety  gave  me  more  and  more  confidence.  We  were 
still  playing  when  the  sound  of  carriage-wheels  was 
heard,  and  presently  General  Hullin  was  announced. 


202  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

Bonaparte  pushed  away  the  chess-table  roughly,  rose, 
and  went  into  the  adjoining  gallery.  There  he  re- 
mained all  the  rest  of  the  evening,  with  Murat,  Hullin, 
and  Savary.  We  saw  no  more  of  him,  and  yet  I  went 
to  my  room  feeling  more  easy.  I  could  not  believe 
but  that  Bonaparte  must  be  moved  by  the  fact  of 
having  such  a  victim  in  his  hands.  I  hoped  the  prince 
would  ask  to  see  him;  and  in  fact  he  did  so,  adding, 
"  If  the  First  Consul  would  consent  to  see  me,  he 
would  do  me  justice,  for  he  would  know  that  I  have 
done  my  duty."  My  idea  was  that  Bonaparte  would 
go  to  Vincennes,  and  publicly  grant  the  prince  pardon 
in  person.  If  he  were  not  going  to  act  thus,  why 
should  he  have  quoted  those  lines  from  "  Alzire  "  ? 

That  night,  that  terrible  night,  passed.  Early  in 
the  morning  I  went  down  to  the  drawing-room,  and 
there  I  found  Savary.  He  was  deadly  pale,  and  I 
must  do  him  the  justice  to  say  that  his  face  betrayed 
great  agitation.  He  spoke  to  me  with  trembling  lips, 
but  his  words  were  quite  insignificant.  I  did  not  ques- 
tion him ;  for  persons  of  his  kind  will  always  say  what 
they  want  to  say  without  being  asked,  although  they 
never  give  answers. 

Mme.  Bonaparte  came  in,  looked  at  me  very  sadly, 
and,  as  she  took  her  seat,  said  to  Savary,  "  Well — so 
it  is  done?"  "Yes,  madame,"  he  answered.  "He 
died  this  morning,  and,  I  am  bound  to  acknowledge, 
with  great  courage."  I  was  struck  dumb  with  horror. 

Mme.  Bonaparte  asked  for  details.  They  have  all 
been  made  known  since.  The  prince  was  taken  to 
one  of  the  trenches  of  the  chateau.  Being  offered  a 
handkerchief  to  bind  his  eyes  with,  he  rejected  it  with 
dignity,  and,  addressing  the  gendarmes,  said,  "  You 
are  Frenchmen :  at  least  you  will  do  me  the  service 
not  to  miss  your  aim."  He  placed  in  Savary's  hands 
a  ring,  a  lock  of  hair,  and  a  letter  for  Mme.  de  Rohan ; 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  203 

and  all  these  Savary  showed  to  Mme.  Bonaparte.  The 
letter  was  open;  it  was  brief  and  tender.  I  do  not 
know  whether  these  last  wishes  of  the  unfortunate 
prince  were  carried  out. 

"After  his  death,"  said  Savary,  "the  gendarmes 
were  told  that  they  might  take  his  clothes,  his  watch, 
and  the  money  he  had  in  his  pocket;  but  not  one  of 
them  would  touch  anything.  People  may  say  what 
they  like,  but  one  can  not  see  a  man  like  that  die  as 
coolly  as  one  can  see  others.  I  feel  it  hard  to  get 
over  it." 

Presently  Eugene  de  Beauharnais  made  his  appear- 
ance. He  was  too  young  to  have  recollections  of  the 
past,  and  in  his  eyes  the  Due  d'Enghien  was  simply 
a  conspirator  against  the  life  of  his  master.  Then 
came  certain  generals,  whose  names  I  will  not  set 
down  here;  and  they  approved  of  the  deed  so  loudly 
that  Mme.  Bonaparte  thought  it  necessary  to  apolo- 
gize for  her  own  dejection,  by  repeating  over  and 
over  again  the  unmeaning  sentence,  "  I  am  a  woman, 
you  know,  and  I  confess  I  could  cry." 

In  the  course  of  the  morning  a  number  of  visitors 
came  to  the  Tuileries.  Among  them  were  the  Con- 
suls, the  Ministers,  and  Louis  Bonaparte  and  his  wife. 
Louis  preserved  a  sullen  silence,  which  seemed  to 
imply  disapprobation.  Mme.  Louis  was  so  frightened 
that  she  did  not  dare  to  feel,  and  seemed  to  be  asking 
what  she  ought  to  think.  Women,  even  more  than 
men,  were  subjugated  by  the  magic  of  that  sacra- 
mental phrase  of  Bonaparte's — "  My  policy."  With 
those  words  he  crushed  one's  thoughts,  feelings,  and 
even  impressions ;  and,  when  he  uttered  them,  no  one 
in  the  palace,  especially  no  woman,  would  have  dared 
to  ask  him  what  he  meant. 

My  husband  also  came  during  the  morning,  and  his 
presence  relieved  me  from  the  terrible  oppression 


204  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

from  which  I  was  suffering.  He,  like  myself,  was 
grieved  and  downcast.  How  grateful  I  was  to  him 
for  not  lecturing  me  upon  the  absolute  necessity  of  our 
appearing  perfectly  composed  under  the  circum- 
stances! We  sympathized  in  every  feeling.  He  told 
me  that  the  general  sentiment  in  Paris  was  one  of  dis- 
gust, and  that  the  heads  of  the  Jacobin  party  said, 
"  He  belongs  to  us  now."  He  added  the  following 
words,  which  I  have  frequently  recalled  to  mind  since  : 
"  The  Consul  has  taken  a  line  which  will  force  him 
into  laying  aside  the  useful,  in  order  to  efface  this 
recollection,  and  into  dazzling  us  by  the  extraordinary 
and  the  unexpected."  He  also  said  to  Mme.  Bona- 
parte :  "  There  is  one  important  piece  of  advice  which 
you  ought  to  give  the  First  Consul.  It  is  that  he 
should  not  lose  a  moment  in  restoring  public  confi- 
dence. Opinion  is  apt  to  be  precipitate  in  Paris.  He 
ought  at  least  to  prove  to  the  people  that  the  event 
which  has  just  occurred  is  not  due  to  the  development 
of  a  cruel  disposition,  but  to  reasons  whose  force  I 
am  not  called  upon  to  determine,  and  which  ought  to 
make  him  very  circumspect." 

Mme.  Bonaparte  fully  appreciated  the  advice  of 
M.  de  Remusat,  and  immediately  repeated  his  words 
to  her  husband.  He  seemed  well  disposed  to  listen  to 
her,  and  answered  briefly,  "  That  is  quite  true."  On 
rejoining  Mme.  Bonaparte  before  dinner,  I  found  her 
in  the  gallery,  with  her  daughter  and  M.  de  Caulain- 
court,  who  had  just  arrived.  He  had  superintended 
the  arrest  of  the  prince,  but  had  not  accompanied  him 
to  Paris.  I  recoiled  at  the  sight  of  him.  "  And  you, 
too,"  said  he,  addressing  me,  so  that  all  could  hear 
him,  "  you  are  going  to  detest  me !  And  yet  I  am  only 
unfortunate;  but  that  I  am  in  no  small  degree,  for 
the  Consul  has  disgraced  me  by  this  act.  Such  is  the 
reward  of  my  devotion  to  him.  I  have  been  shame- 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  205 

fully  deceived,  and  I  am  now  ruined."  He  shed  tears 
while  speaking,  and  I  could  not  but  pity  him. 

Mme.  Bonaparte  assured  me  afterward  that  he  had 
spoken  in  the  same  way  to  the  First  Consul,  and  I  was 
myself  a  witness  to  his  maintenance  of  a  severe  and 
angry  bearing  toward  Bonaparte,  who  made  many 
advances  to  him,  but  for  a  long  time  in  vain.  The 
First  Consul  laid  out  his  plans  before  him,  but  found 
him  cold  and  uninterested ;  then  he  made  him  brilliant 
offers,  by  way  of  amends,  which  were  at  first  rejected. 
Perhaps  they  ought  to  have  been  always  refused. 

In  the  mean  time  public  opinion  declared  itself 
strongly  against  M.  de  Caulaincourt.  Certain  persons 
condemned  the  aide-de-camp  mercilessly,  while  they 
made  excuses  for  the  master;  and  such  injustice  exas- 
perated M.  de  Caulaincourt,  who  might  have  bowed 
his  head  before  frank  and  candid  censure,  fairly  dis- 
tributed between  them.  When,  however,  he  saw  that 
every  sort  of  affront  was  to  be  neaped  on  him,  in  order 
that  the  real  culprit  might  go  quite  free,  he  conceived 
an  utter  disdain  for  these  people,  and  consented  to 
force  them  into  silence  by  placing  himself  in  a  posi- 
tion of  such  authority  as  would  enable  him  to  over- 
rule them.  He  was  urged  to  take  this  course  by  Bona- 
parte, and  also  by  his  own  ambition.  "  Do  not  act  like 
a  fool,"  said  the  former.  "  If  you  retreat  before  the 
blows  which  are  aimed  at  you,  you  will  be  done  for; 
no  one  will  give  you  any  thanks  or  credit  for  your 
tardy  opposition  to  my  wishes,  and  you  will  be  all  the 
more  heavily  censured  because  you  are  not  formi- 
dable." By  dint  of  similar  reasoning  frequently 
reiterated,  and  by  the  employment  of  every  sort  of 
device  for  consoling  and  coaxing  M.  de  Caulaincourt, 
Bonaparte  succeeded  in  appeasing  his  resentment,  and 
by  degrees  he  raised  him  to  posts  of  great  dignity 
about  his  own  person.  The  weakness  which  induced 


206  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

M.  de  Caulaincourt  to  pardon  the  indelible  injury 
which  the  First  Consul  had  done  him  may  be  more  or 
less  blamed;  but,  at  least,  it  should  be  admitted  that 
he  was  never  a  blind  or  servile  courtier,  and  that  he 
remained  to  the  last  among  the  small  number  of  Bo- 
naparte's servants  who  never  neglected  an  opportu- 
nity of  telling  him  the  truth. 

Before  dinner,  both  Mme.  Bonaparte  and  her 
daughter  entreated  me  to  command  my  countenance 
as  much  as  possible.  The  former  told  me  that  her 
husband  had  asked  her  that  morning  what  effect  the 
deplorable  news  had  produced  upon  me;  and  on  her 
replying  that  I  had  wept,  he  said,  "  That  is  a  matter 
of  course ;  she  merely  did  what  was  to  be  expected  of 
her  as  a  woman.  You  don't  understand  anything 
about  our  business;  but  it  will  all  subside  and  every- 
body will  see  that  I  have  not  made  a  blunder." 

At  length  dinner  was  announced.  In  addition  to 
the  household  officers  on  duty  for  that  week,  the  din- 
ner-party included  M.  and  Mme.  Louis  Bonaparte, 
Eugene  Beauharnais,  M.  de  Caulaincourt,  and  General 
Hullin,  who  was  then  Commandant  of  Paris.  The 
sight  of  this  man  affected  me  painfully.  His  expres- 
sion of  face,  perfectly  unmoved,  was  just  the  same 
on  that  day  as  it  had  been  on  the  preceding.  I  quite 
believe  that  he  did  not  think  he  had  done  an  ill  deed, 
or  that  he  had  performed  an  act  of  zeal  in  presiding 
over  the  military  commission  which  condemned  the 
prince.  Bonaparte  rewarded  the  fatal  service  which 
he  had  rendered  him  with  money  and  promotion,  but 
he  said  more  than  once,  when  he  noted  Hullin's  pres- 
ence, "  The  sight  of  him  annoys  me ;  he  reminds  me 
of  things  which  I  do  not  like." 

Bonaparte  did  not  come  into  the  drawing-room  at 
all ;  he  went  from  his  cabinet  to  the  dinner-table.  He 
affected  no  high  spirits  that  day;  on  the  contrary,  he 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  207 

remained  during  the  whole  time  of  dinner  in  a  pro- 
found reverie.  We  were  all  very  silent.  Just  as  we 
were  about  to  rise  from  table,  the  First  Consul  said, 
in  a  harsh,  abrupt  tone,  as  if  in  reply  to  his  own 
thoughts,  "  At  least  they  will  see  what  we  are  capable 
of,  and  henceforth,  I  hope,  they  will  leave  us  alone." 
He  then  passed  on  into  the  drawing-room,  where  he 
talked  for  a  long  time  in  a  low  voice  with  his  wife, 
looking  at  me  now  and  then,  but  without  any  anger 
in  his  glance.  I  sat  apart  from  all,  downcast  and  ill, 
without  either  the  power  or  the  wish  to  utter  a 
word. 

Presently  Joseph  Bonaparte  and  M.  and  Mme. 
Bacciochi  arrived,  accompanied  by  M.  de  Fontanes. 
Lucien  was  on  bad  terms  with  his  brother,  who  had 
objected  to  his  marriage  with  Mme.  Jouberthon,  and 
came  no  more  to  the  palace ;  indeed,  he  was  then  mak- 
ing ready  to  leave  France.  During  the  evening, 
Murat,  Dubois,  who  was  Prefect  of  Police,  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Council  of  the  State,  and  others  arrived,  all 
with  composed  faces.  The  conversation  was  at  first 
trifling  and  awkward:  the  women  sitting  silent,  the 
men  standing  in  a  semicircle,  Bonaparte  walking  about 
from  one  side  of  the  room  to  the  other.  Presently  he 
began  a  discussion,  half  literary,  half  historical,  with 
M.  de  Fontanes.  The  mention  of  certain  names  which 
belong  to  history  gave  him  an  opportunity  of  bringing 
out  his  opinion  of  some  of  our  kings  and  great  military 
commanders.  I  remarked  on  this  evening  that  he 
dwelt  on  the  dethronements  of  every  kind,  both  actual 
and  such  as  are  effected  by  a  change  of  mind.  He 
lauded  Charlemagne,  but  maintained  that  France  had 
always  been  en  decadence  under  the  Valois.  He  de- 
preciated the  greatness  of  Henry  IV.  "  He  was  want- 
ing," said  he,  "  in  gravity.  Good  nature  is  an  affecta- 
tion which  a  sovereign  ought  to  avoid.  What  does  he 


208  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

want?  Is  it  to  remind  those  who  surround  him  that 
he  is  a  man  like  any  other  ?  What  nonsense !  So  soon 
as  a  man  is  a  king  he  is  apart  from  all,  and  I  have 
always  held  that  the  instinct  of  true  policy  was  in 
Alexander's  idea  of  making  himself  out  to  be  the 
descendant  of  a  god."  He  added  that  Louis  XIV. 
knew  the  French  better  than  Henry  IV.;  but  he 
hastened  to  add  that  Louis  had  allowed  "  priests  and 
an  old  woman  "  to  get  the  better  of  him,  and  he  made 
some  coarse  remarks  on  that  point.  Then  he  held 
forth  on  Louis  XIV.'s  generals,  and  on  military 
science  in  general. 

"  Military  science,"  said  Bonaparte,  "  consists  in 
calculating  all  the  chances  accurately  in  the  first  place, 
and  then  in  giving  accident  exactly,  almost  mathe- 
matically, its  place  in  one's  calculations.  It  is  upon 
this  point  that  one  must  not  deceive  one's  self,  and 
that  a  decimal  more  or  less  may  change  all.  Now, 
this  apportioning  of  accident  and  science  can  not  get 
into  any  head  except  that  of  a  genius,  for  genius  must 
exist  wherever  there  is  a  creation;  and  assuredly  the 
grandest  improvisation  of  the  human  mind  is  the  gift 
of  an  existence  to  that  which  has  it  not.  Accident, 
hazard,  chance,  whatever  you  choose  to  call  it,  a 
mystery  to  ordinary  minds,  becomes  a  reality  to 
superior  men.  Turenne  did  not  think  about  it,  and  so 
he  had  nothing  but  method.  I  think,"  he  added  with 
a  smile,  "  I  should  have  beaten  him.  Conde  had  a 
better  notion  of  it  than  Turenne,  but  then  he  gave  him- 
self up  to  it  with  impetuosity.  Prince  Eugene  is  one 
of  those  who  understood  it  best.  Henry  IV.  always 
put  bravery  in  the  place  of  everything;  he  only  fought 
actions — he  would  not  have  come  well  out  of  a  pitched 
battle.  Catinat  has  been  cried  up  chiefly  from  the 
democratic  point  of  view;  I  have,  for  my  own  part, 
carried  off  a  victory  on  the  spot  where  he  was  beaten. 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  209 

The  philosophers  have  worked  up  his  reputation  after 
their  own  fancy,  and  that  was  all  the  easier  to  do, 
because  one  may  say  anything  one  likes  about  ordinary 
people  who  have  been  lifted  into  eminence  by  circum- 
stances not  of  their  own  creating.  A  man,  to  be  really 
great,  no  matter  in  what  order  of  greatness,  must 
have  actually  improvised  a  portion  of  his  own  glory — 
must  have  shown  himself  superior  to  the  event  which 
he  has  brought  about.  For  instance,  Caesar  acted  now 
and  then  with  weakness,  which  makes  me  suspect  the 
praises  that  are  lavished  on  him  in  history. 

"  I  am  rather  doubtful  of  your  friends  the  histo- 
rians, M.  de  Fontanes.  Even  your  Tacitus  himself 
explains  nothing;  he  arrives  at  certain  results  without 
indicating  the  routes  that  have  been  followed.  He 
is,  I  think,  able  as  a  writer,  but  hardly  so  as  a  states- 
man. He  depicts  Nero  as  an  execrable  tyrant,  and 
then  he  tells  us,  almost  in  the  same  page  with  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  pleasure  he  felt  in  burning  down  Rome, 
that  the  people  loved  him.  All  that  is  not  plain  and 
clear.  Believe  me,  we  are  sometimes  the  dupes  of  our 
beliefs — of  writers  who  have  fabricated  history  for  us 
in  accordance  with  the  natural  bent  of  their  own 
minds.  But  do  you  know  whose  history  I  should  like 
to  read,  if  it  were  well  written?  That  of  King  Fred- 
erick II.  of  Prussia.  I  hold  him  to  be  one  of  those 
who  has  best  understood  his  business  in  every  sort  of 
way.  These  ladies  " — here  he  turned  to  us — "  will 
not  be  of  my  opinion ;  they  will  say  that  he  was  harsh 
and  selfish.  But,  after  all,  is  a  great  statesman  made 
for  feeling?  Is  he  not  a  completely  eccentric  person- 
age, who  stands  always  alone,  on  his  own  side,  with 
the  world  on  the  other?  The  glass  through  which  he 
looks  is  that  of  his  policy;  his  sole  concern  ought  to 
be  that  it  should  neither  magnify  nor  diminish.  And, 
while  he  observes  objects  with  attention,  he  must  also 


210  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

be  careful  to  hold  the  reins  equally;  for  the  chariot 
which  he  drives  is  often  drawn  by  ill-matched  horses. 
How,  then,  is  he  to  occupy  himself  with  those  fine 
distinctions  of  feelings  which  are  important  to  the 
generality  of  mankind?  Can  he  consider  the  affec- 
tions, the  ties  of  kinship,  the  puerile  arrangements  of 
society?  In  such  a  position  as  his,  how  many  actions 
are  regarded  separately,  and  condemned,  although 
they  are  to  contribute  as  a  whole  to  that  great  work 
which  the  public  does  not  discern?  One  day,  those 
deeds  will  terminate  the  creation  of  the  Colossus  which 
will  be  the  wonder  of  posterity.  And  you,  mistaken 
as  you  are — you  will  withhold  your  praises,  because 
you  are  afraid  lest  the  movement  of  that  great  machine 
should  crush  you,  as  Gulliver  crushed  the  Lilliputians 
when  he  moved  his  legs.  Be  advised;  go  on  in  ad- 
vance of  the  time,  enlarge  your  imagination,  look  out 
afar,  and  you  will  see  that  those  great  personages 
whom  you  think  violent  and  cruel  are  only  politic. 
They  know  themselves  better,  they  judge  themselves 
more  correctly  than  you  do ;  and,  when  they  are  really 
able  men,  they  know  how  to  master  their  passions,  for 
they  even  calculate  the  effects  of  them." 

From  this,  which  was  a  kind  of  manifesto,  the  opin- 
ions of  Bonaparte  may  be  gathered,  and  also  a  notion 
of  the  rapid  succession  in  which  his  ideas  followed 
each  other  when  he  allowed  himself  to  talk.  It  some- 
times happened  that  his  discourse  would  be  less  con- 
secutive, for  he  put  up  well  enough  with  interrup- 
tions; but  on  the  day  in  question  every  one  seemed 
to  be  benumbed  in  his  presence;  no  one  ventured  to 
take  up  certain  applications  of  his  words,  which  it  was 
evident  he  intended.  He  had  never  ceased  walking  to 
and  fro  while  he  was  talking,  and  this  for  more  than 
an  hour.  Many  other  things  which  he  said  have 
escaped  my  memory.  At  length,  abruptly  breaking 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  211 

off  the  chain  of  his  ideas,  he  directed  M.  de  Fontanes 
to  read  aloud  certain  extracts  from  Drake's  corre- 
spondence, which  I  have  already  mentioned,  all  relat- 
ing to  the  conspiracy.  When  the  reading  of  the 
extracts  was  concluded,  "  There  are  proofs  here,"  said 
he,  "  that  can  not  be  disputed.  These  people  wanted 
to  throw  France  into  confusion,  and  to  destroy  the 
Revolution  by  destroying  me;  it  was  my  duty  both 
to  defend  and  to  avenge  the  Revolution.  I  have 
proved  of  what  it  is  capable.  The  Due  d'Enghien 
was  a  conspirator  like  any  other,  and  he  had  to  be 
treated  as  such.  The  whole  affair,  moreover,  was 
arranged  without  caution  or  accurate  knowledge  of 
the  ground,  on  the  faith  of  some  obscure  correspond- 
ence; a  few  credulous  old  women  wrote  letters,  and 
were  believed.  The  Bourbons  will  never  see  anything 
except  through  the  CEil-de-Bcsuf,  and  they  are  fated 
to  be  perpetually  deluded.  The  Polignacs  made  sure 
that  every  house  in  Paris  would  be  open  to  them ;  and, 
when  they  arrived  here,  not  a  single  noble  would 
receive  them.  If  all  these  fools  were  to  kill  me,  they 
would  not  get  their  own  way;  they  would  only  put 
angry  Jacobins  in  my  place.  The  day  of  etiquette  is 
over,  but  the  Bourbons  can  not  give  it  up.  If  ever  you 
see  them  return,  mark  my  words  that  will  be  the 
first  subject  that  will  occupy  their  minds.  Ah!  it 
would  have  been  another  story  could  they  have  been 
seen,  like  Henry  IV.,  covered  with  dust  and  blood  on 
a  battle-field.  A  kingdom  is  not  got  back  by  dating  a 
letter  from  London,  and  signing  it  '  Louis.'  Never- 
theless, such  a  letter  compromises  imprudent  people, 
and  I  am  obliged  to  punish  them,  although  I  feel  a  sort 
of  pity  for  them.  I  have  shed  blood ;  it  was  necessary 
to  do  so.  I  may  have  to  shed  more,  but  not  out  of 
anger — simply  because  blood-letting  is  one  of  the 
remedies  in  political  medicine.  I  am  the  man  of  the 


212  EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE 

State;  I  am  the  French  Revolution,  I  say  it,  and  I 
will  uphold  it." 

After  this  last  declaration,  Bonaparte  dismissed  us 
all.  We  dispersed  without  daring  to  interchange  our 
ideas,  and  thus  ended  this  fatal  day. 


CHAPTER    VI 
(1804.) 

THE  First  Consul  spared  no  pains  to  allay  the 
excitement  which  was  caused  by  this  event. 
He  perceived  that  his  conduct  had  raised  the 
question  of  his  real  character,  and  he  set  himself  to 
prove,  both  by  his  speeches  in  the  Council  of  State, 
and  also  to  all  of  us,  that  political  considerations  only, 
and  not  passion  of  any  kind,  had  led  to  the  death  of 
the  Due  d'Enghien.  As  I  said  before,  he  made  no 
attempt  to  check  the  genuine  indignation  evinced  by 
M.  de  Caulaincourt,  and  toward  me  he  displayed  in- 
dulgence which  once  more  unsettled  my  opinions. 
How  strong  a  power  of  persuasion  do  sovereigns, 
whatever  their  character,  exercise  over  us!  Our  feel- 
ings, and,  to  be  frank,  our  vanity  also,  run  to  meet 
their  slightest  advances  half-way.  I  grieved,  but  I 
felt  myself  being  slowly  won  over  by  the  adroitness 
of  Bonaparte;  and  I  cried 

"  Plut  a  Dieu  ce  fut  dernier  de  ses  crimes !" 

Meanwhile  we  returned  to  Paris,  and  then  my  feel- 
ings were  again  painfully  excited  by  the  state  of  opin- 
ion there.  I  could  make  no  reply  to  what  was  said. 
I  could  only  try  to  persuade  those  who  believed  that 
this  fatal  act  was  but  the  beginning  of  a  blood-stained 
reign,  that  they  were  mistaken ;  and  although  it  would 
be  difficult,  in  point  of  fact,  to  exaggerate  the  impres- 

213 


214  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

sion  that  such  a  crime  must  produce,  still  party  spirit 
ran  so  high  that,  although  my  own  feelings  revolted 
against  it,  I  sometimes  found  myself  endeavoring  to 
offer  some  sort  of  excuse  for  it — uselessly  enough, 
since  I  was  addressing  myself  to  people  whose  con- 
victions were  unalterable. 

I  had  a  warm  discussion  with  Mme.  de  ,  a 

cousin  of  Mme.  Bonaparte's.  She  was  one  of  those 
persons  who  did  not  attend  the  evening  receptions  at 
the  Tuileries,  but  who,  having  divided  the  palace  into 
two  separate  regions,  considered  that  they  might  ap- 
pear in  Mme.  Bonaparte's  apartment  on  the  ground 
floor  in  the  morning,  without  departing  from  their 
principles  or  sullying  their  reminiscences  by  recogni- 
tion of  the  actual  government  on  the  first  floor. 

She  was  a  clever,  animated  woman,  with  rather 
highflown  notions.  Mme.  Bonaparte  was  frightened 
by  her  vehement  indignation;  and,  finding  me  with 
her  one  day,  she  attacked  me  with  equal  vigor,  and 
compassionated  both  of  us  for  being,  as  she  said,  bound 
in  chains  to  a  tyrant.  She  went  so  far  that  I  tried  to 
make  her  understand  the  distress  she  was  inflicting 
on  her  cousin.  Then  she  turned  violently  upon  me, 
and  accused  me  of  not  sufficiently  appreciating  the 
horror  of  the  event  that  had  just  taken  place.  "  As 
for  me,"  she  said,  "  every  sense  and  every  feeling  is 
so  outraged  that,  if  your  Consul  were  to  come  into 
this  room,  you  would  see  me  fly  on  the  instant,  as  one 
flies  from  a  venomous  beast."  "  Ah,  madame,"  I  an- 
swered (little  thinking  that  my  words  would  prove 
prophetic),  "refrain  from  expressions  which  at  some 
future  day  may  prove  embarrassing  to  you.  Weep 
with  us,  but  reflect  that  the  recollection  of  words  ut- 
tered in  a  moment  of  excitement  often  complicates 
one's  subsequent  actions.  To-day  you  are  angry  with 
me  for  my  apparent  moderation;  yet,  perhaps,  my 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  215 

feelings  will  last  longer  than  yours."  And,  in  fact,  a 
few  months  later,  Mme.  de became  lady-in-wait- 
ing to  her  cousin,  the  newly  made  Empress. 

Hume  says  somewhere  that  Cromwell,  having  estab- 
lished a  sort  of  phantom  of  royalty,  very  soon  found 
himself  surrounded  by  that  particular  class  of  nobles 
who  conceive  themselves  called  on  to  live  in  palaces 
so  soon  as  their  doors  are  reopened.  The  First  Con- 
sul, on  assuming  the  insignia  of  the  power  he  already 
wielded,  offered  a  salve  to  the  conscience  of  the  old 
nobility  which  vanity  always  readily  applies ;  for  who 
can  resist  the  temptation  of  recovering  the  rank  he 
feels  himself  made  to  adorn?  I  am  about  to  draw  a 
very  homely  comparison,  but  I  believe  a  true  one.  In 
the  nature  of  the  grand  seigneur  there  is  something 
of  the  character  of  the  cat,  which  remains  faithful  to 
the  same  house,  no  matter  who  may  become  the  pro- 
prietor of  it. 

Bonaparte,  stained  with  the  blood  of  the  Due  d'En- 
ghien,  but  having  become  an  Emperor,  succeeded  in 
obtaining  from  the  French  nobles  that  for  which  he 
would  have  vainly  sought  so  long  as  he  was  only  First 
Consul;  and  when,  in  later  days,  he  maintained  to 
one  of  his  ministers  that  this  murder  was  indeed  a 
crime,  but  not  a  blunder — "  for,"  he  added,  "  the 
consequences  that  I  foresaw  have  all  exactly  hap- 
pened " — he  was,  in  that  sense,  right. 

And  yet,  if  we  look  at  things  from  a  higher  stand- 
point, the  consequences  of  this  act  of  his  reached  fur- 
ther than  he  thought  for.  He  succeeded,  doubtless, 
in  moderating  certain  opinions,  for  there  are  num- 
bers of  people  who  give  up  feeling  when  there  is  noth- 
ing to  hope;  but,  as  M.  de  Remusat  said,  the  odium 
which  the  crime  cast  upon  him  obliged  him  to  divert 
our  thoughts  from  it  by  a  succession  of  extraordinary 
feats,  which  would  impose  silence  respecting  the  past. 


216  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

Moreover,  he  bound  himself,  as  it  were,  to  be  always 
successful,  for  by  success  alone  could  he  be  justified. 
If  we  contemplate  the  tortuous  and  difficult  path  he 
was  henceforth  obliged  to  tread,  we  shall  conclude 
that  a  noble  and  pure  policy,  based  upon  the  prosper- 
ity of  the  human  race  and  the  free  exercise  of  its 
rights,  would  have  been  then,  as  it  is  always,  the  best 
on  which  a  sovereign  can  act. 

By  the  death  of  the  Due  d'Enghien,  Bonaparte  suc- 
ceeded in  compromising,  first  ourselves,  then  the 
French  nobility,  finally  the  whole  nation  and  all  Eu- 
rope. Our  fate  was  united  with  his,  it  is  true — this 
was  a  great  point  for  him;  but,  when  he  dishonored 
us,  he  lost  the  right  to  that  devotion  and  adherence 
which  he  claimed  in  vain  when  the  hour  of  his  ill  for- 
tune came.  How  could  he  reckon  on  a  link  forged, 
it  must  be  owned,  at  the  cost  of  the  noblest  feelings 
of  the  soul?  Alas!  I  judge  by  my  own  case.  From 
that  time  forward  I  began  to  blush  in  secret  at  the 
chain  I  wore;  and  this  hidden  feeling,  which  I  stifled 
at  different  times  with  more  or  less  success,  afterward 
became  the  general  sentiment. 

On  his  return  to  Paris,  the  First  Consul  was  struck 
by  the  effect  he  had  produced.  He  perceived  that 
feelings  go  more  slowly  than  opinions,  and  that  men's 
countenances  wore  a  new  expression  in  his  presence. 
Weary  of  a  remembrance  that  he  would  have  liked 
to  render  a  bygone  from  the  very  first,  he  thought 
the  best  plan  was  to  let  the  people  wear  out  their  emo- 
tions as  quickly  as  possible;  and  so  he  determined  to 
appear  in  public,  although  certain  persons  advised 
any  cost,"  he  answered,  "  throw  that  event  into  the 
past;  and  it  will  remain  new  so  long  as  anything  fresh 
him  to  defer  doing  so  for  a  while.  "  But  we  must,  at 
is  to  be  felt  about  it.  If  we  change  nothing  in  our 
habits,  the  public  will  soon  regard  the  occurrence  as 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  217 

an  old  affair."  It  was  therefore  arranged  that  he 
should  go  to  the  opera. 

On  that  evening  I  was  in  attendance  on  Mme.  Bo- 
naparte; her  carriage  followed  her  husband's.  His 
usual  custom  was  not  to  wait  for  her,  but  to  pass 
rapidly  up  the  staircase  and  show  himself  in  his  box; 
on  this  occasion,  however,  he  waited  in  the  little  ante- 
room adjoining  it  until  Mme.  Bonaparte  arrived. 
She  was  trembling  very  much,  and  he  was  excessively 
pale;  he  looked  round  at  us  all,  as  if  mutely  asking  us 
how  we  thought  he  would  be  received;  and  then  he 
went  forward  at  last  like  a  man  marching  up  to  a 
battery.  He  was  greeted  in  the  usual  way,  either  be- 
cause the  sight  of  him  produced  its  customary  effect 
—for  the  multitude  do  not  change  their  habits  in  a 
moment — or  because  the  police  had  taken  measures 
of  precaution  beforehand.  I  had  greatly  feared  he 
would  not  be  applauded,  and  yet,  when  I  saw  that  he 
was,  my  heart  sank  within  me. 

He  remained  only  a  few  days  in  Paris;  thence  he 
removed  to  Saint  Cloud,  and  I  believe  from  that  time 
forth  he  began  to  carry  his  projects  of  sovereignty 
into  execution.  He  felt  the  necessity  of  imposing  an 
authority  which  could  no  longer  be  contested  upon 
Europe,  and,  at  the  very  moment  when  he  had  just 
broken  with  all  parties  by  deeds  which  he  himself 
regarded  as  merely  acts  of  vigor,  he  thought  it  well 
to  reveal  the  goal  toward  which  he  had  been  advanc- 
ing with  more  or  less  precaution.  He  began  by  ob- 
taining from  the  Corps  Legislatif,  now  assembled,  a 
levy  of  sixty  thousand  men;  not  that  he  wanted  them 
for  the  war  with  England,  which  could  only  be  car- 
ried on  by  sea,  but  because  he  required  to  assume  an 
imposing  attitude  when  about  to  astonish  Europe  by 
an  altogether  novel  incident.  The  Code  of  Civil  Laws 
had  just  been  completed;  this  was  an  important  work, 


218  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

and  was  said  to  be  worthy  of  general  approval.  The 
halls  wherein  the  three  great  bodies  of  the  State  as- 
sembled rang  on  this  occasion  with  the  praises  of 
Bonaparte.  M.  Marcorelle,  a  deputy  of  the  Corps 
Legislatif,  moved,  amid  loud  acclamations,  on  the 
24th  of  March,  three  days  after  the  death  of  the  Due 
d'Enghien,  that  a  bust  of  the  First  Consul  should  be 
placed  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies.  "  Let  us,"  he 
said,  "  by  a  striking  mark  of  our  affection,  proclaim 
to  Europe  that  he  who  has  been  threatened  by  the 
daggers  of  vile  assassins  is  the  object  of  our  attach- 
ment and  admiration." 

A  few  days  later,  Fourcroy,  a  member  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  State,  closed  the  session  in  the  name  of  the 
Government.  He  alluded  to  the  princes  of  the  house 
of  Bourbon  as  "  members  of  that  unnatural  family 
which  would  have  drowned  France  in  her  own  blood, 
so  that  they  might  reign  over  her,"  and  added  that 
they  must  be  threatened  with  death  if  they  ventured  to 
pollute  French  territory  by  their  presence. 

Meanwhile,  preparations  for  the  great  trial  were 
going  on;  every  day  more  Chouans  were  arrested, 
either  in  Brittany  or  in  Paris,  who  were  concerned 
in  this  conspiracy,  and  Georges  Cadoudal,  Pichegru, 
and  Moreau  had  already  been  examined  several  times. 
The  two  first,  it  was  said,  answered  with  firmness; 
Moreau  appeared  to  be  much  dejected.  No  clear  in- 
formation was  obtained  by  these  interrogatories. 

One  morning  General  Pichegru  was  found  stran- 
gled in  his  prison.  This  event  made  a  great  sensa- 
tion. It  was  unhesitatingly  attributed  to  the  need  of 
getting  rid  of  a  formidable  enemy.  Pichegru's  deter- 
mination of  character  would,  it  was  said,  have  led 
him,  when  the  proceeding  became  public,  to  utter 
strong  language,  which  would  have  had  an  undesir- 
able effect.  He  would,  perhaps,  have  created  a  party 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  219 

in  his  favor;  he  would  have  cleared  Moreau,  whose 
guilt  it  was  already  so  difficult  to  prove.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  partisans  of  Bonaparte  said :  "  Nobody  can 
doubt  that  Pichegru  came  to  Paris  in  order  to  get  up 
an  insurrection.  He  himself  does  not  deny  it.  His 
own  avowals  would  have  convinced  the  most  incredu- 
lous ;  his  absence  will  prevent  that  full  light,  which  is 
so  desirable,  from  being  thrown  on  the  proceedings." 

Many  years  afterward  I  asked  M.  de  Talleyrand 
one  day  what  he  thought  of  the  death  of  Pichegru. 
"  I  think,"  said  he,  "  that  it  happened  very  suddenly 
and  in  the  nick  of  time!  "  But  just  then  M.  de  Tal- 
leyrand had  fallen  out  with  Bonaparte,  and  took 
every  opportunity  of  bringing  accusations  against 
him;  I  therefore  by  no  means  commit  myself  to  any 
statement  respecting  this  event.  The  subject  was  not 
spoken  of  at  Saint  Cloud,  and  every  one  refrained 
from  the  slightest  reflection  on  it. 

About  this  time  Lucien  Bonaparte  left  France,  hav- 
ing quarreled  irrevocably  with  his  brother.  His  mar- 
riage with  Mme.  Jouberthon,  which  Bonaparte  had 
been  unable  to  prevent,  was  the  cause  of  the  rupture. 
The  Consul,  full  of  his  great  projects,  made  a  last 
attempt  to  induce  him  to  renounce  this  marriage;  but 
it  was  in  vain  that  Lucien  was  apprised  of  the  ap- 
proaching grandeur  of  his  family,  in  vain  that  a  mar- 
riage with  the  Queen  of  Etruria  was  proposed  to  him. 
"  Love  was  the  strongest,"  and  he  refused  everything. 
A  violent  scene  ensued,  and  Lucien  was  exiled  from 
France. 

On  this  occasion  I  happened  to  see  the  First  Con- 
sul give  way  to  one  of  those  rare  bursts  of  emotion 
of  which  I  have  before  spoken.  It  was  at  Saint 
Cloud,  rather  late  one  evening.  Mme.  Bonaparte  was 
anxiously  waiting  the  result  of  this  final  conference 
between  the  two  brothers ;  M.  de  Remusat  and  I  were 


220  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

the  only  persons  with  her.  She  did  not  care  for  Lu- 
cien,  but  she  deprecated  any  family  scandal.  It  was 
near  midnight  when  Bonaparte  came  into  the  room; 
he  was  deeply  dejected,  and,  throwing  himself  into 
an  arm-chair,  he  exclaimed,  in  a  troubled  voice,  "  It 
is  all  over!  I  have  broken  with  Lucien,  and  ordered 
him  from  my  presence."  Mme.  Bonaparte  began  to 
expostulate.  "  You  are  a  good  woman,"  he  said, 
"  to  plead  for  him."  Then  he  rose  from  his  chair, 
took  his  wife  in  his  arms,  and  laid  her  head  softly  on 
his  shoulder,  and  with  his  hand  still  resting  on  the 
beautiful  head  which  formed  a  contrast  to  the  sad, 
set  countenance  so  near  it,  he  told  us  that  Lucien  had 
resisted  all  his  entreaties,  and  that  he  had  resorted 
equally  in  vain  to  both  threats  and  persuasion.  "  It 
is  hard,  though,"  he  added,  "  to  find  in  one's  own 
family  such  stubborn  opposition  to  interests  of  such 
magnitude.  Must  I,  then,  isolate  myself  from  every 
one?  Must  I  rely  on  myself  alone?  Well !  I  will  suf- 
fice to  myself,  and  you,  Josephine — you  will  be  my 
comfort  always." 

I  retain  a  pleasurable  recollection  of  this  little  scene. 
Tears  were  in  Bonaparte's  eyes  as  he  spoke.  I  felt 
inclined  to  thank  him  when  he  betrayed  feelings  like 
those  of  other  men.  Shortly  after  this,  his  brother 
Louis  crossed  his  wishes  in  another  way,  and  this  in- 
cident had  probably  a  great  influence  on  the  fate  of 
Mme.  Bonaparte. 

The  Consul,  being  quite  resolved  to  raise  himself 
to  the  throne  of  France  and  to  found  a  dynasty,  had 
occasionally  glanced  at  the  question  of  a  divorce  al- 
ready; but,  either  because  of  his  attachment  to  his 
wife  being  still  too  strong,  or  because  his  existing 
relations  with  Europe  did  not  permit  him  to  hope  for 
an  alliance  which  would  strengthen  his  political  posi- 
tion, he  seemed  just  then  disinclined  to  break  with 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  221 

Josephine,  and  disposed  to  adopt  the  young  Louis 
Napoleon,  who  was  his  own  nephew  and  also  Jo- 
sephine's grandson. 

He  no  sooner  allowed  this  project  to  be  discerned 
than  his  family  rebelled.  Joseph  Bonaparte  ventured 
to  represent  to  him  that  he  had  done  nothing 
to  forfeit  the  right  to  the  crown  which,  as  eldest 
brother,  he  would  acquire,  and  he  defended  that  right 
as  if  it  had  really  existed  of  old. 

Bonaparte,  who  was  always  irritated  by  opposition, 
grew  very  angry,  and  only  the  more  determined.  He 
confided  his  intentions  to  his  wife,  who  was  over- 
joyed, and  spoke  to  me  as  though  the  realization  of 
this  project  would  bring  her  own  anxieties  to  an  end. 
Mme.  Louis  assented,  but  without  displaying  any 
gratification.  She  was  not  at  all  ambitious,  and,  in 
fact,  could  not  help  fearing  that  such  an  elevation 
would  bring  down  misfortune  on  the  head  of  her  son. 

One  day,  when  Bonaparte  was  surrounded  by  his 
family,  he  placed  the  little  Napoleon  between  his 
knees,  and  said,  while  playing  with  him,  "  Do  you 
know,  my  little  fellow,  that  you  run  the  risk  of  being 
a  king  some  day?"  "And  Achille?"  immediately 
asked  Murat,  who  was  present.  "  Oh,  Achille,"  an- 
swered Bonaparte,  "  will  be  a  great  soldier."  This 
reply  incensed  Mme.  Murat;  but  Bonaparte,  pretend- 
ing not  to  notice  her,  and  stung  by  his  brother's 
opposition,  which  he  believed  with  reason  to  have 
been  prompted  by  Mme.  Murat,  went  on  to  say  to  his 
little  step-grandson,  "And  mind,  my  poor  child,  I 
advise  you,  if  you  value  your  life,  not  to  accept  invita- 
tions to  dine  with  your  cousins." 

We  may  imagine  to  what  feelings  such  bitter  words 
would  give  rise.  From  that  moment  Louis  Bona- 
parte was  beset  by  his  family,  who  adroitly  reminded 
him  of  the  rumors  respecting  his  wife,  and  that  he 


222  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

ought  not  to  sacrifice  the  interests  of  his  own  kins- 
folk to  those  of  a  child  who  was  at  least  half  a  Beau- 
harnais;  and,  as  Louis  Bonaparte  was  not  quite  so 
destitute  of  ambition  as  people  have  since  made  him 
out,  he,  like  Joseph,  went  to  the  First  Consul  to  ask 
why  the  sacrifice  of  his  own  rights  should  be  de- 
manded of  him.  "  Why,"  said  he,  "  should  I  yield 
my  share  of  inheritance  to  my  son?  How  have  I 
deserved  to  be  cut  off?  What  will  my  position  be 
when  this  child,  having  become  yours,  finds  himself 
very  much  higher  placed  than  I,  and  quite  independent 
of  me,  standing  next  to  yourself,  and  regarding  me 
with  suspicion,  if  not  with  contempt?  No;  I  will 
never  consent  to  this;  and,  rather  than  renounce  the 
proper  course  of  succession  to  the  royalty  which  is  to 
be  yours,  rather  than  consent  to  humble  myself  be- 
fore my  own  son,  I  will  leave  France,  taking  Napo- 
leon with  me,  and  we  shall  see  whether  you  will  dare 
openly  to  take  a  child  from  his  father!  " 

The  First  Consul,  powerful  as  he  was,  found  it 
impossible  to  overcome  his  brother's  opposition.  His 
wrath  availed  nothing,  and  he  was  obliged  to  yield, 
for  fear  of  a  vexatious  and  even  ridiculous  scandal; 
for  such  it  certainly  would  have  been,  to  see  this 
whole  family  quarreling  beforehand  over  the  crown 
which  France  had  not  yet  actually  conferred. 

The  strife  was  hushed  up,  and  Napoleon  was 
obliged  to  draw  up  the  scheme  of  succession,  and  the 
possible  case  of  adoption  which  he  reserved  to  him- 
self the  power  of  making,  in  the  terms  to  be  found  in 
the  decree  relating  to  the  elevation  of  the  First  Con- 
sul to  the  Empire. 

These  quarrels  embittered  the  enmity  already  ex- 
isting between  the  Bonapartes  and  the  Beauharnais. 
The  former  regarded  the  plan  of  adoption  as  the 
result  of  Mme.  Bonaparte's  scheming.  Louis  gave 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  223 

stricter  orders  to  his  wife  than  before  that  she  should 
hold  no  familiar  intercourse  with  her  mother.  "  If 
you  consult  her  interests  at  the  cost  of  mine,"  he  told 
her  harshly,  "  I  swear  to  you  that  I  will  make  you 
repent.  I  will  separate  you  from  your  son;  I  will 
shut  you  up  in  some  out-of-the-way  place,  and  no 
power  on  earth  shall  deliver  you.  You  shall  pay  for 
your  concessions  to  your  own  family  by  the  wretched- 
ness of  the  rest  of  your  life.  And  take  care,  above 
all,  that  none  of  my  threats  reach  the  ears  of  my 
brother.  Even  his  power  should  not  save  you  from 
my  anger." 

Mme.  Louis  bowed  her  head,  a  patient  victim  to 
this  violence.  She  was  then  expecting  the  birth  of 
her  second  child.  Grief  and  anxiety  told  upon  her 
health,  which  was  permanently  injured;  the  fresh 
complexion,  her  only  beauty,  disappeared.  She  had 
possessed  natural  spirits,  but  they  now  died  away  for 
ever;  and  she  became  silent  and  timid.  She  refrained 
from  confiding  her  troubles  to  her  mother,  whose 
indiscretion  and  hasty  temper  she  dreaded;  and  nei- 
ther would  she  further  irritate  the  First  Consul.  He, 
knowing  well  his  brother's  character,  felt  grateful  to 
her  for  her  reticence,  and  guessed  at  the  sufferings 
she  had  to  endure.  From  that  time  forth  he  never 
let  an  opportunity  pass  without  exhibiting  the  inter- 
est— I  may  even  say  the  respect — with  which  the  mild 
and  prudent  demeanor  of  his  stepdaughter  inspired 
him. 

What  I  have  just  said  is  quite  opposed  to  the  gen- 
eral opinion  which  has  unfortunately  been  enter- 
tained of  this  unhappy  woman;  but  her  vindictive 
sisters-in-law  never  missed  an  opportunity  of  injur- 
ing her  reputation  by  the  most  odious  calumnies,  and, 
as  she  bore  the  name  of  Bonaparte,  the  public,  when 
they  came  to  hate  the  Imperial  despotism,  included 


224  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

every  one  belonging  to  the  family  in  their  impartial 
contempt,  readily  believed  every  calumny  against 
Mme.  Louis.  Her  husband  (whose  ill  treatment  of 
her  irritated  him  all  the  more  against  her),  obliged 
to  own  that  she  could  not  love  him  after  the  tyranny 
he  had  exercised,  jealous  with  the  jealousy  of  pride, 
and  naturally  suspicious,  embittered  by  ill  health,  and 
utterly  selfish,  made  her  feel  the  full  weight  of  con- 
jugal despotism.  She  was  surrounded  by  spies;  her 
letters  were  opened  before  they  reached  her  hands; 
her  conversations  even  with  female  friends  were  re- 
sented; and,  if  she  complained  of  this  insulting  sever- 
ity, he  would  say  to  her,  "  You  can  not  love  me. 
You  are  a  woman — consequently  a  being  all  made 
up  of  evil  and  deceit;  you  are  the  daughter  of  an 
unprincipled  mother;  you  belong  to  a  family  that  I 
loathe.  Are  not  these  reasons  enough  for  me  to  sus- 
pect you  ?  " 

Mme.  Louis,  from  whom  I  obtained  these  details 
long  afterward,  found  her  only  comfort  in  the  affec- 
tion of  her  brother,  whose  conduct,  though  jealously 
watched  by  the  Bonapartes,  was  unassailable.  Eu- 
gene, who  was  simple  and  frank,  light-hearted,  and 
open  in  all  his  dealings,  displaying  no  ambition,  hold- 
ing himself  aloof  from  every  intrigue,  and  doing  his 
duty  wherever  he  was  placed,  disarmed  calumny  be- 
fore it  could  reach  him,  and  knew  nothing  of  all  that 
took  place  in  the  palace.  His  sister  loved  him  pas- 
sionately, and  confided  her  sorrows  to  him  only,  dur- 
ing the  few  moments  that  the  jealous  watchfulness  of 
Louis  allowed  them  to  pass  together. 

Meanwhile,  the  First  Consul,  having  complained 
to  the  Elector  of  Bavaria  of  the  correspondence  which 
Mr.  Drake  kept  up  in  France,  and  this  English  gen- 
tleman entertaining  some  apprehensions  as  to  his  own 
safety,  as  did  also  Sir  Spencer  Smith,  the  British 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  225 

Envoy  at  the  Court  of  Wiirtemburg,  they  both  sud- 
denly disappeared.  Lord  Morpeth  asked  the  Govern- 
ment, in  the  House  of  Commons,  for  an  explanation 
of  Drake's  conduct.  The  Chancellor  of  the  Exche- 
quer replied  that  the  envoy  had  been  given  authority 
for  his  proceedings,  and  that  a  fuller  explanation 
should  be  afforded  when  the  ambassador  had  fur- 
nished the  information  that  had  been  demanded  from 
him. 

At  this  time  Bonaparte  held  long  and  frequent  con- 
sultations with  M.  de  Talleyrand.  The  latter,  whose 
opinions  were  essentially  monarchical,  urged  the  Con- 
sul to  change  his  title  to  that  of  King.  He  has  since 
owned  to  me  that  the  name  of  Emperor  alarmed  him ; 
it  conveyed  a  sense  of  vagueness  and  immensity, 
which  was  precisely  what  charmed  the  imagination 
of  Bonaparte.  He  added,  "  A  combination  of  the 
Roman  Republic  and  of  Charlemagne  in  the  title 
turned  his  head.  I  amused  myself  one  day  by  mysti- 
fying Berthier.  I  took  him  aside,  and  said  to  him, 
'  You  know  of  the  great  scheme  that  is  occupying  us. 
Go  to  the  Consul,  and  urge  him  to  take  the  title  of 
King;  it  will  please  him.'  Accordingly  Berthier,  who 
was  delighted  to  have  an  opportunity  of  speaking  to 
Bonaparte  on  an  agreeable  subject,  went  up  to  him 
at  the  other  end  of  the  room  in  which  we  were  all 
assembled,  and  I  drew  back  a  little,  foreseeing  the 
storm.  Berthier  began  his  little  speech,  but  at  the 
word  '  King '  Bonaparte's  eyes  flashed  fire ;  he  seized 
Berthier  by  the  throat,  and  pushed  him  back  against ' 
the  wall.  *  You  idiot ! '  he  said ;  '  who  has  been  ad- 
vising you  to  come  here  and  excite  my  anger?  An- 
other time,  don't  take  such  a  task  on  yourself.'  Poor 
Berthier,  in  dire  confusion,  looked  piteously  at  me, 
and  it  was  a  long  time  before  he  forgave  my  sorry 
jest." 


226  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

At  last,  on  April  30,  1804,  the  tribune  Curee,  who 
had  no  doubt  learnt  his  part,  and  who,  later  on,  was 
rewarded  for  his  complaisance  by  being  created  a 
senator,  made  what  was  then  called  "  a  motion  of 
order  "  in  the  Tribunate,  demanding  that  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Republic  should  be  confided  to  an  Em- 
peror, and  that  the  Empire  should  be  made  hereditary 
in  the  family  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte.  His  speech 
was  effective.  He  regarded  an  hereditary  succession, 
he  said,  as  a  guarantee  against  plots  from  without, 
and  that  in  reality  the  title  of  Emperor  only  meant 
"  Victorious  Consul."  Nearly  all  the  tribunes  put 
down  their  names  to  speak.  A  commission  of  thir- 
teen members  was  appointed.  Carnot  alone  had  the 
courage  to  protest  against  this  proposal.  He  declared 
that  he  would  vote  against  an  Empire,  for  the  same 
reason  that  he  had  voted  against  a  life  Consulship, 
but  without  any  personal  animosity,  and  that  he  was 
quite  prepared  to  render  obedience  to  the  Emperor 
should  he  be  elected.  He  spoke  in  high  praise  of  the 
American  form  of  government,  and  added  that  Bona- 
parte might  have  adopted  it  at  the  time  of  the  treaty 
of  Amiens;  that  the  abuses  of  despotism  led  to  worse 
results  than  the  abuses  of  liberty;  and  that,  before 
smoothing  the  way  to  this  despotism,  which  would  be 
all  the  more  dangerous  because  it  was  reared  on 
military  success,  it  would  have  been  advisable  to 
create  institutions  for  its  due  repression.  Notwith- 
standing Carnot's  opposition,  the  motion  was  put  to 
the  vote  and  adopted. 

On  May  4th  a  deputation  from  the  Tribunate  car- 
ried it  to  the  Senate,  who  were  already  prepared  for 
it.  The  Vice-President,  Frangois  de  Neufchateau, 
replied  that  the  Senate  had  expected  the  vote,  and 
would  take  it  into  consideration.  At  the  same  sit- 
ting it  was  decided  that  the  motion  of  the  Tribunate 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  227 

and  the  answer  of  the  Vice-President  should  be  laid 
before  the  First  Consul. 

On  May  5th  the  Senate  sent  an  address  to  Bona- 
parte, asking  him,  without  further  explanation,  for  a 
final  act  which  would  insure  the  future  peace  of 
France.  His  answer  to  this  address  may  be  read  in 
the  "  Moniteur."  "  I  beg  you,"  he  said,  "  to  let  me 
know  your  entire  purpose.  I  desire  that  we  may  be 
able  to  say  to  the  French  nation  on  the  I4th  of  next 
July,  '  The  possessions  that  you  acquired  fifteen  years 
ago,  liberty,  equality,  and  glory,  are  now  beyond  the 
reach  of  every  storm.' '  In  reply,  the  Senate  voted 
unanimously  for  imperial  government,  adding  that, 
in  the  interests  of  the  French  people,  it  was  important 
that  it  should  be  intrusted  to  Napoleon  Bonaparte. 

After  May  8th  addresses  from  the  towns  poured 
in  at  Saint  Cloud.  An  address  from  Lyons  came 
first;  a  little  later  came  those  from  Paris  and  other 
places.  At  the  same  time  came  the  vote  from  Klein's 
division,  and  then  one  from  the  troops  in  camp  at 
Montreuil  under  the  orders  of  General  Ney;  and  the 
other  divisions  promptly  followed  these  examples. 
M.  de  Fontanes  addressed  the  First  Consul  in  the 
name  of  the  Corps  Legislatif,  which  at  this  moment 
was  not  sitting;  but  those  among  its  members  who 
were  then  in  Paris  met,  and  voted  as  the  Senate  had 
done.  The  excitement  that  these  events  caused  at 
Saint  Cloud  may  readily  be  imagined. 

I  have  already  recorded  the  disappointment  which 
Louis  Bonaparte's  rejection  of  the  project  of  adop- 
tion had  inflicted  on  his  mother-in-law.  She  still 
hoped,  however,  that  the  First  Consul  would  contrive, 
if  he  himself  remained  in  the  same  mind,  to  overcome 
the  opposition  of  his  brother;  and  she  expressed  to 
me  her  delight  that  her  husband's  new  prospects  had 
not  induced  him  to  reconsider  the  terrible  question 

VoL  9  H — Memoirs 


228  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

of  the  divorce.  Whenever  Bonaparte  was  displeased 
with  his  brothers,  Mme.  Bonaparte  always  rose  in  his 
estimation,  because  he  found  consolation  in  the  un- 
failing sweetness  of  her  disposition.  She  never  tried 
to  extract  from  him  any  promise  either  for  herself 
or  for  her  children ;  and  the  confidence  she  showed  in 
his  affection,  together  with  the  disinterestedness  of 
Eugene,  when  contrasted  with  the  exactions  of  the 
Bonaparte  family,  could  not  fail  to  please  him.  Mme. 
Bacciochi  and  Murat,  who  were  in  great  anxiety 
about  coming  events,  endeavored  to  worm  out  of  M. 
de  Talleyrand,  or  out  of  Fouche,  the  secret  projects 
of  the  First  Consul,  so  that  they  might  know  what 
to  expect.  Their  perturbation  was  beyond  their  power 
to  conceal;  and  it  was  with  some  amusement  that  I 
detected  it  in  their  troubled  glances  and  in  every  word 
they  let  fall. 

At  last  we  were  told,  one  evening,  that  on  the  fol- 
lowing day  the  Senate  was  to  come  in  great  state  and 
lay  before  Bonaparte  the  decree  which  should  give 
him  a  crown.  When  I  recall  that  evening,  the  emo- 
tions I  experienced  on  hearing  the  news  return  to  me. 
The  First  Consul,  when  informing  his  wife  of  the 
coming  event,  had  told  her  he  intended  to  surround 
himself  with  a  more  numerous  Court,  but  that  he 
would  fitly  distinguish  between  the  new-comers  and 
those  old  servants  who  had  first  devoted  themselves 
to  his  service.  He  particularly  desired  her  to  assure 
M.  de  Remusat  and  me  of  his  good  will  toward  us. 
I  have  already  told  how  he  bore  with  the  anguish 
which  I  was  unable  to  hide  on  the  occasion  of  the 
death  of  the  Due  d'Enghien.  His  indulgence  on  this 
point  did  not  diminish;  perhaps  it  amused  him  to  pry 
into  my  secret  feelings,  and  gradually  to  appease  them 
by  such  marked  kindness  that  it  revived  my  flagging 
attachment  to  him. 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  229 

I  could  not  as  yet  overcome  my  feelings  toward 
him.  I  grieved  over  his  great  fault;  but  when  I  saw 
that  he  was,  so  to  speak,  a  better  man  than  formerly, 
though  I  believed  he  had  made  a  fatal  mistake,  I  felt 
grateful  to  him  for  keeping  his  word  and  being  gen- 
tle and  kind  afterward,  as  he  had  promised.  The 
fact  is  that  at  this  period  he  could  not  afford  to  dis- 
pense with  anybody,  and  he  therefore  neglected  no 
means  of  success.  His  dexterous  behaviour  toward 
M.  de  Caulaincourt  had  won  him  over  so  that  he  had 
gradually  recovered  his  former  serenity  of  mind,  and 
was  at  this  epoch  one  of  the  confidants  of  the  First 
Consul's  schemes.  Bonaparte,  having  questioned  his 
wife  as  to  what  each  person  at  Court  had  said  at  the 
time  of  the  prince's  death,  learned  from  her  that  M. 
de  Remusat,  who  was  habitually  reticent  both  from 
inclination  and  from  prudence,  but  who  always  spoke 
the  truth  when  asked,  had  not  hesitated  to  own  his 
indignation.  Being  apparently  resolved  that  nothing 
should  irritate  him,  he  broached  the  subject  to  M.  de 
Remusat,  and,  having  revealed  to  him  as  much  of  his 
policy  as  he  thought  proper,  succeeded  in  convincing 
my  husband  that  he  had  really  believed  the  Duke's 
death  indispensable  to  the  safety  of  France.  My  hus- 
band, when  repeating  this  conversation  to  me,  said, 
"  I  am  far  from  agreeing  with  him  that  this  deed  of 
blood  was  needed  to  establish  his  authority,  and  I  did 
not  hesitate  to  tell  him  so ;  but  I  own  that  it  is  a  relief 
to  me  to  think  that  he  did  not  commit  the  crime  out 
of  revenge.  He  is  evidently  distressed,  no  matter 
what  he  may  say,  by  the  effect  it  has  produced;  and 
I  believe  he  will  never  again  seek  to  strengthen  his 
authority  by  such  terrible  means.  I  did  not  neglect 
to  point  out  to  him  that  in  an  age  like  ours,  and  in  a 
nation  like  ours,  it  is  playing  a  dangerous  game  to 
rule  by  terror  and  bloodshed;  and  I  think  that  the 


23o  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

earnest  attention  with  which  he  listened  to  me  augurs 
well  for  the  future." 

This  sincere  avowal  of  what  we  both  felt  shows 
how  much  need  we  had  of  hope.  Severe  judges  of 
other  people  might  blame  us,  no  doubt,  for  the  facil- 
ity with  which  we  again  deceived  ourselves,  and  im- 
pute our  credulity,  with  apparent  justice,  to  our  own 
position  in  the  Court.  Ah!  it  is  so  hard  to  have  to 
blush  in  secret  for  the  calling  one  has  chosen,  it  is  so 
pleasant  to  like  one's  self-imposed  duties,  it  is  so 
natural  to  paint  in  bright  colors  one's  own  and  one's 
country's  future,  that  it  is  only  after  a  long  struggle 
the  conviction  of  a  truth  which  must  shatter  one's 
whole  life  is  admitted.  Such  a  truth  did  come  home 
to  us,  slowly,  but  with  a  strength  that  could  not  be 
gainsaid ;  and  we  paid  dearly  for  an  error  to  which  all 
well-disposed  persons  clung  as  long  as  possible. 

On  May  18,  1804,  the  Second  Consul,  Camba- 
ceres,  President  of  the  Senate,  came  to  Saint  Cloud, 
accompanied  by  all  the  senators  and  escorted  by  a 
large  body  of  troops.  He  made  a  set  speech,  and  gave 
to  Bonaparte  for  the  first  time  the  title  of  "  Your 
Majesty."  Bonaparte  took  it  calmly,  just  as  though 
he  had  borne  it  all  his  life.  The  Senate  then  pro- 
ceeded to  the  apartment  of  Mme.  Bonaparte,  who  in 
her  turn  was  proclaimed  Empress.  She  replied  with 
that  natural  grace  which  always  raised  her  to  the 
level  of  any  position,  however  lofty,  in  which  she 
might  be  placed. 

At  the  same  time,  the  Grand  Dignitaries,  as  they 
were  called,  were  created — Grand  Elector,  Joseph  Bo- 
naparte; High  Constable,  Louis  Bonaparte;  Arch- 
Chancellor  of  the  Empire,  Cambaceres;  Arch-Treas- 
urer, Le  Brun.  The  Ministers,  Maret  (the  Secretary 
of  State,  who  ranked  with  the  Ministers),  the 
Colonels-general  of  the  Guards,  Duroc  (the  Gov- 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  231 

ernor  of  the  Palace),  and  the  aides-de-camp  took  the 
oaths;  and  the  next  day  the  officers  of  the  army, 
among  whom  was  Colonel  Eugene  Beauharnais,  were 
presented  to  the  Emperor  by  the  new  Constable. 

The  opposition  which  Bonaparte  had  encountered 
in  his  own  family,  to  his  intended  adoption  of  the  lit- 
tle Louis,  induced  him  to  postpone  that  project.  The 
succession  was  therefore  declared  to  belong  to  the 
heirs  male  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  and  failing  these, 
to  the  sons  of  Joseph  and  of  Louis,  who  were  created 
Imperial  Princes.  The  organic  senatus  consultum 
declared  that  the  Emperor  might  adopt  as  his  succes- 
sor any  one  of  his  nephews  whom  he  chose,  but  not 
until  the  selected  individual  had  reached  the  age  of 
eighteen,  and  that  no  further  act  of  adoption  could 
take  place  in  the  family. 

The  civil  list  was  to  be  the  same  as  that  granted  to 
the  King  in  1791,  and  the  princes  were  to  be  endowed 
in  accordance  with  the  law  of  December  20,  1791. 
The  great  dignitaries  were  to  have  one  third  of  the 
sum  settled  on  the  princes.  They  were  to  preside  over 
the  electoral  colleges  of  the  six  largest  towns  in  the 
Empire,  and  the  princes,  from  the  eighteenth  year  of 
their  age,  were  to  be  permanent  members  of  the  Sen- 
ate and  the  Council  of  State. 

Fourteen  Marshals  of  France  were  created  at  this 
date,  and  the  title  of  Marshal  was  conferred  on  four 
of  the  Senators.  The  new  Marshals  were  Berthier, 
Murat,  Moncey,  Jourdan,  Massena,  Augereau,  Ber- 
nadotte,  Soult,  Brune,  Lannes,  Mortier,  Ney,  Da- 
voust,  Bessieres;  the  four  Senators  were  Kellermann, 
Lefebvre,  Perignon,  and  Serrurier. 

An  article  in  the  "  Moniteur  "  apprised  the  public 
that  the  title  of  Imperial  Highness  was  to  be  given 
to  the  princes,  that  of  Serene  Highness  and  Mon- 
seigneur  to  the  great  dignitaries;  that  the  Ministers 


232  IMPRESS   JOSEPHINE 

were  to  be  called  Monseigneur  by  public  officials  and 
all  petitioners,  and  the  Marshals  Monsieur  le  Mare- 
chal. 

Thus  disappeared  the  title  of  "  Citizen,"  which 
had  long  since  been  disused  in  society,  where  "  Mon- 
sieur "  had  resumed  its  former  place,  but  which  Bo- 
naparte was  always  most  careful  to  employ.  On  the 
same  day,  the  i8th  of  May,  his  brothers,  with  Camba- 
ceres  and  Le  Brun  and  the  officers  of  his  household, 
were  invited  to  dine  with  him,  and  we  heard  him  use 
the  old  word  "  Monsieur  "  for  the  first  time,  without 
being  betrayed  by  habit  into  saying  "  Citizen  "  even 
once. 

Titles  were  also  accorded  to  the  great  officers  of 
the  Empire,  eight  inspectors  and  colonels-general  of 
artillery,  engineers,  cavalry,  and  the  navy,  and  the 
great  civil  officers  of  the  Crown,  to  whom  I  shall 
refer  hereafter. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  accession  of  Bonaparte  to  the  Imperial 
throne  was  very  variously  regarded  in  Europe, 
and  even  in  France  opinions  were  divided.  It 
is,  however,  quite  certain  that  it  did  not  displease  the 
great  majority  of  the  nation.  The  Jacobins  were  not 
astonished  by  it,  for  they  themselves  were  in  the  habit 
of  pushing  success  as  far  as  it  would  go,  whenever 
luck  favored  them.  Among  the  Royalists  it  spread 
disheartenment,  and  that  was  just  what  Bonaparte 
wanted.  The  exchange  of  the  Consulate  for  Imperial 
authority  was,  however,  regarded  with  dislike  by  all 
true  friends  of  liberty.  These  true  friends  were,  un- 
fortunately, divided  into  two  classes,  so  that  their 
influence  was  diminished — an  evil  which  still  exists. 
One  class  regarded  the  change  of  the  reigning  dynasty 
with  indifference,  and  would  have  accepted  Bonaparte 
as  readily  as  another,  provided  that  he  had  received 
his  royal  authority  in  right  of  a  constitution  which 
would  have  restrained  as  well  as  founded  it.  They 
regarded  the  seizure  of  power  by  an  enterprising  and 
warlike  man  with  serious  apprehension;  for  it  was 
plain  enough  that  the  so-called  "  bodies  of  the  State," 
which  were  already  reduced  to  insignificance,  would 
be  unable  to  check  his  encroachments.  The  Senate 
seemed  to  be  given  over  to  mere  passive  obedience; 
the  Tribunate  was  shaken  to  its  foundations ;  and  what 
was  to  be  expected  from  a  silent  Corps  Legislatif? 
The  Ministers,  deprived  of  all  responsibility,  were  no 
more  than  head  clerks,  and  it  was  evident  beforehand 

233 


234  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

that  the  Council  of  State  would  henceforth  be  merely 
a  storehouse,  whence  such  laws  as  circumstances  might 
demand  could  be  taken,  as  occasion  for  them  arose. 

If  this  section  of  the  friends  of  liberty  had  been 
more  numerous  and  better  led,  it  might  have  set  itself 
to  demand  the  settled  and  legitimate  exercise  of  its 
rights,  which  is  never  demanded  in  vain  by  a  nation 
in  the  long  run.  There  existed,  however,  a  second 
party,  which  agreed  with  the  first  on  fundamental 
principles  only,  and,  abiding  by  theories  of  its  own, 
which  it  had  already  attempted  to  practise  in  a  dan- 
gerous and  sanguinary  manner,  lost  the  opportunity 
of  producing  an  effective  opposition.  To  this  section 
belonged  the  proselytes  of  the  Anglo-American  Gov- 
ernment, who  had  disgusted  the  nation  with  the  notion 
of  liberty. 

They  had  witnessed  the  creation  of  the  Consulate 
without  any  protest,  for  it  was  a  tolerably  fair  imita- 
tion of  the  Presidentship  of  the  United  States;  they 
believed,  or  wished  to  believe,  that  Bonaparte  would 
maintain  that  equality  of  rights  to  which  they  attached 
so  much  importance,  and  some  among  them  were 
really  deceived.  I  say  "  some,"  because  I  think  the 
greater  number  fell  into  a  trap,  baited  with  flattery 
and  consultations  on  all  sorts  of  matters,  which  Bona- 
parte dexterously  set  for  them.  If  they  had  not  had 
some  private  interest  to  serve  by  deceiving  themselves, 
how  could  they  have  declared  afterward  that  they  had 
approved  of  Bonaparte  only  as  Consul,  but  that  as 
Emperor  he  was  odious  to  them  ?  In  what  respect  was 
he,  while  Consul,  different  from  his  ordinary  self? 
What  was  his  Consular  authority  but  dictatorship 
under  another  name?  Did  he  not,  as  Consul,  make 
peace  and  declare  war  without  consulting  the  nation? 
Did  not  the  right  of  levying  the  conscription  devolve 
upon  him?  Did  he  permit  freedom  in  the  discussion 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  235 

of  affairs?  Could  any  journal  publish  a  single  arti- 
cle without  his  approval  ?  Did  he  not  make  it  perfectly 
clear  that  he  held  his  power  by  the  right  of  his  victo- 
rious arms  ?  How,  then,  could  stern  Republicans  have 
allowed  him  to  take  them  by  surprise? 

I  can  understand  how  it  was  that  men,  worn  out  by 
the  turmoil  of  the  Revolution,  and  afraid  of  that 
liberty  which  had  been  so  long  associated  with  death, 
looked  for  repose  under  the  dominion  of  an  able  ruler, 
on  whom  fortune  was  seemingly  resolved  to  smile.  I 
can  conceive  that  they  regarded  his  elevation  as  a 
decree  of  destiny,  and  fondly  believed  that  in  the 
irrevocable  they  should  find  peace.  I  may  confidently 
assert  that  those  persons  believed  quite  sincerely  that 
Bonaparte,  whether  as  Consul  or  as  Emperor,  would 
exert  his  authority  to  oppose  the  attempts  of  faction, 
and  would  save  us  from  the  perils  of  anarchy. 

None  dared  to  utter  the  word  Republic,  so  deeply 
had  the  Terror  stained  that  name,  and  the  Directorial 
government  had  perished  in  the  contempt  with  which 
its  chiefs  were  regarded.  The  return  of  the  Bourbons 
could  only  be  brought  about  by  the  aid  of  a  revolution ; 
and  the  slightest  disturbance  terrified  the  French 
people,  in  whom  enthusiasm  of  every  kind  seemed  to 
be  dead.  Besides,  the  men  in  whom  they  had  trusted 
had,  one  after  the  other,  deceived  them;  and  as,  this 
time,  they  were  yielding  to  force,  they  were  at  least 
certain  that  they  were  not  deceiving  themselves. 

The  belief,  or  rather  the  error,  that  only  despotism 
could  at  that  epoch  maintain  order  in  France,  was 
very  widespread.  It  became  the  mainstay  of  Bona- 
parte ;  and  it  is  due  to  him  to  say  that  he  also  held  it. 
The  factions  played  into  his  hands  by  imprudent 
attempts  which  he  turned  to  his  own  advantage;  he 
had  some  grounds  for  his  belief  that  he  was  necessary ; 
France  believed  it  too;  and  he  even  succeeded  in  per- 


236  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

suading  foreign  sovereigns  that  he  formed  a  barrier 
against  Republican  influences,  which,  but  for  him, 
might  spread  widely.  At  the  moment  when  Bonaparte 
placed  the  Imperial  crown  upon  his  head,  there  was 
not  a  king  in  Europe  who  did  not  believe  that  he  wore 
his  own  crown  more  securely  because  of  that  event. 
Had  the  new  Emperor  added  to  that  decisive  act  the 
gift  of  a  liberal  constitution,  the  peace  of  nations  and 
of  kings  might,  in  sober  seriousness,  have  been  for 
ever  secured. 

Sincere  defenders  of  Bonaparte's  original  system — 
and  some  of  these  still  exist — advance,  in  justification 
of  it,  that  we  could  not  have  exacted  from  him  that 
which  it  belongs  only  to  a  legitimate  sovereign  to 
bestow;  that  freedom  to  discuss  our  interests  might 
have  been  followed  by  the  discussion  of  our  rights; 
that  England,  jealous  of  our  reviving  prosperity, 
would  have  fomented  fresh  disturbances  among  us; 
that  our  princes  had  not  abandoned  their  designs,  and 
that  the  slow  methods  of  constitutional  government 
would  not  have  availed  to  restrain  the  contending 
factions.  Hume  says,  when  speaking  of  Cromwell, 
that  it  is  a  great  difficulty  for  a  usurping  government 
that  its  personal  policy  is  generally  opposed  to  the 
interest  of  its  country.  This  gives  a  superiority  to 
hereditary  authority,  of  which  it  would  be  well  that 
nations  should  be  convinced.  But,  after  all,  Bona- 
parte was  not  an  ordinary  usurper;  his  elevation 
offered  no  point  of  comparison  with  that  of  Cromwell. 
"  I  found  the  crown  of  France  lying  on  the  ground," 
said  he,  "  and  I  took  it  up  on  the  point  of  my  sword." 
He  was  the  product  of  an  inevitable  revolution;  but 
he  had  no  share  in  its  disasters,  and  I  sincerely  believe 
that,  until  the  death  of  the  Due  d'Enghien,  it  would 
have  been  possible  for  him  to  legitimatize  his  power  by 
conferring  upon  France  benefits  of  a  kind  which 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  237 

would  have  pledged  the  nation  to  him  and  his  for  ever. 

His  despotic  ambition  misled  him;  but,  I  say  it 
again,  he  was  not  the  only  one  who  went  astray.  He 
was  beguiled  by  appearances  which  he  did  not  take  the 
trouble  to  investigate.  The  word  "  liberty  "  did  in- 
deed resound  in  the  air  about  him,  but  those  who 
uttered  it  were  not  held  in  sufficient  esteem  by  the 
nation  to  be  made  its  representatives  to  him.  Well- 
meaning,  honest  folk  asked  nothing  of  him  but  repose, 
and  did  not  trouble  themselves  about  the  form  under 
which  it  was  to  be  granted.  And  then,  he  knew  well 
that  the  secret  weakness  of  the  French  nation  was 
vanity,  and  he  saw  a  means  of  gratifying  it  easily  by 
the  pomp  and  display  that  attend  on  monarchical 
power.  He  revived  distinctions  which  were  now,  in 
reality,  democratic,  because  they  were  placed  within 
the  reach  of  all  and  entailed  no  privileges.  The  eager- 
ness displayed  in  the  pursuit  of  these  titles,  and  of 
crosses,  which  were  objects  of  derision  while  they 
hung  on  the  coats  of  one's  neighbors,  was  not  likely 
to  undeceive  him,  if  indeed  he  was  on  the  wrong  road. 
Was  it  not  natural,  on  the  contrary,  that  he  should 
applaud  and  congratulate  himself,  when  he  had  suc- 
ceeded in  bringing  feudal  and  republican  pretensions 
to  the  same  level  by  the  assistance  of  a  few  bits  of 
ribbons  and  some  words  added  to  men's  names  ?  Had 
not  we  ourselves  much  to  do  with  that  notion  which 
became  so  firmly  fixed  in  his  mind,  that,  for  his  own 
safety  and  for  ours,  he  ought  to  use  the  power  which 
he  possessed  to  suspend  the  Revolution  without  des- 
troying it?  "My  successor,"  said  he,  "whoever  he 
may  be,  will  be  forced  to  march  with  his  own  times, 
and  to  find  his  support  in  liberal  opinions.  I  will 
bequeath  them  to  him,  but  deprived  of  their  primitive 
asperity."  France  imprudently  applauded  this  idea. 

Nevertheless,  a  warning  voice— that  of  conscience 


238  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

for  him,  that  of  our  interests  for  us — spoke  to  him  and 
to  us  alike.  If  he  would  silence  that  importunate 
whisper,  he  would  have  to  dazzle  us  by  a  series  of  sur- 
prising feats.  Hence  those  interminable  wars,  whose 
duration  was  so  all-important  to  him  that  he  always 
called  the  peace  which  he  signed  "  a  halt,"  and  hence 
the  fact  that  into  every  one  of  his  treaties  he  was 
forced  by  M.  de  Talleyrand's  skill  in  negotiation. 
When  he  returned  to  Paris,  and  resumed  the  admin- 
istration of  the  affairs  of  France,  in  addition  to  the 
fact  that  he  did  not  know  what  to  do  with  an  army 
whose  demands  grew  with  its  victories,  he  had  to 
encounter  the  dumb  but  steady  and  inevitable  resistance 
which  the  spirit  of  the  age,  in  spite  of  individual  pro- 
clivities, opposes  to  despotism;  so  that  despotism  has 
happily  become  an  impracticable  mode  of  govern- 
ment. It  died  with  the  good  fortune  of  Bonaparte, 
when,  as  Mme.  de  Stae'l  said,  "  The  terrible  mace 
which  he  alone  could  wield  fell  at  last  upon  his  own 
head."  Happy,  thrice  happy,  are  the  days  in  which 
we  are  now  living,  since  we  have  exhausted  every 
experiment,  and  only  madmen  can  dispute  the  road 
which  leads  to  safety. 

Bonaparte  was  seconded  for  a  long  time  by  the  mil- 
itary ardor  of  the  youth  of  France.  That  insensate 
passion  for  conquest  which  has  been  implanted  by  an 
evil  spirit  in  men  collected  into  societies,  to  retard  the 
progress  of  each  generation  in  every  kind  of  pros- 
perity, urged  us  forward  in  the  path  of  Bonaparte's 
career  of  devastation.  France  can  rarely  resist  glory, 
and  it  was  especially  tempting  when  it  covered  and 
disguised  the  humiliation  to  which  we  were  then  con- 
demned. When  Bonaparte  was  quiet,  he  let  us  per- 
ceive the  reality  of  our  servitude;  when  our  sons 
marched  away  to  plant  our  standards  on  the  ramparts 
of  all  the  great  cities  of  Europe,  that  servitude  dis- 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  239 

appeared.  It  was  a  long  time  before  we  recognized 
that  each  one  of  our  conquests  was  a  link  in  the  chain 
that  fettered  our  liberties ;  and,  when  we  became  fully 
a-,vare  of  what  our  intoxication  had  led  us  into,  it  was 
too  late  for  resistance.  The  army  had  become  the 
accomplice  of  tyranny,  had  broken  with  France,  and 
would  treat  a  cry  for  deliverance  as  revolt. 

The  greatest  of  Bonaparte's  errors — one  very  char- 
acteristic of  him — was  that  he  never  took  anything 
but  success  into  account  in  the  calculations  on  which 
he  acted.  Perhaps  he  was  more  excusable  than  another 
would  have  been  in  doubting  whether  any  reverse 
could  come  in  him.  His  natural  pride  shrank  from 
the  idea  of  a  defeat  of  any  kind.  There  was  the  weak 
point  in  his  strong  mind,  for  such  a  man  as  he  ought 
to  have  contemplated  every  contingency.  But,  as  he 
lacked  nobility  of  soul,  and  had  not  that  instinctive 
elevation  of  mind  which  rises  above  evil  fortune,  he 
turned  his  thoughts  away  from  this  weakness  in  him- 
self, and  contemplated  only  his  wonderful  faculty  of 
growing  greater  with  success.  "  I  shall  succeed  "  was 
the  basis  of  all  his  calculations,  and  his  obstinate 
repetition  of  the  phrase  helped  him  to  realize  the  pre- 
diction. At  length  his  own  good  fortune  grew  into  a 
superstition  with  him,  and  his  worship  of  it  made 
every  sacrifice  which  was  to  be  imposed  upon  us  fair 
and  lawful  in  his  eyes. 

And  we  ourselves — let  us  once  more  own  it — did 
we  not  at  first  share  this  baleful  superstition?  At 
the  time  of  which  I  write,  it  had  great  mastery  over 
our  wonder-loving  imaginations.  The  trial  of  General 
Moreau  and  the  death  of  the  Due  d'Enghien  had 
shocked  every  one's  feelings,  but  had  not  changed 
public  opinion.  Bonaparte  scarcely  tried  to  conceal 
that  both  events  had  furthered  the  project  which  for  a 
long  time  past  he  had  been  maturing.  It  is  to  the 


240  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

credit  of  human  nature  that  repugnance  to  crime  is 
innate  among  us;  that  we  willingly  believe,  when  a 
guilty  act  is  acknowledged  by  its  perpetrator,  that  he 
has  been  absolutely  forced  to  commit  it ;  and,  when  he 
succeeded  in  raising  himself  by  such  deeds,  we  too 
readily  accepted  the  bargain  that  he  offered  us — abso- 
lution on  our  part,  as  the  guerdon  of  success  on  his. 

Thenceforth  he  was  no  longer  beloved;  but  the 
days  in  which  monarchs  reign  through  the  love  of 
nations  are  gone  by,  and,  when  Bonaparte  let  us  see 
that  he  could  punish  even  our  thoughts,  he  was  well 
pleased  to  exchange  the  affection  we  had  striven  to 
retain  for  him  for  the  very  real  fear  that  he  inspired. 
We  admired,  or  at  least  we  wondered  at,  the  boldness 
of  the  game  which  he  was  openly  playing;  and  when 
at  last  he  sprang,  with  imposing  audacity,  from  the 
blood-stained  grave  at  Vincennes  to  the  steps  of  the 
Imperial  throne,  exclaiming,  "  I  have  won !  "  France, 
in  her  amazement,  could  but  reecho  his  words.  And 
that  was  all  he  wanted  her  to  do. 

A  few  days  after  Bonaparte  had  assumed  the  title 
of  Emperor  (by  which  I  shall  not  scruple  to  desig- 
nate him,  for,  after  all,  he  bore  it  longer  than  that  of 
Consul),  on  one  of  those  occasions  when,  as  I  have 
said  before,  he  was  disposed  to  talk  freely  to  us,  he 
was  discussing  his  new  position  with  the  Empress,  my 
husband,  and  myself.  I  think  I  see  him  still,  in  the 
window-recess  of  a  drawing-room  at  Saint  Cloud, 
astride  on  a  chair,  resting  his  chin  on  the  back  of  it. 
Mme.  Bonaparte  reclined  on  a  sofa  near  him;  I  was 
sitting  opposite  him,  and  M.  de  Remusat  stood  behind 
my  chair.  For  a  long  time  the  Emperor  had  been 
silent ;  then  he  suddenly  addressed  me :  "  You  have 
borne  me  a  grudge  for  the  death  of  the  Due 
d'Enghien?  "  "  It  is  true,  Sire,"  I  answered,  "  and  I 
still  bear  it  you.  I  believe  you  did  yourself  much 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  241 

harm  by  that  act."  "  But  are  you  aware  that  he  was 
waiting  at  the  frontier  for  me  to  be  assassinated?" 
'^Possibly,  Sire;  but  still  he  was  not  in  France." 
"Ah!  there  is  no  harm  in  showing  other  countries, 
now  and  then,  that  one  is  the  master."  "  There,  Sire! 
do  not  let  us  speak  of  it,  or  you  will  make  me  cry." 
"Ah!  tears!  Woman's  only  weapon.  That  is  like 
Josephine.  She  thinks  she  has  carried  her  point  when 
she  begins  to  cry.  Are  not  tears,  M.  de  Remusat,  the 
strongest  argument  of  women?  "  "  Sire,"  replied  my 
husband,  "  there  are  tears  which  can  not  be  censured." 
"  Ah !  I  perceive  that  you  also  take  a  serious  view 
of  the  matter.  But  that  is  quite  natural;  you  have 
seen  other  days,  all  of  you,  and  you  remember  them. 
I  only  date  from  the  day  when  I  began  to  be  some- 
body. What  is  a  Due  d'Enghien  to  me?  Only  an 
emigre,  more  important  than  the  others — nothing 
more.  But  that  was  enough  to  make  me  strike  hard. 
Those  crack-brained  Royalists  had  actually  spread  a 
report  that  I  was  to  replace  the  Bourbons  on  the 
throne.  The  Jacobins  became  alarmed,  and  they  sent 
Fouche  to  me  to  inquire  into  my  intentions.  Power 
has  for  the  last  two  years  fallen  so  naturally  into  my 
hands,  that  people  may  well  have  doubted  sometimes 
whether  I  had  any  serious  intention  of  investing  my- 
self with  it  officially.  I  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it 
was  my  duty  to  profit  by  this,  in  order  to  put  a  lawful 
end  to  the  Revolution.  The  reason  why  I  chose  Em- 
pire rather  than  Dictatorship  is  because  one  becomes 
legitimate  by  taking  up  well-known  ground.  I  began 
by  trying  to  reconcile  the  two  contending  factions  at 
the  time  of  my  accession  to  the  Consulship.  I  thought 
that,  in  establishing  order  by  means  of  permanent 
institutions,  I  should  put  an  end  to  their  enterprises; 
but  factions  are  not  to  be  put  down  so  long  as  any 
fear  of  them  is  shown,  and  every  attempt  to  conciliate 


242  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

them  looks  like  fear.  Besides,  it  may  sometimes  be 
possible  to  get  the  better  of  a  sentiment;  but  of  an 
opinion,  never.  I  saw  clearly  that  I  could  make  no 
alliance  between  the  two,  but  that  I  might  make  one 
with  both  of  them  on  my  own  account.  The  Con- 
cordat and  the  permissions  to  return  have  conciliated 
the  emigres,  and  I  shall  soon  be  completely  reconciled 
with  them;  for  you  will  see  how  the  attractions  of  a 
Court  will  allure  them.  The  mere  phrases  that  recall 
former  habits  will  win  over  the  nobility,  but  the  Jaco- 
bins require  deeds.  They  are  not  men  to  be  won  by 
fair  words.  They  were  satisfied  with  my  necessary 
severity  when,  after  the  3d  Nivose,  at  the  very  moment 
of  a  purely  Royalist  conspiracy,  I  transported  a  num- 
ber of  Jacobins.  They  might  justly  have  complained 
if  I  had  struck  a  weaker  blow.  You  all  thought  I  was 
becoming  cruel  and  bloodthirsty,  but  you  were  wrong. 
I  have  no  feelings  of  hatred — I  am  not  capable  of 
acting  from  revenge;  I  only  sweep  obstacles  from  my 
path,  and,  if  it  were  expedient,  you  should  see  me 
pardon  Georges  Cadoudal  to-morrow,  although  he 
came  simply  and  solely  to  assassinate  me. 

"  When  people  find  that  public  tranquillity  is  the 
result  of  the  event  in  question,  they  will  no  longer 
reproach  me  with  it,  and  in  a  year's  time  this  execution 
will  be  regarded  as  a  great  act  of  policy.  It  is  true, 
however,  that  it  has  driven  me  to  shorten  the  crisis. 
What  I  have  just  done  I  did  not  intend  to  do  for  two 
years  yet.  I  meant  to  retain  the  Consulate,  although 
words  and  things  clash  with  one  another  under  this 
form  of  government,  and  the  signature  I  affixed  to 
all  the  acts  of  my  authority  was  the  sign  manual  of  a 
continual  lie.  We  should  have  got  on  nevertheless, 
France  and  I,  because  she  has  confidence  in  me,  and 
what  I  will  she  wills. 

"  As,    however,    this    particular    conspiracy    was 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  243 

meant  to  shake  the  whole  of  Europe,  the  Royalists 
and  also  Europe  had  to  be  undeceived.  I  had  to 
choose  between  continuous  persecution  or  one  decisive 
blow;  and  my  decision  was  not  doubtful.  I  have  for 
ever  silenced  both  Royalists  and  Jacobins.  Only  the 
Republicans  remain — mere  dreamers,  who  think  a 
republic  can  be  made  out  of  an  old  monarchy,  and 
that  Europe  would  stand  by  and  let  us  quietly  found 
a  federative  government  of  twenty  million  men.  The 
Republicans  I  shall  not  win,  but  they  are  few  in 
number  and  not  important.  The  rest  of  you  French- 
men like  a  monarchy;  it  is  the  only  government  that 
pleases  you.  I  will  wager  that  you,  M.  de  Remusat, 
are  a  hundred  times  more  at  your  ease,  now  that  you 
call  me  Sire  and  that  I  address  you  as  Monsieur?" 

As  there  was  some  truth  in  this  remark,  my  husband 
laughed,  and  answered  that  certainly  the  sovereign 
power  became  his  Majesty  very  well. 

"  The  fact  is,"  resumed  the  Emperor,  good- 
humoredly,  "  I  believe  I  should  not  know  how  to  obey. 
I  recollect,  at  the  time  of  the  Treaty  of  Campo  Formio, 
M.  de  Cobentzel  and  I  met,  in  order  to  conclude  it,  in  a 
room  where,  according  to  an  Austrian  custom,  a  dais 
had  been  erected  and  the  throne  of  the  Emperor  of 
Austria  was  represented.  On  entering  the  room,  I 
asked  what  that  meant;  and  afterward  I  said  to  the 
Austrian  Minister,  '  Now,  before  we  begin,  have  that 
arm-chair  removed,  for  I  can  never  see  one  seat  higher 
than  the  others  without  instantly  wanting  to  place  my- 
self in  it.'  You  see,  I  had  an  instinct  of  what  was  to 
happen  to  me  some  day. 

"  I  have  now  acquired  one  great  advantage  for  my 
government  of  France :  neither  she  nor  I  will  deceive 
ourselves  any  longer.  Talleyrand  wanted  me  to  make 
myself  King— that  is  the  word  of  his  dictionary; 
but  I  will  have  no  grands  seigneurs,  except  those  I 


244  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

make  myself.  Besides  which,  the  title  of  King  is 
worn  out.  Certain  preconceived  ideas  are  attached 
to  it;  it  would  make  me  a  kind  of  heir,  and  I  will  be 
the  heir  of  no  one.  The  title  that  I  bear  is  a  grander 
one;  it  is  still  somewhat  vague,  and  leaves  room  for 
the  imagination.  Here  is  a  revolution  brought  to  an 
end,  and,  I  flatter  myself,  not  harshly.  Would  you 
know  why  ?  Because  no  interests  have  been  displaced, 
and  many  have  been  revived.  That  vanity  of  yours 
must  always  have  breathing  room;  you  would  have 
been  wearied  to  death  with  the  dull  sternness  of  a 
republican  government.  What  caused  the  Revolution  ? 
Vanity.  What  will  end  it?  Vanity  again.  Liberty 
is  a  pretext;  equality  is  your  hobby,  and  here  are  the 
people  quite  pleased  with  a  king  taken  from  the  ranks 
of  the  soldiery.  Men  like  the  Abbe  Sieves,"  he  added, 
laughing,  "  may  inveigh  against  despotism,  but  my 
authority  will  always  be  popular.  To-day  I  have  the 
people  and  the  army  on  my  side ;  and  with  these  a  man 
would  be  a  great  fool  who  could  not  reign." 

With  these  concluding  words,  Bonaparte  rose. 
Hitherto  he  had  been  very  agreeable ;  his  tone  of  voice, 
his  countenance,  his  gestures,  all  were  familiar  and 
encouraging.  He  had  been  smiling,  he  had  seen  our 
answering  smiles,  and  had  even  been  amused  by  the 
remarks  we  had  made  on  his  discourse ;  in  fact,  he  had 
put  us  perfectly  at  our  ease.  But  now,  in  a  moment, 
his  manner  changed.  He  looked  at  us  sternly,  in  a 
way  that  always  seemed  to  increase  his  short  stature, 
and  gave  M.  de  Remusat  some  insignificant  order  in 
the  curt  tone  of  a  despotic  master,  who  takes  care  that 
every  request  shall  be  a  command. 

His  tone  of  voice,  so  different  from  that  to  which  I 
had  been  listening  for  the  last  hour,  made  me  start; 
and,  when  we  had  withdrawn,  my  husband,  who  had 
noticed  my  involuntary  movement,  told  me  that  he 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  245 

had  felt  the  same  sensation.  "  You  perceive,"  he  said, 
"  he  was  afraid  that  this  momentary  unbending  and 
confidence  might  lessen  the  fear  he  is  always  anxious 
to  inspire.  He  therefore  thought  proper  to  dismiss  us 
with  a  reminder  that  he  is  the  master."  I  never  for- 
got this  just  observation,  and  more  than  once  I  have 
seen  that  it  was  founded  on  a  sound  appreciation  of 
Bonaparte's  character. 

I  have  allowed  myself  to  digress  in  relating  this 
conversation  and  the  reflections  which  preceded  it,  and 
must  now  return  to  the  day  on  which  Bonaparte  was 
made  Emperor,  and  continue  to  depict  the  curious 
scenes  of  which  I  was  an  eye-witness. 

I  have  already  enumerated  the  guests  whom  Bona- 
parte invited  to  dine  with  him  on  that  day.  Just  be- 
fore dinner  was  announced,  Duroc,  the  Governor 
of  the  Palace,  informed  each  of  us,  severally,  that  the 
title  of  Prince  was  to  be  given  to  Joseph  and  Louis 
Bonaparte,  and  that  of  Princess  to  their  wives.  Mmes. 
Bacciochi  and  Murat  were  enraged  at  the  distinction 
thus  made  between  themselves  and  their  sisters-in-law ; 
and  Mme.  Murat  could  hardly  conceal  her  anger.  At 
six  o'clock  the  new  Emperor  made  his  appearance,  and, 
with  perfect  ease  and  readiness,  saluted  each  one 
present  by  his  or  her  new  title.  The  scene  made  a 
deep  impression  on  me;  I  felt  it  like  a  presentiment. 
The  early  part  of  the  day  had  been  fine,  but  very  hot  ; 
but,  about  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  Senate  at 
Saint  Cloud,  the  weather  suddenly  changed,  the  sky 
became  overcast,  thunder  was  heard,  and  for  several 
hours  a  storm  seemed  impending.  The  dark  and 
heavy  atmosphere  which  weighed  on  the  palace  of 
Saint  Cloud  struck  me  as  an  evil  omen,  and  I  could 
hardly  conceal  the  depression  I  felt.  The  Emperor 
was  in  good  spirits,  and,  I  think  secretly  enjoyed  the 
slight  confusion  which  the  new  ceremonial  created 


246  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

among  us  all.  The  Empress  was,  as  usual,  gracious, 
and  unaffected,  and  easy;  Joseph  and  Louis  looked 
pleased;  Mme.  Joseph  appeared  resigned  to  anything 
that  might  be  required  of  her;  Mme.  Louis  was  equally 
submissive;  and  Eugene  Beauharnais,  whom  I  can  not 
praise  too  highly  in  comparison  with  the  others,  was 
simple  and  natural,  evidently  free  from  any  secret 
ambition  or  repining.  This  was  not  the  case  with  the 
new-made  Marshal  Murat;  but  his  fear  of  his  brother- 
in-law  forced  him  to  restrain  himself,  and  he  main- 
tained a  sullen  silence.  Mme.  Murat  was  excessively 
angry,  and  during  the  dinner  had  so  little  control  over 
herself  that,  on  hearing  the  Emperor  address  Mme. 
Louis  several  times  as  "  Princess,"  she  could  not 
restrain  her  tears.  She  drank  several  glasses  of  water 
in  order  to  recover  herself,  and  to  appear  to  be  taking 
something  at  the  table,  but  her  te-ars  were  not  to  be 
checked.  Every  one  was  embarrassed,  and  her  brother 
smiled  maliciously.  For  my  own  part,  I  was  surprised, 
and  even  shocked,  to  see  that  young  and  pretty  face 
disfigured  by  emotions  whose  source  was  so  mean  a 
passion. 

Mme.  Murat  was  then  between  twenty-two  and 
twenty-three  years  of  age;  her  dazzlingly  white  skin, 
her  beautiful  fair  hair,  the  flowery  wreath  which 
decked  it,  the  rose-colored  dress  she  wore,  all  con- 
tributed to  give  her  a  youthful  and  childlike  appear- 
ance. The  feelings  which  she  now  displayed  con- 
trasted harshly  with  those  charms.  No  one  could  pity 
her  tears,  and  I  think  they  impressed  every  one  else  as 
disagreeably  as  they  impressed  me. 

Mme.  Bacciochi,  who  was  older  and  had  more  com- 
mand over  herself,  shed  no  tears;  but  her  manner  was 
abrupt  and  sarcastic,  and  she  treated  us  all  with 
marked  haughtiness. 

The    Emperor    became    annoyed    at    last    by    his 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  247 

sisters'  behavior,  and  he  aggravated  their  ill  humor  by 
indirect  taunts,  which  wounded  them  very  deeply.  All 
that  I  witnessed  during  that  eventful  day  gave  me 
new  notions  of  the  effect  which  ambition  produces  on 
minds  of  a  certain  order;  it  was  a  spectacle  of  which 
I  could  have  formed  no  previous  conception. 

On  the  following  day,  after  a  family  dinner,  a 
violent  scene  took  place,  at  which  I  was  not  present; 
but  we  could  hear  something  of  it  through  the  wall 
which  divided  the  Empress's  boudoir  from  our  salon. 
Mme.  Murat  burst  into  complaints,  tears,  and  re- 
proaches; she  asked  why  she  and  her  sisters  were  to 
be  condemned  to  obscurity  and  contempt,  while 
strangers  were  to  be  loaded  with  honors  and  dignity? 
Bonaparte  answered  her  angrily,  asserting  several 
times  that  he  was  master,  and  would  distribute  honors 
as  he  pleased.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  he  uttered 
the  memorable  remark,  "  Really,  mesdames,  to  hear 
your  pretension,  one  would  think  we  hold  the  crown 
from  our  father,  the  late  King." 

The  Empress  afterward  retailed  to  me  the  whole  of 
this  angry  dispute.  With  all  her  kind-heartedness,  she 
could  not  help  enjoying  the  wrath  of  a  person  who  so 
thoroughly  disliked  her.  The  discussion  ended  by 
Mme.  Murat's  falling  on  the  floor  in  a  dead  faint, 
overcome  by  her  excessive  anger  and  by  the  acrimony 
of  her  brother's  reproaches.  At  this,  Bonaparte's 
anger  vanished,  and  when  his  sister  recovered  con- 
sciousness he  gave  her  some  little  encouragement.  A 
few  days  later,  after  a  consultation  with  M.  de  Talley- 
rand, Cambaceres,  and  others,  it  was  arranged  that 
titles  of  courtesy  should  be  given  to  the  sisters  of  the 
Emperor,  and  we  learned  from  the  "  Moniteur  "  that 
they  were  to  be  addressed  as  "  Imperial  Highness." 

Another  vexation  was,  however,  in  store  for  Mme. 
Murat  and  her  husband.  The  private  regulations  of 


248  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

the  palace  of  Saint  Cloud  divided  the  Imperial  apart- 
ment into  several  reception-rooms,  which  could  only 
be  entered  according  to  the  newly  acquired  rank  of 
each  person.  The  room  nearest  the  Emperor's  cabinet 
became  the  throne-room,  or  Princes'  room,  and  Mar- 
shal Murat,  although  the  husband  of  a  princess,  was 
excluded  from  it.  M.  de  Remusat  had  the  unpleasant 
task  of  refusing  him  admittance  when  he  was  about  to 
pass  in.  Although  my  husband  was  not  responsible 
for  the  orders  he  had  received,  and  executed  them 
with  scrupulous  politeness,  Murat  was  deeply  offended 
by  this  public  affront;  and  he  and  his  wife,  already 
prejudiced  against  us  on  account  of  our  attachment  to 
the  Empress,  henceforth  honored  us  both,  if  I  may  use 
the  word,  with  a  secret  enmity,  of  which  we  have 
more  than  once  experienced  the  effects.  Mme.  Murat, 
however,  who  had  discovered  her  influence  over  her 
brother,  was  far  from  considering  the  case  hopeless  on 
this  occasion ;  and,  in  fact,  she  eventually  succeeded  in 
raising  her  husband  to  the  position  she  so  eagerly 
desired  for  him. 

The  new  code  of  precedence  caused  some  disturb- 
ance in  a  Court  which  had  hitherto  been  tolerably 
quiet.  The  struggle  of  contending  vanity  that  con- 
vulsed the  Imperial  family  was  parodied  in  Mme. 
Bonaparte's  circle. 

In  addition  to  her  four  ladies-in-waiting,  Mme. 
Bonaparte  was  in  the  habit  of  receiving  the  wives  of 
the  various  officers  attached  to  the  service  of  the  First 
Consul.  Besides  these,  Mme.  Murat  was  frequently 
invited — she  lived  permanently  at  Saint  Cloud  on 
account  of  her  husband's  position  there ;  also  Mme.  de 
la  Valette,  the  Marquis  de  Beauharnais's  daughter, 
whose  misfortunes  and  conjugal  tenderness  afterward 
made  her  famous  at  the  time  of  the  sentence  passed  on 
her  husband  and  his  escape,  in  1815.  He  was  of  very 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  249 

humble  origin,  but  clever,  and  of  amiable  disposition. 
After  having  served  some  time  in  the  army,  he  had 
abandoned  a  mode  of  life  unsuited  to  his  tastes.  The 
First  Consul  had  employed  him  on  some  diplomatic 
missions,  and  had  just  appointed  him  Counsellor  of 
State.  He  evinced  extreme  devotion  to  all  the  Beau- 
harnais,  whose  kinsman  he  had  become.  His  wife 
was  amiable  and  unpretending  by  nature,  but  it  seemed 
as  though  vanity  were  to  become  the  ruling  passion 
in  every  one  belonging  to  the  Court,  of  both  sexes  and 
all  ages. 

An  order  from  the  Emperor  which  gave  the  ladies- 
in-waiting  precedence  over  others  became  a  signal  for 
an  outburst  of  feminine  jealousy.  Mme.  Maret,  a 
cold,  proud  personage,  was  annoyed  that  we  should 
take  precedence  of  her,  and  made  common  cause  with 
Mme.  Murat,  who  fully  shared  her  feelings.  Besides 
this,  M.  de  Talleyrand,  who  was  no  friend  to  Maret, 
and  mercilessly  ridiculed  his  absurdities,  and  was  also 
on  bad  terms  with  Murat,  had  become  an  object  of 
dislike  to  both,  and,  consequently,  a  bond  of  union 
between  the  two.  The  Empress  did  not  like  anybody 
who  was  a  friend  of  Mme.  Murat,  and  treated  Mme. 
Maret  with  some  coldness;  and,  although  I  never 
shared  any  of  these  feelings,  and,  for  my  own  part, 
disliked  nobody,  I  was  included  in  the  animadversions 
of  that  party  upon  the  Beauharnais. 

On  Sunday  morning  the  new  Empress  received 
commands  to  appear  at  mass,  attended  only  by  her 
four  ladies-in-waiting.  Mme.  de  la  Valette,  who  had 
hitherto  accompanied  her  aunt  on  all  occasions,  rinding 
herself  suddenly  deprived  of  this  privilege,  burst  into 
tears,  and  so  we  had  to  set  about  consoling  this  ambi- 
tious young  lady.  I  observed  these  things  with  much 
amusement,  preserving  my  serenity  in  these  somewhat 
absurd  dissensions,  which  were,  nevertheless,  natural 


250  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

enough.  So  much  was  it  a  matter  of  course  for  the 
inmates  of  the  palace  to  live  in  a  state  of  excitement, 
and  to  be  either  joyous  or  depressed  according  as  their 
new-born  projects  of  ambition  were  accomplished  or 
disappointed,  that  one  day,  when  I  was  in  great  spirits 
and  laughing  heartily  at  some  jest  or  other,  one  of 
Bonaparte's  aides-de-camp  came  up  to  me  and  asked 
me  in  a  low  voice  whether  I  had  been  promised  some 
new  dignity.  I  could  not  help  asking  him  in  return 
whether  he  fancied  that  at  Saint  Cloud  one  must 
always  be  in  tears  unless  one  was  a  princess. 

Yet  I  had  my  own  little  ambition  too,  but  it  was 
moderate  and  easy  to  satisfy.  The  Emperor  had  made 
known  to  me  through  the  Empress,  and  M.  de  Caulain- 
court  had  repeated  it  to  my  husband,  that,  on  the  con- 
solidation of  his  own  fortunes,  he  would  not  forget 
those  who  had  from  the  first  devoted  themselves  to 
his  service.  Relying  on  this  assurance,  we  felt  easy 
with  regard  to  our  future,  and  took  no  steps  to  render 
it  secure.  We  were  wrong,  for  every  one  else  was 
actively  at  work.  M.  de  Remusat  had  always  kept 
aloof  from  any  kind  of  scheming,  a  defect  in  a  man 
who  lived  at  a  Court.  Certain  good  qualities  are 
absolutely  a  bar  to  advancement  in  the  favor  of  sov- 
ereigns. They  do  not  like  to  find  generous  feelings 
and  philosophical  opinions  which  are  a  mark  of  inde- 
pendence of  mind  in  their  surroundings;  and  they 
think  it  still  less  pardonable  that  those  who  serve 
them  should  have  any  means  of  escaping  from  their 
power.  Bonaparte,  who  was  exacting  in  the  kind  of 
service  he  required,  quickly  perceived  that  M.  de 
Remusat  would  serve  him  faithfully,  and  yet  would 
not  bend  to  all  his  caprices.  This  discovery,  together 
with  some  additional  circumstances  which  I  shall 
relate  in  their  proper  places,  induced  him  to  discard 
his  obligations  to  him.  He  retained  my  husband  near 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  251 

him;  he  made  use  of  him  to  suit  his  own  convenience; 
but  he  did  not  confer  the  same  honors  upon  him  which 
he  bestowed  on  many  others,  because  he  knew  that 
no  favors  would  procure  the  compliance  of  a  man  who 
was  incapable  of  sacrificing  self-respect  to  ambition. 
The  arts  of  a  courtier  were,  besides,  incompatible  with 
M.  de  Remusat's  tastes.  He  liked  solitude,  serious 
occupations,  family  life;  every  feeling  of  his  heart  was 
tender  and  pure;  the  use,  or  rather  the  waste  of  his 
time,  which  was  exclusively  occupied  in  a  continual 
and  minute  attention  to  the  details  of  Court  etiquette, 
was  a  source  of  constant  regret  to  him.  The  Revolu- 
tion, which  removed  him  from  the  ranks  of  the  magis- 
tracy, having  deprived  him  of  his  chosen  calling,  he 
thought  it  his  duty  to  his  children  to  accept  the  position 
which  had  offered  itself;  but  the  constant  attention 
to  important  trifles  to  which  he  was  condemned  was 
wearisome,  and  he  was  only  punctual  when  he  ought 
to  have  been  assiduous.  Afterward,  when  the  veil 
fell  from  his  eyes,  and  he  saw  Bonaparte  as  he  really 
was,  his  generous  spirit  was  roused  to  indignation, 
and  close  personal  attendance  on  him  became  very- 
pain  ful  to  my  husband.  Nothing  is  so  fatal  to  the 
promotion  of  a  courtier  as  his  being  actuated  by 
conscientious  scruples  which  he  does  not  conceal.  But, 
at  the  period  of  which  I  am  speaking,  these  feelings 
of  ours  were  still  only  vague,  and  I  must  repeat  what 
I  have  already  said — that  we  believed  that  the  Emperor 
was  in  some  measure  indebted  to  us,  and  we  relied  on 
him. 

The  time  soon  came,  however,  when  we  lost  some  of 
our  importance.  People  of  rank  equal  to  our  own, 
and  soon  afterward  those  who  were  our  superiors 
both  in  rank  and  fortune,  begged  to  be  allowed  to 
form  part  of  the  Imperial  Court ;  and  thenceforth  the 
services  of  those  who  were  the  first  to  show  the  way 


252  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

thither  decreased  in  value.  Bonaparte  was  highly 
delighted  at  his  gradual  conquest  of  the  French 
nobility,  and  even  Mme.  Bonaparte,  who  was  more 
susceptible  of  affection  than  he,  had  her  head  turned 
for  a  time  by  finding  real  grandes  dames  among  her 
ladies-in-waiting.  Wiser  and  more  far-sighted  persons 
than  ourselves  would  have  been  more  than  ever  atten- 
tive and  assiduous  in  order  to  keep  their  footing,  which 
was  disputed  in  every  direction  by  a  crowd  full  of 
their  own  importance;  but,  far  from  acting  thus, 
we  gave  way  to  them.  We  saw  in  all  this  an  oppor- 
tunity of  partially  regaining  our  freedom,  and  impru- 
dently availed  ourselves  of  it;  and  when,  from  any 
cause  whatever,  one  loses  ground  at  Court,  it  is  rarely 
to  be  recovered. 

M.  de  Talleyrand,  who  was  urging  Bonaparte  to 
surround  himself  with  all  the  prestige  of  royalty, 
advised  him  to  gratify  the  vanity  and  pretension  of 
those  whom  he  wished  to  allure;  and  in  France  the 
nobility  can  be  satisfied  only  by  being  placed  in  the 
front.  Those  distinctions  to  which  they  thought 
themselves  entitled  had  to  be  dangled  before  their 
eyes;  the  Montmorencys,  the  Montesquious,  etc.,  were 
secured  by  the  promise  that,  from  the  day  they  cast  in 
their  lot  with  Bonaparte,  they  should  resume  all  their 
former  importance.  In  fact,  it  could  not  be  otherwise, 
when  the  Emperor  had  once  resolved  on  forming  a 
regular  Court. 

Some  persons  have  thought  that  Bonaparte  would 
have  done  more  wisely  had  he  retained  some  of  the 
simplicity  and  austerity  in  externals  which  disappeared 
with  the  Consulate  when  he  adopted  the  new  title  of 
Emperor.  A  constitutional  government  and  a  limited 
Court,  displaying  no  luxury,  and  significant  of  the 
change  which  successive  revolutions  had  wrought  in 
people's  ideas,  might  perhaps  have  been  less  pleasing 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  253 

to  the  national  vanity,  but  it  would  have  commanded 
more  real  respect.  At  the  time  of  which  I  am  speak- 
ing, the  dignities  to  be  conferred  on  those  persons 
surrounding  the  new  sovereign  were  much  discussed. 
Duroc  requested  M.  de  Remusat  to  give  his  ideas  on 
the  subject  in  writing.  He  drew  up  a  wise  and  moder- 
ate plan,  but  which  was  too  simple  for  those  secret 
projects  which  no  one  had  then  divined.  "  There  is 
not  sufficient  display  in  it,"  said  Bonaparte,  as  he  read 
it;  "all  that  would  not  throw  dust  in  people's  eyes." 
His  project  was  to  decoy,  in  order  to  deceive  more 
effectually. 

As  he  refused  to  give  a  free  constitution  to  the 
French,  he  had  to  conciliate  and  fascinate  them  by 
every  possible  means;  and,  there  being  always  some 
littleness  in  pride,  supreme  power  was  not  enough  for 
him — he  must  have  the  appearance  of  it  too;  he  must 
have  etiquette,  chamberlains,  and  so  forth,  which  he 
believed  would  disguise  the  parvenu.  He  liked  display ; 
he  leaned  toward  a  feudal  system  quite  alien  to  the 
age  in  which  he  lived,  but  which  nevertheless  he  in- 
tended to  establish.  It  would,  however,  in  all  prob- 
ability, have  only  lasted  for  the  duration  of  his  own 
reign. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  record  all  his  notions  on 
this  subject.  The  following  were  some  of  them :  "  The 
French  Empire,"  he  would  say,  "will  become  the 
mother  country  of  the  other  sovereignties  of  Europe. 
I  intend  that  each  of  the  kings  shall  be  obliged  to  build 
a  big  palace  for  his  own  use  in  Paris ;  and  that,  on  the 
coronation  of  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  these  kings 
shall  come  to  Paris,  and  grace  by  their  presence  that 
imposing  ceremony  to  which  they  will  render  homage." 
What  did  this  project  mean,  except  that  he  hoped  to 
revive  the  feudal  system,  and  to  resuscitate  a  Charle- 
magne who,  for  his  own  advantage  only,  and  to 


254  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

strengthen  his  own  power,  should  avail  himself  of  the 
despotic  notions  of  a  former  era  and  also  of  the  expe- 
rience of  modern  times? 

Bonaparte  frequently  declared  that  he  alone  was  the 
whole  Revolution,  and  he  at  length  persuaded  himself 
that  in  his  own  person  he  preserved  all  of  it  which  it 
would  not  be  well  to  destroy. 

A  fever  of  etiquette  seemed  to  have  seized  on  all 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Imperial  palace  of  Saint  Cloud. 
The  ponderous  regulations  of  Louis  XIV.  were  taken 
down  from  the  shelves  in  the  library,  and  extracts 
were  commenced  from  them,  in  order  that  a  code  might 
be  drawn  up  for  the  use  of  the  new  Court.  Mine. 
Bonaparte  sent  for  Mme.  Campan,  who  had  been  First 
Bedchamber  Woman  to  Marie  Antoinette.  She  was 
a  clever  woman,  and  kept  a  school,  where,  as  I  have 
already  mentioned,  nearly  all  the  young  girls  who 
appeared  at  Bonaparte's  Court  had  been  educated. 
She  was  questioned  in  detail  as  to  the  manners  and 
customs  of  the  last  Queen  of  France,  and  I  was 
appointed  to  write  everything  that  she  related  from 
her  dictation.  Bonaparte  added  the  very  voluminous 
memoranda  which  resulted  from  this  to  those  which 
were  brought  to  him  from  all  sides.  M.  de  Talley- 
rand was  consulted  about  everything.  There  was  a 
continual  coming  and  going;  people  were  living  in  a 
kind  of  uncertainty  which  had  its  pleasing  side, 
because  every  one  hoped  to  rise  higher.  I  must  can- 
didly confess  that  we  all  felt  ourselves  more  or  less 
elevated.  Vanity  is  ingenious  in  its  expectations,  and 
ours  were  unlimited. 

Sometimes  it  was  disenchanting,  for  a  moment,  to 
observe  the  almost  ridiculous  effect  that  this  agitation 
produced  upon  certain  classes  of  society.  Those  who 
had  nothing  to  do  with  our  brand-new  dignities  said 
with  Montaigne,  "  Vengeons-nous  par  en  medire." 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  255 

Jests  more  or  less  witty,  and  calembours  more  or  less 
ingenious,  were  lavished  on  these  new-made  princes, 
and  somewhat  disturbed  our  brilliant  visions;  but  the 
number  of  those  who  dare  to  censure  success  is  small, 
and  flattery  was  much  more  common  than  criticism, 
at  any  rate  in  the  circle  under  our  observation. 

Such  was,  then,  the  position  of  affairs  at  the  close 
of  the  era  which  terminates  here.  The  narrative  of 
the  second  epoch  will  show  what  progress  we  all  made 
(when  I  say  "  we  all,"  I  mean  France  and  Europe)  in 
this  course  of  brilliant  errors,  which  was  destined  to 
lead  to  the  loss  of  our  liberties  and  the  obscuration  of 
our  true  greatness  for  a  long  period. 

In  the  April  of  that  year  Bonaparte  made  his 
brother  Louis  a  member  of  the  Council  of  State,  and 
Joseph  colonel  of  the  4th  Regiment  of  Infantry. 
"  You  must  both  belong  to  the  civil  and  military  ser- 
vice by  turns,"  he  said.  "  You  must  not  be  strangers 
to  anything  that  concerns  the  interests  of  the  country." 


CHAPTER    VIII 
(1804.) 

THE  creation  of  the  Empire  had  turned  public 
attention  away  from  the  proceeding  against 
Moreau,  which  were,  however,  going  on. 
The  accused  had  been  brought  before  the  tribunal 
several  times ;  but,  the  more  the  case  was  investigated, 
the  less  hope  there  was  of  the  condemnation  of  Mo- 
reau, which  became  day  by  day  an  object  of  greater 
importance.  I  am  perfectly  convinced  that  the  Em- 
peror would  not  have  allowed  Moreau's  life  to  be 
taken.  That  the  General  should  be  condemned  and 
pardoned  would  have  been  sufficient  for  his  purpose, 
which  was  to  refute,  by  the  sentence  of  the  court, 
those  who  accused  him  of  having  acted  with  undue 
haste  and  personal  animosity. 

All  who  have  brought  cool  observation  to  bear  upon 
this  important  event  are  agreed  in  thinking  that  Mo- 
reau exhibited  weakness  and  want  of  judgment. 
When  he  was  brought  up  for  examination,  he  showed 
none  of  the  dignity  that  was  expected  from  him. 
He  did  not,  like  Georges  Cadoudal,  assume  the  atti- 
tude of  a  determined  man,  who  openly  avowed  the 
lofty  designs  that  had  actuated  him;  neither  did  he 
assume  that  of  an  innocent  man,  full  of  righteous 
indignation  at  an  unjust  charge.  He  prevaricated  in 
some  of  his  answers,  and  the  interest  which  he  in- 
spired was  diminished  by  that  fact;  but  even  then 
Bonaparte  gained  nothing  by  this  lessening  enthusi- 

256 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  257 

asm,  and  not  only  party  spirit,  but  reason  itself,  cen- 
sured no  less  strongly  than  before  a  proceeding  which 
was  still  attributed  to  personal  enmity. 

At  length,  on  the  3Oth  of  May,  the  formal  indict- 
ment (acte  d' accusation)  appeared  in  the  "  Moni- 
teur."  It  was  accompanied  by  certain  letters  written 
by  Moreau  in  1795,  before  the  i8th  Fructidor,  which 
proved  that  the  General,  being  then  convinced  that 
Pichegru  was  corresponding  with  the  princes,  had 
denounced  him  to  the  Directory.  A  general  and  nat- 
ural question  then  arose:  Why  had  Moreau  acted  so 
differently  in  the  case  of  this  second  conspiracy,  jus- 
tifying himself  by  the  statement  that  he  had  not 
thought  it  proper  to  reveal  the  secret  of  a  plot,  in 
which  he  had  refused  to  engage,  to  the  First  Consul? 

On  the  6th  of  June  the  examinations  of  all  the  ac- 
cused persons  were  published.  Among  these  there 
were  some  who  declared  positively  that  the  princes,  in 
England,  were  quite  confident  that  they  might  count 
upon  Moreau;  that  it  was  with  this  hope  Pichegru 
had  gone  to  France,  and  that  the  two  generals  had 
subsequently  on  several  occasions  had  interviews  with 
Georges  Cadoudal.  They  even  asserted  that  Pichegru 
had  evinced  great  dissatisfaction  after  these  inter- 
views, had  complained  that  Moreau  gave  him  only 
half-hearted  support,  and  seemed  anxious  to  profit  on 
his  own  account  by  the  blow  which  was  to  strike 
Bonaparte.  A  person  named  Bolland  declared  that 
Moreau  had  said,  "  The  first  thing  to  be  done  is  to 
get  rid  of  the  First  Consul." 

Moreau,  on  being  questioned  in  his  turn,  answered 
that  Pichegru,  when  he  was  in  England,  had  con- 
veyed an  inquiry  to  him  as  to  whether  he  would  assist 
him  in  case  he  should  wish  to  return  to  France,  and 
that  he  had  promised  to  help  him  to  carry  out  that 
project.  It  naturally  occasioned  no  little  astonish- 


258  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

ment  that  Pichegru,  who  had  been  denounced  some 
years  before  by  Moreau  himself,  should  have  applied 
to  him  to  obtain  his  "  erasure  " ;  and  Pichegru  had,  at 
the  time  of  his  examination,  denied  that  he  had  done 
so.  At  the  same  time,  however,  he  also  denied  that 
he  had  seen  Moreau,  although  Moreau  acknowledged 
that  they  had  met,  and  he  persisted  in  declaring  that 
in  coming  to  France  he  had  been  actuated  solely  by 
his  aversion  to  a  foreign  country,  and  his  desire  to 
return  to  his  own.  Shortly  afterward  Pichegru  was 
found  strangled  in  his  prison,  and  the  circumstances 
of  his  death  have  never  been  explained,  nor  have  any 
comprehensible  motives  which  could  have  rendered  it 
necessary  to  himself  been  assigned. 

Moreau  admitted  that  he  had  received  Pichegru 
(who  took  him,  he  said,  by  surprise)  at  his  house, 
but  he  declared  at  the  same  time  that  he  had  posi- 
tively refused  to  enter  into  a  scheme  for  the  replace- 
ment of  the  house  of  Bourbon  on  the  throne,  because 
such  a  resolution  would  disturb  the  settlement  of  the 
national  property;  and  he  added  that,  so  far  as  his 
own  personal  pretensions  were  concerned,  the  notion 
was  absurd,  as  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  their 
success  that  not  only  the  First  Consul,  but  the  two 
other  Consuls,  the  Governors  of  Paris,  and  the  guard, 
should  be  got  rid  of.  He  declared  that  he  had  seen 
Pichegru  but  once,  although  others  of  the  accused 
asserted  that  several  interviews  had  taken  place  be- 
tween them;  and  he  maintained  this  line  of  defense 
unshaken.  He  was,  however,  obliged  to  admit  that 
he  had  discovered  at  an  advanced  stage  of  the  affair 
that  Frasnieres,  his  private  secretary,  was  deeply  in- 
volved with  the  conspirators.  Frasnieres  had  fled  on 
the  first  alarm. 

Georges  Cadoudal  answered  that  his  plan  was  to 
attack  the  First  Consul,  and  remove  him  by  force; 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  259 

that  he  had  never  entertained  a  doubt  of  rinding  in 
Paris  itself  a  number  of  enemies  of  the  actual  regime 
who  would  aid  him  in  his  enterprise;  and  that  he 
would  have  endeavored  by  every  means  in  his  power 
to  replace  Louis  XVIII.  upon  his  throne.  He  stead- 
ily denied,  however,  that  he  knew  either  Pichegru  or 
Moreau;  and  he  terminated  his  replies  with  these 
words :  "  You  have  victims  enough ;  I  do  not  wish  to 
augment  their  number." 

Bonaparte  seemed  to  be  impressed  by  this  strength 
of  character,  and  said  to  us  on  that  occasion,  "If  it 
were  possible  that  I  could  save  any  of  these  assassins, 
I  should  pardon  Georges." 

The  Due  de  Polignac  replied  that  he  had  come  to 
France  secretly,  with  the  sole  purpose  of  ascertaining 
positively  the  state  of  public  opinion,  and  what  were 
the  chances  it  afforded;  but  that,  when  he  perceived 
that  an  assassination  was  in  question,  he  had  thought 
only  of  getting  away  again,  and  would  have  left 
France  if  he  had  not  been  arrested. 

M.  de  Riviere  made  a  similar  answer,  and  M.  Jules 
de  Polignac  declared  that  he  had  merely  followed  his 
brother. 

On  the  loth  of  June  twenty  of  the  accused  persons 
were  convicted  and  sentenced  to  death.  At  the  head 
of  the  list  were  Georges  Cadoudal  and  the  Marquis 
de  Riviere.  The  judgment  went  on  to  state  that  Jules 
de  Polignac,  Louis  Meridan,  Moreau,  and  Bolland 
were  guilty  of  having  taken  part  in  the  said  conspir- 
acy, but  that  it  appeared  from  the  "  instruction  "  and 
the  investigation  that  there  were  circumstances  which 
rendered  them  excusable,  and  that  the  court  therefore 
commuted  the  punishment  which  they  had  incurred 
to  that  of  fine  and  imprisonment. 

I  was  at  Saint  Cloud  when  the  news  of  this  finding 
of  the  court  arrived.  Every  one  was  dumbfounded. 
Vol.  9  I— Memoirs 


260  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

The  Chief  Judge  had  pledged  himself  to  the  First 
Consul  that  Moreau  should  be  condemned  to  death, 
and  Bonaparte's  discomfiture  was  so  great  that  he 
was  incapable  of  concealing  it.  It  was  publicly 
known  that,  at  his  first  public  audience  on  the  Sunday 
following,  he  displayed  ungoverned  anger  toward 
Lecourbe  (brother  to  the  general  of  that  name),  the 
judge  who  had  spoken  strongly  in  favor  of  Moreau's 
innocence  at  the  trial.  He  ordered  Lecourbe  out  of 
his  presence,  calling  him  a  "  prevaricating  judge  " — 
an  epithet  whose  signification  nobody  could  guess; 
and  shortly  afterward  he  deprived  him  of  his  judge- 
ship. 

I  returned  to  Paris,  much  troubled  by  the  state  of 
things  at  Saint  Cloud,  and  I  found  that  among  a  cer- 
tain party  in  the  city  the  result  of  the  trial  was  re- 
garded with  exultation  which  was  nothing  short  of 
an  insult  to  the  Emperor.  The  nobility  were  much 
grieved  by  the  condemnation  of  the  Due  de  Polignac. 

I  was  with  my  mother  and  my  husband,  and  we 
were  deploring  the  melancholy  results  of  these  pro- 
ceedings, and  the  numerous  executions  which  were 
about  to  take  place,  when  I  was  informed  that  the 
Duchesse  de  Polignac,  and  her  aunt,  Mme.  Daudlau, 
the  daughter  of  Helvetius,  whom  I  had  often  met  in 
society,  had  come  to  visit  me.  They  were  ushered  into 
the  room,  both  in  tears.  The  Duchess,  who  was  in  an 
interesting  situation,  enlisted  my  sympathies  at  once; 
she  came  to  entreat  me  to  procure  an  audience  of  the 
Emperor  for  her,  that  she  might  implore  him  to  par- 
don her  husband.  She  had  no  means  of  gaining  ad- 
mission to  the  palace  of  Saint  Cloud,  and  she  hoped  I 
would  assist  her.  M.  de  Remusat  and  my  mother 
were,  like  myself,  fully  alive  to  the  difficulty  of  the 
enterprise,  but  we  all  three  felt  that  I  ought  not  to 
allow  that  difficulty  to  hinder  me  from  making  the 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  261 

attempt ;  and  as  we  still  had  some  days  before  us,  be- 
cause of  the  appeal  against  their  sentence  which  the 
condemned  men  had  made,  I  arranged  with  the  two 
ladies  that  they  should  go  to  Saint  Cloud  on  the  fol- 
lowing day,  while  I  was  to  precede  them  by  a  few 
hours,  and  induce  Mme.  Bonaparte  to  receive  them. 

Accordingly,  the  next  day  I  returned  to  Saint 
Cloud,  and  I  had  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  a  promise 
from  my  good  Empress  that  she  would  receive  a 
person  in  so  unhappy  a  position.  But  she  did  not 
conceal  from  me  that  she  felt  considerable  dread  of 
approaching  the  Emperor  at  a  moment  when  he  was 
so  much  displeased.  "  If,"  said  she,  "  Moreau  had 
been  condemned,  I  should  feel  more  hopeful  of  our 
success;  but  he  is  in  such  a  rage  that  I  am  afraid  he 
will  turn  us  away,  and  be  angry  with  you  for  what 
you  are  going  to  make  me  do." 

I  was  too  much  moved  by  the  tears  and  the  condi- 
tion of  Mme.  de  Polignac  to  be  influenced  by  such  a 
consideration,  and  I  did  my  best  to  make  the  Empress 
realize  the  impression  which  these  sentences  had  pro- 
duced in  Paris.  I  reminded  her  of  the  death  of  the 
Due  d'Enghien,  of  Bonaparte's  elevation  to  the  Im- 
perial throne  in  the  midst  of  sanguinary  punishments, 
and  pointed  out  to  her  that  the  general  alarm  would 
be  allayed  by  one  act  of  clemency  which  might,  at 
least,  be  quoted  side  by  side  with  so  many  acts  of 
severity. 

While  I  was  speaking  to  the  Empress  with  all  the 
warmth  and  earnestness  of  which  I  was  capable,  and 
with  streaming  tears,  the  Emperor  suddenly  entered 
the  room  from  the  terrace  outside ;  this  he  frequently 
did  of  a  morning,  when  he  would  leave  his  work,  and 
come  through  the  glass  door  into  his  wife's  room  for 
a  little  talk  with  her.  He  instantly  perceived  our  agi- 
tation, and,  although  at  another  moment  I  should 


262  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

have  been  taken  aback  at  his  unlooked-for  presence, 
the  profound  emotion  which  I  felt  overcame  all  other 
considerations,  and  I  replied  to  his  questions  with  a 
frank  avowal  of  what  I  had  ventured  to  do.  The 
Empress,  who  was  closely  observing  his  countenance, 
seeing  the  severe  look  that  overcast  it,  did  not  hesitate 
to  come  to  my  aid  by  telling  him  that  she  had  already 
consented  to  receive  Mme.  de  Polignac. 

The  Emperor  began  by  refusing  to  listen  to  us,  and 
complaining  that  we  were  putting  him  in  for  all  the 
difficulty  of  a  position  which  would  give  him  the  ap- 
pearance of  cruelty.  "  I  will  not  see  this  woman,"  he 
said  to  me.  "  I  can  not  grant  a  pardon.  You  do  not 
see  that  this  Royalist  party  is  full  of  young  fools,  who 
will  begin  again  with  this  kind  of  thing,  and  keep  on 
at  it,  if  they  are  not  kept  within  bounds  by  a  severe 
lesson.  The  Bourbons  are  credulous;  they  believe 
the  assurances  which  they  get  from  schemers  who 
deceive  them  respecting  the  real  state  of  the  public 
mind  of  France,  and  they  will  send  a  lot  of  victims 
over  here." 

This  answer  did  not  stop  me;  I  was  extremely  ex- 
cited, partly  by  the  event  itself,  and  perhaps  also  by 
the  slight  risk  I  was  running  of  displeasing  my  for- 
midable master.  I  would  not  be  so  cowardly  in  my 
own  eyes  as  to'  retreat  before  any  personal  considera- 
tion, and  that  feeling  made  me  bold  and  tenacious. 
I  insisted  so  strongly,  and  entreated  with  such  earn- 
estness, that  the  Emperor,  who  was  walking  hurriedly 
about  the  room  while  I  was  speaking,  suddenly  paused 
opposite  to  me,  and,  fixing  a  piercing  gaze  on  me, 
said :  "  What  personal  interest  do  you  take  in  these 
people?  You  are  not  excusable  except  they  are  your 
relatives." 

"  Sire,"  I  answered,  with  all  the  firmness  I  could 
summon  up,  "  I  do  not  know  them,  and  until  yester- 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  263 

day  I  had  never  seen  Mme.  de  Polignac."  "What! 
And  you  thus  plead  the  cause  of  people  who  came  here 
to  assassinate  me?"  "No,  Sire;  I  plead  the  cause 
of  an  unfortunate  woman  who  is  in  despair,  and — 
I  must  say  it — I  plead  your  own  cause  too."  And 
then,  quite  carried  away  by  my  feelings,  I  repeated 
all  that  I  had  said  to  the  Empress.  She  was  as  much 
affected  as  myself,  and  warmly  seconded  all  I  said. 
But  we  could  obtain  nothing  from  the  Emperor  at 
that  moment ;  he  went  angrily  away,  telling  us  not  to 
"  worry  "  him  any  more. 

A  few  minutes  afterward  I  was  informed  that 
Mme.  de  Polignac  had  arrived.  The  Empress  re- 
ceived her  in  a  private  room,  and  promised  that  she 
would  do  everything  in  her  power  to  obtain  a  pardon 
for  the  Due  de  Polignac.  During  the  course  of  that 
morning,  certainly  one  of  the  most  agitating  I  have 
ever  lived  through,  the  Empress  went  twice  into  her 
husband's  cabinet,  and  twice  had  to  leave  it,  repulsed. 
Each  time  she  returned  to  me,  quite  disheartened,  and 
I  was  losing  hope  and  beginning  to  tremble  at  the 
prospect  of  having  to  take  a  refusal  to  Mme.  de 
Polignac  as  the  final  answer.  At  length  we  learned 
that  M.  de  Talleyrand  was  with  the  Emperor,  and  I 
besought  the  Empress  to  make  one  last  attempt,  think- 
ing that,  if  M.  de  Talleyrand  were  a  witness  to  it,  he 
would  endeavor  to  persuade  Bonaparte.  And,  in 
fact,  he  did  second  the  Empress  at  once  and  strongly ; 
and  at  length  Bonaparte,  vanquished  by  their  suppli- 
cations, consented  to  allow  Mme.  de  Polignac  to  ap- 
pear before  him.  This  was  promising  everything; 
it  would  have  been  impossible  to  utter  a  cruel  "  No ! ' 
in  such  a  presence.  Mme.  de  Polignac  was  ushered 
into  the  cabinet,  and  fell  fainting  at  the  Emperor's 
feet.  The  Empress  was  in  tears;  the  pardon  of  the 
Due  de  Polignac  was  granted,  and  an  article  written 


264  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

by  M.  de  Talleyrand  gave  a  charming  account  of  the 
scene,  in  what  was  then  called  the  "  Journal  de  1' Em- 
pire," on  the  following  day. 

M.  de  Talleyrand,  on  leaving  the  Emperor's  cab- 
inet, found  me  in  the  Empress's  boudoir,  and  related 
to  me  all  that  had  occurred.  He  made  me  cry  afresh, 
and  he  was  far  from  being  unmoved  himself;  but, 
nevertheless,  he  also  made  me  laugh  by  his  recital  of 
an  absurd  little  circumstance  which  had  not  escaped 
his  keen  perception  of  the  ridiculous.  Poor  Mme. 
Daudlau,  who  had  accompanied  her  niece,  and  wanted 
to  produce  her  own  particular  little  effect,  kept  on 
repeating,  in  the  midst  of  her  efforts  to  revive  Mme. 
de  Polignac — who  was  restored  to  consciousness  with 
great  difficulty — "  Sire,  I  am  the  daughter  of  Hel- 
vetius !  " 

The  Due  de  Polignac's  sentence  was  commuted  to 
four  years'  imprisonment,  to  be  followed  by  banish- 
ment. He  was  sent  to  join  his  brother,  and,  after 
having  been  confined  in  a  fortress,  they  were  removed 
to  a  civil  prison,  whence  they  escaped  during  the  cam- 
paign of  1814.  The  Due  de  Rovigo  (Fouche),  who 
was  then  Minister  of  Police,  was  suspected  of  having 
connived  at  their  escape,  in  order  to  curry  favor  with 
the  party  whose  approaching  triumph  he  foresaw. 

I  have  no  desire  to  make  more  of  myself  on  this 
occasion  than  I  strictly  deserve,  but  I  think  it  will  be 
admitted  that  circumstances  so  fellout  as  to  permit 
me  to  render  a  very  substantial  service  to  the  Polignac 
family — one  of  which  it  would  seem  natural  that  they 
should  have  preserved  some  recollection.  Since  the 
return  of  the  King  to  France,  I  have,  however,  been 
taught  by  experience  how  effectually  party  spirit, 
especially  among  courtiers,  effaces  all  sentiments  of 
which  it  disapproves,  no  matter  how  just  they 
may  be. 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  265 

After  the  incident  which  I  have  just  related,  I  re- 
ceived a  few  visits  from  Mme.  de  Polignac,  who 
doubtless  held  herself  bound  to  so  much  recognition 
of  me;  but,  by  degrees,  as  we  lived  in  different  cir- 
cles, we  lost  sight  of  each  other  for  some  years,  until 
the  Restoration.  At  that  epoch  the  Due  de  Polignac, 
having  been  sent  by  the  King  to  Malmaison  to  thank 
the  Empress  Josephine  in  his  Majesty's  name  for  her 
zealous  efforts  to  save  the  life  of  the  Due  d'Enghien, 
took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  express  his  own 
gratitude  to  her  at  the  same  time.  The  Empress  in- 
formed me  of  this  visit,  and  said  that  no  doubt  the 
Duke  would  also  call  on  me;  and  I  confess  that  I 
expected  some  polite  recognition  from  him.  I  did 
not  receive  any;  and,  as  it  was  not  according  to  my 
notions  to  endeavor  to  arouse  by  any  words  of  mine 
gratitude  which  could  only  be  valuable  by  being  vol- 
untary, I  remained  quietly  at  home,  and  made  no 
reference  to  an  event  which  the  persons  concerned  in 
it  seemed  to  wish  to  forget,  or  at  least  to  ignore. 

One  evening  chance  brought  me  in  contact  with 
Mme.  de  Polignac.  It  was  at  a  reception  at  the  house 
of  the  Due  d'Orleans,  and  in  the  midst  of  a  great 
crowd.  The  Palais  Royal  was  splendidly  decorated, 
all  the  French  nobility  were  assembled  there,  and  the 
grands  seigneurs  and  high-born  gentlemen  to  whom 
the  Restoration  at  first  seemed  to  mean  the  restora- 
tion of  their  former  rights,  accosted  each  other  with 
the  easy,  secure,  and  satisfied  manner  so  readily  re- 
sumed with  success.  Amid  this  brillant  crowd  I  per- 
ceived the  Duchesse  de  Polignac.  After  long-  years  I 
found  her  again,  restored  to  her  rank,  receiving  all 
those  congratulations  which  were  due  to  her,  sur- 
rounded by  an  adulatory  crowd.  I  recalled  the  day 
on  which  I  first  saw  her,  the  state  she  was  then  in, 
her  tears,  her  terror,  the  way  in  which  she  came 


266  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

toward  me  when  she  entered  my  room,  and  almost 
fell  at  my  feet.  I  was  deeply  moved  by  this  contrast, 
and,  being  only  a  few  paces  from  her,  the  interest 
with  which  she  inspired  me  led  me  to  approach  her. 
I  addressed  her  in  a  tone  of  voice  which,  no  doubt, 
fully  conveyed  the  really  tender  feeling  of  the  mo- 
ment, and  congratulated  her  on  the  very  different  cir- 
tumstances  under  which  we  met  again.  All  I  would 
bave  asked  of  her  was  a  word  of  remembrance,  which 
would  have  responded  to  the  emotion  I  felt  on  her 
account.  This  feeling  was  speedily  chilled  by  the 
indifference  and  constraint  with  which  she  listened 
to  what  I  said.  She  either  did  not  recognize  me,  or 
she  affected  not  to  do  so;  I  had  to  give  my  name. 
Her  embarrassment  increased.  On  perceiving  this  I 
immediately  turned  away,  and  with  very  painful  feel- 
ings ;  for  those  which  her  presence  had  caused,  and 
which  I  had  thought  at  first  she  would  share,  were 
rudely  dispelled. 

The  Empress's  goodness  in  obtaining  a  remission 
of  the  capital  sentence  for  M.  de  Polignac  made  a 
great  sensation  in  Paris,  and  gave  rise  to  renewed 
praise  of  her  kindness  of  heart,  which  had  obtained 
almost  universal  recognition.  The  wives,  or  mothers, 
or  sisters  of  the  other  political  offenders  immediately 
besieged  the  palace  of  Saint  Cloud,  and  endeavored 
to  obtain  audience  of  the  Empress,  hoping  to  enlist 
her  sympathy.  Applications  were  also  made  to  her 
daughter,  and  they  both  obtained  further  pardons  or 
commutations  of  sentence.  The  Emperor  felt  that 
a  dark  shadow  would  be  cast  on  his  accession  to  the 
throne  by  so  many  executions,  and  showed  himself 
accessible  to  the  petitions  addressed  to  him. 

His  sisters,  who  were  by  no  means  included  in  the 
popularity  of  the  Empress,  and  were  anxious  to  ob- 
tain if  possible  some  public  favor  for  themselves,  gave 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  267 

the  wives  of  some  of  the  condemned  men  to  under- 
stand that  they  might  apply  to  them  also.  They  then 
took  the  petitioners  in  their  own  carriages  to  Saint 
Cloud,  in  a  sort  of  semi-state,  to  entreat  pardon  for 
their  husbands.  These  proceedings,  as  to  which  the 
Emperor,  I  believe,  had  been  consulted  beforehand, 
seemed  less  spontaneous  than  those  of  the  Empress — 
indeed,  bore  signs  of  prearrangement ;  but  at  any  rate 
they  served  to  save  the  lives  of  several  persons. 
Murat,  who  had  excited  universal  indignation  by  his 
violent  behavior  and  by  his  hostility  to  Moreau,  also 
tried  to  regain  popularity  by  similar  devices,  and  did 
in  fact  obtain  a  pardon  for  the  Marquis  de  Riviere. 
On  the  same  occasion  he  brought  a  letter  from  Geor- 
ges Cadoudal  to  Bonaparte,  which  I  heard  read.  It 
was  a  manly  and  outspoken  letter,  such  as  might  be 
penned  by  a  man  who,  being  convinced  that  the  deeds 
he  has  done,  and  which  have  proved  his  destruction, 
were  dictated  by  a  generous  sense  of  duty  and  an 
unchangeable  resolution,  is  resigned  to  his  fate.  Bo- 
naparte was  deeply  impressed  by  this  letter,  and  again 
expressed  his  regret  that  he  could  not  extend  clem- 
ency to  Georges  Cadoudal. 

This  man,  the  real  head  of  the  conspiracy,  died 
with  unshaken  courage.  Twenty  had  been  condemned 
to  death.  The  capital  sentence  was,  in  the  cases  of 
seven,  commuted  to  a  more  or  less  prolonged  impris- 
onment. Their  names  are  as  follows:  the  Due  de 
Polignac,  the  Marquis  de  Riviere,  Russillon,  Rochelle, 
D'Hozier,  Lajollais,  Guillard.  The  others  were  exe- 
cuted. General  Moreau  was  taken  to  Bordeaux,  and 
put  on  board  a'ship  for  the  United  States.  His  fam- 
ily sold  their  property  by  Imperial  command;  the 
Emperor  bought  a  portion  of  it,  and  bestowed  the 
estate  of  Grosbois  on  Marshal  Berthier. 

A  few  days  later,  the  "  Moniteur  "  published  a  pro- 


268  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

test  from  Louis  XVIII.  against  the  accession  of  Na- 
poleon. It  appeared  on  July  i,  1804,  but  produced 
little  effect.  The  Cadoudal  conspiracy  had  weakened 
the  faint  sentiment  of  barely  surviving  allegiance  to 
the  old  dynasty.  The  plot  had,  in  fact,  been  so  badly 
conceived;  it  seemed  to  be  based  on  such  total  igno- 
rance of  the  internal  state  of  France,  and  of  the  opin- 
ions of  the  various  parties  in  the  country;  the  names 
and  the  characters  of  the  conspirators  inspired  so  lit- 
tle confidence;  and,  above  all,  the  further  disturb- 
ances which  must  have  resulted  from  any  great 
change,  were  so  universally  dreaded  that,  with  the 
exception  of  a  small  number  of  gentlemen  whose  in- 
terests would  be  served  by  the  renewal  of  an  abol- 
ished state  of  things,  there  was  in  France  no  regret 
for  a  result  which  served  to  strengthen  the  newly 
inaugurated  system.  Whether  from  conviction,  or 
from  a  longing  for  repose,  or  from  yielding  to  the 
sway  of  the  great  fortunes  of  the  new  Head  of  the 
State,  many  gave  in  their  adhesion  to  his  sovereignty, 
and  from  this  time  forth  France  assumed  a  peaceful 
and  orderly  attitude.  The  opposing  factions  became 
disheartened,  and,  as  commonly  happens  when  this  is 
the  case,  each  individual  belonging  to  them  made 
secret  attempts  to  link  his  lot  to  the  chances  offered 
by  a  totally  new  system.  Gentle  and  simple,  Royal- 
ists and  Liberals,  all  began  to  scheme  for  advance- 
ment. New  ambitions  and  vanities  were  aroused, 
and  favors  solicited  in  every  direction.  Bonaparte 
beheld  those  on  whom  he  could  least  have  counted 
suing  for  the  honor  of  serving  him. 

Meanwhile  he  was  not  in  .haste  to  choose  from 
among  them ;  he  delayed  a  long  time,  in  order  to  feed 
their  hopes  and  to  increase  the  number  of  aspirants. 
During  this  respite,  I  left  the  Court  for  a  little  breath- 
ing-time in  the  country.  I  stayed  for  a  month  in  the 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  269 

valley  of  Montmorency,  with  Mme.  d'Houdetot,  of 
whom  I  have  already  spoken.  The  quiet  life  I  led  in 
her  house  was  refreshing  after  the  anxieties  and  an- 
noyances which  I  had  recently  had  to  endure  almost 
uninterruptedly.  I  needed  this  interval  of  rest;  my 
health,  which  since  that  time  has  always  been  more 
or  less  delicate,  was  beginning  to  fail,  and  my  spir- 
its were  depressed  by  the  new  aspect  of  events,  and 
by  discoveries  I  was  slowly  making  about  things  in 
general,  and  about  certain  great  personages  in  par- 
ticular. The  gilded  veil  which  Bonaparte  used  to  say 
hung  before  the  eyes  of  youth  was  beginning  to  lose 
its  brightness,  and  I  became  aware  of  the  fact  with 
astonishment,  which  always  causes  more  or  less  suf- 
fering, until  time  and  experience  have  made  us  wiser 
and  taught  us  to  take  things  more  easily. 


CHAPTER  IX 
(1804.) 

BY  degrees  the  flotillas  built  in  our  other  har- 
bors  came  round   to  join   those   of   Boulogne. 
They    sometimes    met    with    obstacles    on    the 
way,  for  English  vessels  were  always  cruising  about 
the  coast  to  prevent  their  junction.     The  camps  at 
Boulogne,  at  Montreuil,  and  at  Compiegne  presented 
an  imposing  appearance,  and  the  army  became  daily 
more  numerous  and  more  formidable. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  these  preparations  for  war, 
and  the  comments  which  were  made  upon  them  in 
Paris,  caused  some  anxiety  in  Europe;  for  an  article 
appeared  in  the  newspapers  which  created  no  great 
impression  at  the  time,  but  which  I  considered  to  be 
worth  preserving,  because  it  was  an  exact  forecast  of 
all  that  has  since  occurred.  It  appeared  in  the  "  Mon- 
iteur "  of  July  10,  1804,  on  the  same  day  with  an 
account  of  the  audience  given  by  the  Emperor  to  all 
the  ambassadors  who  had  just  received  fresh  creden- 
tials to  his  Court.  Some  of  the  latter  contained  flatter- 
ing expressions  from  foreign  sovereigns  on  his 
accession  to  the  throne. 

This  is  the  article: 

"  From  time  immemorial,  the  metropolis  has  been 
the  home  of  hearsay  (les  on  dit}.  A  new  rumor 
springs  up  every  day,  to  be  contradicted  on  the  next. 
Although  there  has  been  of  late  more  activity,  and  a 
certain  persistence  in  these  reports  which  gratify  idle 
curiosity,  we  think  it  more  desirable  to  leave  them  to 

270 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  271 

time,  and  that  wisest  of  all  possible  replies  silence! 
Besides,  what  sensible  Frenchman,  really  interested  in 
discovering  the  truth,  will  fail  to  recognize  in  the 
current  rumors  the  offspring  of  malignity  more  or 
less  interested  in  their  circulation? 

"  In  a  country  where  so  large  a  number  of  men  are 
well  aware  of  existing  facts,  and  are  able  to  judge 
of  those  which  do  not  exist,  if  any  one  imagines  that 
current  rumors  ought  to  cause  him  real  anxiety,  if  a 
credulous  confidence  in  them  influences  his  commercial 
enterprises  or  his  personal  interests,  either  his  error  is 
not  a  lasting  one,  or  he  must  lay  the  blame  on  his  own 
want  of  reflection. 

"  But  foreigners,  persons  attached  to  diplomatic 
missions,  not  having  the  same  means  of  judging,  nor 
the  same  knowledge  of  the  country,  are  often  deceived ; 
and,  although  for  a  long  time  past  they  have  had 
opportunities  of  observing  how  invariably  every  event 
gives  the  lie  to  current  gossip,  they  nevertheless  repeat 
it  in  foreign  countries,  and  thus  give  rise  to  most 
erroneous  notions  about  France.  We  therefore 
think  it  advisable  to  say  a  few  words  in  this  journal 
on  the  subject  of  political  gossip. 

"  It  is  said  that  the  Emperor  is  about  to  unite  the 
Italian  republic,  the  Ligurian  republic,  the  republic 
of  Lucca,  the  kingdom  of  Etruria,  the  Papal  States, 
and,  by  a  necessary  consequence,  Naples  and  Sicily, 
under  his  own  rule.  It  is  said  that  the  same  fate  is 
reserved  for  Switzerland  and  Holland.  It  is  said  that, 
by  annexing  Hanover,  the  Emperor  will  be  enabled  to 
become  a  member  of  the  Germanic  Confederation. 

"  Many  deductions  are  drawn  from  these  supposi- 
tions; and  the  first  we  remark  is  that  the  Pope  will 
abdicate,  and  that  Cardinal  Fesch  or  Cardinal  Ruffo 
will  be  raised  to  the  Pontifical  Throne. 

"  We  have  already  said,  and  we  repeat  it,  that  if  the 


272  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

influence  of  France  were  to  be  exerted  in  any  changes 
affecting  the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  it  would  be  exerted 
for  the  welfare  of  the  Holy  Father,  and  to  increase  the 
respect  due  to  the  Holy  See  and  its  possessions,  rather 
than  to  diminish  it. 

"  As  to  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  Mr.  Action's  aggres- 
sive action  and  his  constantly  hostile  policy  might  in 
former  times  have  afforded  France  a  legitimate  cause 
of  war,  which  she  would  never  have  undertaken  with 
the  intention  of  uniting  the  Two  Sicilies  to  the  French 
Empire. 

"  The  Italian  and  Ligurian  republics  and  the  king- 
dom of  Etruria  will  not  cease  to  exist  as  independent 
States,  and  it  is  surely  very  unlikely  that  the  Emperor 
would  disown  both  the  duties  attached  to  the  authority 
which  he  derives  from  the  comitia  of  Lyons,  and  the 
personal  glory  he  has  acquired  by  twice  restoring  to 
independence  the  States  which  twice  he  has  conquered. 

"  We  may  ask,  as  regards  Switzerland,  who  pre- 
vented its  annexation  to  France  before  the  Act  of 
Mediation?  This  Act,  the  immediate  result  of  care 
and  thought  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor,  has  restored 
tranquillity  to  those  peoples,  and  is  a  guarantee  of  their 
independence  and  security,  so  long  as  they  themselves 
do  not  destroy  this  guarantee  by  substituting  the  will 
of  one  of  their  constituent  corporations,  or  that  of  a 
party,  for  the  elements  of  which  it  is  composed. 

"  Had  France  desired  to  annex  Holland,  Holland 
would  now  be  French,  like  Belgium.  That  she  is  an 
independent  power  is  because  France  felt  with  regard 
to  that  country,  as  she  felt  in  the  case  of  Switzerland, 
that  the  localities  required  an  individual  existence  and 
a  particular  kind  of  organization. 

"  A  still  more  absurd  supposition  is  entertained 
respecting  Hanover.  The  annexation  of  that  province 
would  be  the  most  fatal  gift  that  could  be  made  to 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  273 

France,  and  no  lengthened  consideration  of  the  matter 
is  needed  in  order  to  perceive  this.  Hanover  would 
become  a  cause  of  rivalry  between  the  French  nation 
and  that  prince  who  was  the  ally  and  friend  of  France 
at  a  time  when  all  Europe  was  in  coalition  against  her. 
In  order  to  retain  Hanover,  it  would  be  necessary  to 
keep  up  a  military  force  at  a  cost  out  of  all  proportion 
to  the  few  millions  which  constitute  the  whole  of  the 
revenues  of  that  country.  Will  that  Government 
which  has  made  sacrifices  in  order  to  maintain  the 
principle  that  a  simple  and  continuous  frontier-line, 
even  as  far  as  the  fortifications  of  Strasbourg  and 
of  Mayence  on  the  right  bank,  is  necessary,  be  so 
short-sighted  as  to  wish  for  the  incorporation  of 
Hanover  ? 

"  But,  it  is  said,  the  advantage  of  belonging  to  the 
Germanic  Confederation  depends  on  the  possession  of 
Hanover.  The  mere  title  of  Emperor  of  the  French  is 
sufficient  answer  to  this  singular  idea.  The  Ger- 
manic Confederation  is  composed  of  kings,  electors, 
and  princes,  and  it  recognizes,  in  relation  to  itself,  but 
one  imperial  dignity.  It  would  be  to  misjudge  the 
noble  pride  of  our  country  to  suppose  she  would  ever 
consent  to  become  an  element  in  any  other  confedera- 
tion, even  had  such  a  thing  been  compatible  with 
national  dignity.  What  could  have  prevented  France 
from  maintaining  her  rights  in  the  circle  of  Burgundy, 
or  those  which  conferred  on  her  the  possession  of  the 
Palatinate?  We  may  even  ask,  with  pardonable  pride, 
who  was  it  that  prevented  France  from  keeping 
part  of  the  States  of  Baden  and  of  the  Swabian 
territory  ? 

"  No,  France  will  never  cross  the  Rhine !  Nor  will 
her  armies  pass  over  it,  unless  it  become  necessary  for 
her  to  protect  the  German  Empire  and  its  princes, 
who  inspire  an  interest  in  her  because  of  their  attach- 


274  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

ment  to  her,  and  their  value  in  the  balance  of  power  in 
Europe. 

"  If  these  are  simply  idle  rumors,  we  have  answered 
them  sufficiently.  If  they  owe  their  origin  to  the 
anxious  jealousy  of  foreign  Powers,  who  are  always 
crying  out  that  France  is  ambitious  in  order  to  cloak 
their  own  ambition,  there  is  another  answer  to  be 
made.  Owing  to  the  two  coalitions  successively 
entered  into  against  us,  and  to  the  treaties  of  Campo 
Formio  and  Luneville,  France  has  no  province  for  her 
neighbor  which  she  could  wish  to  annex;  and,  if  in 
the  past  she  has  displayed  an  example  of  moderation 
unexampled  in  modern  history,  the  result  is  an  advan- 
tage for  her,  inasmuch  as  she  need  not  henceforth  take 
up  arms. 

"Her  capital  is  in  the  center  of  her  Empire;  her 
frontiers  are  bounded  by  small  States  which  complete 
her  political  constitution ;  geographically  she  can  desire 
nothing  belonging  to  her  neighbors — she  is  therefore 
naturally  inimical  to  none;  and,  as  there  exists  in  her 
respect  neither  another  Finland,  nor  another  River 
Inn,  she  is  in  a  position  which  no  other  Power  enjoys. 

"  As  it  is  with  those  rumors  which  try  to  prove  that 
France  is  inordinately  ambitious,  so  it  is  with  others 
of  a  different  nature. 

"  Not  long  ago  rebellion  was  in  our  camps.  Two 
days  back  thirty  thousand  Frenchmen  had  refused  to 
embark  at  Boulogne;  yesterday  our  legions  were  at 
war  with  each  other,  ten  against  ten,  thirty  against 
thirty,  flag  against  flag.  Our  four  Rhenish  depart- 
ments were  informed  that  we  were  about  to  restore 
them  to  their  former  ruler.  To-day,  perhaps,  it  is 
said  that  the  public  treasury  is  empty,  that  the  public 
works  have  been  discontinued,  that  discord  prevails 
everywhere,  and  that  the  taxes  are  unpaid.  If  the 
Emperor  starts  for  the  camps,  it  will  be  said,  perhaps, 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  275 

that  he  is  hurrying  thither  to  restore  peace.  In  fact, 
whether  he  remains  at  Saint  Cloud,  or  goes  to  the 
Tuileries,  or  lives  at  Malmaison,  there  will  be  oppor- 
tunities for  absurd  reports. 

"  And  if  these  rumors,  simultaneously  spread  about 
in  foreign  countries,  were  intended  to  cause  alarm  on 
account  of  the  ambition  of  the  Emperor,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  encourage  any  unbecoming  and  mistaken 
acts,  by  leading  people  to  hope  that  his  Government  is 
weak,  we  can  but  repeat  the  words  that  a  Minister  was 
instructed  to  utter  on  leaving  a  certain  Court :  '  The 
Emperor  of  the  French  desires  war  with  no  one,  who- 
soever he  may  be;  he  dreads  war  with  no  one.  He 
does  not  meddle  with  his  neighbors'  business,  and  he 
has  a  right  to  similar  treatment.  He  has  always  man- 
ifested a  wish  for  a  durable  peace,  but  the  history  of 
his  life  does  not  justify  us  in  thinking  that  he  will 
suffer  himself  to  be  insulted  or  despised.' ' 

After  a  refreshing  sojourn  in  the  country,  I  came 
back  once  more  to  the  whirl  of  Court  life,  where  the 
fever  of  vanity  seemed  every  day  to  lay  stronger 
hold  of  us. 

The  Emperor  now  appointed  the  great  officers  of  the 
household.  General  Duroc  was  made  Grand  Marshal 
of  the  Palace;  Berthier,  Master  of  the  Hunt  (Grand 
Veneur}  ;  M.  de  Talleyrand,  Grand  Chamberlain ; 
Cardinal  Fesch,  High  Almoner;  M.  de  Caulaincourt, 
Grand  Equerry;  and  M.  de  Segus,  Grand  Master  of 
the  Ceremonies.  M.  de  Remusat  received  the  title  of 
First  Chamberlain.  He  ranked  immediately  next  to 
M.  de  Talleyrand,  who  would  be  chiefly  occupied  by 
foreign  affairs,  and  was  to  depute  my  husband  to  do 
the  greater  part  of  his  duties.  The  matter  was  thus 
arranged  at  first;  but  soon  after  the  Emperor 
appointed  Chamberlains  in  Ordinary.  Among  them 
were  the  Baron  de  Talleyrand  (a  nephew  of  the  Grand 


276  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

Chamberlain),  some  senators,  some  Belgian  gentle- 
men of  high  birth,  and,  a  little  later,  some  French 
gentlemen  also. 

With  these  began  little  emulations  as  to  precedence, 
and  discontent  on  account  of  distinctions  which  were 
withheld  from  them.  M.  de  Remusat  found  himself 
exposed  to  continual  envy,  and  as  it  were  at  war  with 
these  personages.  I  am  now  ashamed  when  I  recall 
the  annoyance  which  all  this  caused  me ;  but  whatever 
the  Court  in  which  one  lives — and  ours  had  become  a 
very  real  one — it  is  impossible  not  to  attach  importance 
to  the  trifles  of  which  it  is  composed.  An  honorable 
and  sensible  man  is  often  ashamed  in  his  own  eyes  of 
the  pleasure  or  annoyance  which  he  experiences  in  the 
profession  of  a  courtier,  and  yet  he  can  scarcely  avoid 
either  the  one  or  the  other.  A  ribbon,  a  slight  differ- 
ence in  dress,  permission  to  pass  through  a  particular 
door,  the  entree  to  such  or  such  a  salon — these  are  the 
pitiful  causes  of  a  constantly  recurring  vexation.  In 
vain  do  we  try  to  harden  ourselves  against  them.  The 
importance  in  which  they  are  held  by  a  great  number 
of  persons  obliges  us,  in  spite  of  ourselves,  to  prize 
them.  In  vain  do  sense  and  reason  rebel  against  such 
a  use  of  human  faculties ;  however  dissatisfied  we  may 
feel  with  ourselves,  we  must  needs  become  as  small- 
minded  as  everybody  else,  and  either  fly  the  Court 
altogether,  or  consent  to  take  seriously  all  the  follies 
that  fill  the  very  air  we  breathe. 

The  Emperor  added  to  the  difficulties  inseparable 
from  the  regulations  of  a  palace  those  of  his  own 
temper.  He  enforced  etiquette  with  the  strictness  of 
martial  law.  Ceremonies  were  gone  through  as  though 
by  beat  of  drum ;  everything  was  done  at  double-quick 
time;  and  the  perpetual  hurry,  the  constant  fear  that 
Bonaparte  inspired,  added  to  the  un familiarity  of  a 
good  half  of  his  courtiers  with  formalities  of  the 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  277 

kind,  rendered  the  Court  dull  rather  than  dignified. 
Every  countenance  wore  an  expression  of  uneasiness 
and  solicitude  in  the  midst  of  all  the  magnificence  with 
which  his  ostentatious  tastes  led  the  Emperor  to  sur- 
round himself. 

Mme.  de  la  Rochefoucauld,  who  was  the  Empress's 
cousin,  was  appointed  her  Lady  of  Honor,  and  Mme. 
de  la  Fayette  Lady  of  the  Bedchamber.  Twelve 
Ladies-in-Waiting  were  nominated,  and  by  degrees 
the  number  of  these  was  augmented.  Many  great 
ladies  from  different  parts  of  the  country  were  included 
in  the  list,  persons  who  were  much  surprised  at  finding 
themselves  in  each  other's  society.  Without  enter- 
ing into  any  details  here,  which  would  now  serve 
no  good  purpose,  I  may  mention  that  applications 
were  then  made  by  persons  who  now  affect  a  strict 
royalism,  hardly  compatible  with  the  opinions  they 
then  professed.  It  ought  to  be  frankly  admitted  that 
all  classes  wanted  to  have  their  share  of  these  new 
creations,  and  I  could  point  to  several  persons  who, 
after  having  blamed  me  because  I  came  to  the  First 
Consul's  Court  in  consequence  of  an  old  friendship, 
spared  no  efforts  on  their  own  part  to  obtain  places 
at  that  of  the  Emperor,  from  ambitious  motives. 

As  for  the  Empress,  she  was  delighted  to  find  her- 
self surrounded  by  a  numerous  suite,  and  one  so  grati- 
fying to  her  vanity.  The  victory  she  had  wron  over 
Mme.  de  la  Rochefoucauld  by  attaching  her  to  her 
person,  the  pleasure  of  reckoning  M.  d'Aubusson  de  la 
Feuillade  among  her  Chamberlains,  Mme.  d'Arberg 
de  Segur  and  the  Marechales  among  her  Ladies-in- 
Waiting,  intoxicated  her  a  little;  but  I  must  admit 
that  this  essentially  feminine  feeling  deprived  her  of 
none  of  her  accustomed  grace  and  kindliness.  The 
Empress  always  knew  perfectly  well  how  to  preserve 
the  supremacy  of  her  own  rank,  while  showing  polite 


278  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

deference  toward  those  men  or  women  who  added  to 
the  splendor  of  her  Court  by  their  personal  distinction. 

At  this  time  the  "  Ministry  of  General  Police  "  was 
reconstructed,  and  Fouche  was  once  more  placed  at 
its  head. 

The  1 8th  Brumaire  was  the  date  at  first  fixed  for 
the  coronation,  and  in  the  mean  time,  to  show  that  the 
revolutionary  epochs  were  not  to  be  disregarded,  the 
Emperor  repaired  in  great  pomp  to  the  Invalides  on 
the  I4th  of  July,  and,  after  having  heard  mass,  dis- 
tributed the  Cross  of  the  Legion  of  Honor  to  a  number 
of  persons  selected  from  all  classes  comprised  in  the 
Government,  the  army,  and  the  Court.  I  must  not 
omit  to  record  that  on  this  occasion  the  Empress 
looked  young  and  lovely  among  all  the  youthful  and 
handsome  women  by  whom  she  was  surrounded  for 
the  first  time  in  public.  Her  costume  was  admirably 
selected  and  in  perfect  taste.  The  ceremony  took  place 
under  burning  sunshine.  She  appeared  in  broad  day- 
light, attired  in  a  robe  of  rose-colored  tulle,  spangled 
with  silver  stars,  and  cut  very  low,  according  to  the 
fashion  of  the  day.  Her  headdress  consisted  of  a 
great  number  of  diamond  wheat-ears.  This  brilliant 
attire,  the  elegance  of  her  bearing,  the  charm  of  her 
smile,  the  sweetness  of  her  countenance,  produced 
such  an  effect,  that  I  heard  many  persons  who  were 
present  at  the  ceremony  say  that  the  Empress  outshone 
all  the  ladies  of  her  suite. 

A  few  days  afterward  the  Emperor  set  out  for  the 
camp  at  Boulogne,  and,  if  public  rumor  was  to  be 
believed,  the  English  began  to  feel  really  alarmed  at 
the  prospect  of  an  invasion. 

He  passed  more  than  a  month  in  inspecting  the 
coasts  and  reviewing  the  troops  in  the  various  camps. 
The  army  was  at  that  time  numerous,  flourishing,  and 
animated  by  the  best  spirit.  He  was  present  at  several 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  279 

engagements  between  the  vessels  which  were  block- 
ading us  and  our  flotillas,  which  by  this  time  had  a 
formidable  aspect. 

While  engaged  in  these  military  occupations,  he 
fixed,  by  several  decrees,  the  precedence  and  the  rank 
of  the  various  authorities  which  he  had  created;  for 
his  mind  embraced  every  topic  at  once.  He  had 
already  formed  a  private  intention  of  asking  the  Pope 
to  crown  him,  and,  in  order  to  carry  this  out,  he  neg- 
lected neither  that  address  by  which  he  might  amicably 
carry  his  point,  nor  certain  measures  by  which  he 
might  be  able  to  render  a  refusal  exceedingly  difficult. 
He  sent  the  Cross  of  the  Legion  of  Honor  to  Cardinal 
Caprara,  the  Pope's  legate,  and  accompanied  the  dis- 
tinction by  words  equally  flattering  to  the  Sovereign 
Pontiff  and  promising  for  the  reestablishment  of  reli- 
gion. These  fine  phrases  appeared  in  the  "  Moniteur." 
Nevertheless,  when  he  communicated  his  project  of 
confirming  his  elevation  by  so  solemn  a  religious 
ceremony  to  the  Council  of  State,  he  had  to  encounter 
determined  opposition  from  certain  of  his  councilors. 
Treilhard,  among  others,  resisted  the  proposal 
strongly.  The  Emperor  allowed  him  to  speak,  and 
then  replied :  "  You  do  not  know  the  ground  we  are 
standing  on  so  well  as  I  know  it.  Let  me  tell  you  that 
religion  has  lost  much  less  of  its  power  than  you  think. 
You  do  not  know  all  that  I  effect  by  means  of  the 
priests  whom  I  have  gained  over.  There  are  thirty 
departments  in  France  sufficiently  religious  to  make 
me  very  glad  that  I  am  not  obliged  to  dispute  with  the 
Pope  for  power  in  them.  It  is  only  by  committing 
every  other  authority  in  succession  to  mine  that  I  shall 
secure  my  own,  that  is  to  say,  the  authority  of  the 
Revolution,  which  we  all  wish  to  consolidate." 

While  the  Emperor  was  inspecting  the  ports,  the 
Empress  went  to  Aix-la-Chapelle  to  drink  the  waters. 


28o  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

She  was  accompanied  by  some  of  her  new  household, 
and  M.  de  Remusat  was  ordered  to  follow  her,  and 
to  await  the  Emperor,  who  was  to  rejoin  her  at  Aix. 
I  was  glad  of  this  respite.  I  could  not  disguise  from 
myself  that  so  many  newcomers  were  effacing  by 
degrees  her  first  estimate  of  my  value  to  her,  which 
had  owed  much  to  the  non-existence  of  comparisons; 
and,  although  I  was  yet  young  in  experience  of  the 
world,  I  felt  that  a  short  absence  would  be  useful, 
and  that  I  should  afterward  take,  if  not  the  first  place, 
that  of  my  choice,  and  hold  it  throughout  securely. 

Mme.  de  la  Rochefoucauld,  who  attended  the  Em- 
press, was  then  a  woman  of  between  thirty-six  and 
forty  years  old,  short  and  ill-made,  with  a  striking 
countenance,  but  only  ordinary  abilities.  She  had  a 
great  deal  of  assurance,  like  most  plain  women  who 
have  had  some  success  notwithstanding  their  defects. 
She  was  very  lively,  and  not  at  all  ill-natured.  She 
proclaimed  her  adherence  to  all  the  opinions  of  those 
who  were  called  "  aristocrats "  by  the  Revolution ; 
and,  as  she  would  have  been  puzzled  to  reconcile  those 
views  with  her  present  position,  she  made  up  her 
mind  to  laugh  at  them,  and  would  jest  about  herself 
with  the  utmost  good  humor.  The  Emperor  liked 
her  because  she  was  quick,  frivolous,  and  incapable 
of  scheming.  Indeed,  no  Court  in  which  women  were 
so  numerous  ever  offered  less  opportunity  for  any 
kind  of  intrigue.  Affairs  of  state  were  absolutely 
confined  to  the  cabinet  of  the  Emperor  only ;  we  were 
ignorant  of  them,  and  we  knew  that  nobody  could  med- 
dle with  them.  The  few  persons  in  whom  the  Emperor 
confided  were  wholly  devoted  to  the  execution  of  his 
will,  and  absolutely  unapproachable.  Duroc,  Savary, 
and  Maret  never  allowed  an  unnecessary  word  to  escape 
them,  confining  themselves  strictly  to  communicating 
to  us  without  delay  such  orders  as  they  received.  We 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  281 

were  in  their  sight  and  in  our  own  mere  machines, 
simply  and  solely  doing  those  things  which  we  were 
ordered  to  do,  and  of  about  as  much  importance  as 
the  elegant  articles  of  new  furniture  with  which  the 
palaces  of  the  Tuileries  and  Saint  Cloud  were  now 
profusely  adorned. 

I  remarked  at  this  time,  with  some  amusement, 
that,  as  by  degrees  the  grands  seigneurs  of  former 
days  came  to  Court,  they  all  experienced,  no  matter 
how  widely  their  characters  differed,  a  certain  sense 
of  disappointment  curious  to  observe.  When  at  first 
they  once  more  breathed  the  air  of  palaces,  found 
themselves  again  among  their  former  associates  and  in 
the  atmosphere  of  their  youth,  beheld  anew  decora- 
tions, throne-rooms,  and  Court  costumes,  and  heard 
the  forms  of  speech  habitual  in  royal  dwellings,  they 
yielded  to  the  delightful  illusion.  They  fondly 
believed  that  they  might  conduct  themselves  as  they 
had  been  accustomed  to  do  in  those  same  palaces, 
where  all  but  the  master  remained  unchanged.  But  a 
harsh  word,  a  peremptory  order,  the  pressure  of  an 
arbitrary  will,  soon  reminded  them  roughly  that  every- 
thing was  new  in  this  unique  Court.  Then  it  was 
strange  to  see  how,  despite  all  their  efforts,  they  lost 
their  presence  of  mind,  feeling  the  ground  uncertain 
under  their  feet,  and  became  constrained  and  uneasy 
in  all  their  futile  little  ways.  They  were  too  vain  or 
too  weak  to  substitute  a  grave  bearing,  unlike  the 
manners  of  their  past,  for  their  former  customs,  and 
they  did  not  know  what  course  to  adopt.  The  arts  of 
the  courtier  availed  nothing  with  Bonaparte,  and  so 
profited  them  not  at  all.  It  was  not  safe  to  remain  a 
man  in  his  presence — that  is  to  say,  to  preserve  the 
use  of  one's  intellectual  faculties;  it  was  easier  and 
quicker  for  everybody,  or  nearly  everybody,  to  assume 
the  attitude  of  servility.  If  I  chose,  I  could  tell  exactly 


282  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

the  individuals  to  whom  such  a  course  came  most 
readily;  but,  if  I  were  to  go  more  at  length  into  this 
subject,  I  should  give  my  Memoirs  the  color  of  a 
satire,  which  is  neither  according  to  my  taste  nor  my 
intention. 

While  the  Emperor  was  at  Boulogne,  he  sent  his 
brother  Joseph  to  Paris,  where  all  the  governing 
bodies  presented  addresses  to  him  and  his  wife.  Thus, 
he  assigned  each  person  his  own  place,  and  dictated 
supremacy  to  some  and  servitude  to  others.  On  the 
3d  of  September  he  rejoined  his  wife  at  Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle,  and  remained  there  some  days,  holding  a  bril- 
liant Court  and  receiving  the  German  Princes.  Dur- 
ing this  sojourn,  M.  de  Remusat  was  directed  to  send 
to  Paris  for  the  company  of  the  second  theatre,  then 
managed  by  Picard,  and  several  fetes  were  given  to 
the  Electors,  which,  although  they  did  not  approach 
the  magnificence  of  later  occasions,  were  very  splendid. 
The  Elector  Arch-Chancellor  of  the  German  Empire 
and  the  Elector  of  Baden  paid  assiduous  court  to  our 
sovereigns.  The  Emperor  and  Empress  visited 
Cologne,  and  ascended  the  Rhine  as  far  as  Mayence, 
where  they  were  met  by  a  crowd  of  princes  and  dis- 
tinguished foreigners.  This  excursion  lasted  until  the 
month  of  October. 

On  the  1 4th  Mme.  Louis  Bonaparte  gave  birth  to  a 
second  son.  Bonaparte  arrived  in  Paris  a  few  days 
later.  This  event  was  a  great  source  of  happiness  to 
the  Empress.  She  believed  that  it  would  have  a  most 
favorable  effect  upon  her  future,  and  yet  at  that  very 
moment  a  new  plot  was  being  formed  against  her, 
which  she  only  succeeded  in  defeating  after  much 
effort  and  mental  suffering. 

Ever  since  we  had  learned  that  the  Pope  would  come 
to  Paris  for  the  coronation  of  the  Emperor,  the  Bona- 
parte family  had  been  exceedingly  anxious  to  prevent 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  283 

Mme.  Bonaparte  from  having  a  personal  share  in  the 
ceremony.  The  jealousy  of  our  Princesses  was 
strongly  excited  on  this  point  It  seemed  to  them  that 
such  an  honor  would  place  too  great  a  distance  between 
themselves  and  their  sister-in-law,  and,  besides,  dislike 
needs  no  motive  of  interest  personal  to  itself  to  make 
anything  which  is  a  gratification  to  its  object  distaste- 
ful. The  Empress  ardently  longed  for  her  coronation, 
which  she  believed  would  establish  her  rank  and  her 
security,  and  the  silence  of  her  husband  alarmed  her. 
He  appeared  to  be  hesitating,  and  Joseph  spared  no 
argument  to  induce  him  to  make  his  wife  merely  a 
witness  of  the  ceremony.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to 
revive  the  question  of  the  divorce,  advising  Bonaparte 
to  profit  by  the  approaching  event  to  decide  upon  it. 
He  pointed  out  the  advantage  of  an  alliance  with  some 
foreign  princess,  or  at  least  with  the  heiress  of  a  great 
name  in  France,  and  cleverly  held  out  the  hope  that 
such  a  marriage  would  give  him  of  having  a  direct 
heir;  and  he  spoke  with  all  the  more  chance  of  being 
listened  to,  because  he  insisted  strongly  on  the  personal 
disinterestedness  of  advice  which,  if  taken,  might 
remove  himself  from  all  chance  of  the  succession. 
The  Emperor,  incessantly  harassed  by  his  family, 
appeared  to  be  impressed  by  his  brother's  arguments, 
and  a  few  words  which  escaped  him  threw  his  wife 
into  extreme  distress.  Her  former  habit  of  confiding 
all  her  troubles  to  me  now  led  her  to  restore  me  to  her 
confidence.  I  was  exceedingly  puzzled  how  to  advise 
her,  and  not  a  little  afraid  of  committing  myself  in  so 
serious  a  matter.  An  unexpected  incident  was  near 
bringing  about  the  very  thing  which  we  dreaded. 

For  some  time  Mme.  Bonaparte  had  perceived  an 
increase  of  intimacy  between  her  husband  and  Mme. 

de .    In  vain  did  I  entreat  her  not  to  furnish  the 

Emperor  with  a  pretext  for  a  quarrel,  which  would 


284  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

be  made  use  of  against  her.  She  was  too  full  of  her 
grievance  to  be  prudent,  and,  in  spite  of  my  warning, 
she  watched  for  an  opportunity  of  confirming  her 
suspicions.  At  Saint  Cloud  the  Emperor  occupied  the 
apartment  which  opens  upon  the  garden,  and  is  on 
the  same  level.  Above  this  apartment  was  a  small 
suite  of  rooms  communicating  with  his  own  by  a  back 
staircase,  which  he  had  recently  had  furnished,  and  the 
Empress  strongly  suspected  the  purpose  of  this  myste- 
rious retreat.  One  morning,  when  there  were  several 
persons  in  her  drawing-room,  the  Empress,  seeing 

Mme.  de (who  was  then  resident  at  Saint  Cloud) 

leave  the  room,  suddenly  rose  a  few  minutes  after- 
ward, and,  taking  me  apart  into  a  window,  said :  "  I 
am  going  to  clear  up  my  doubts  this  very  moment; 
stay  here  with  all  these  people,  and,  if  you  are  asked 
where  I  have  gone,  say  that  the  Emperor  sent  for 
me."  I  tried  to  restrain  her,  but  she  was  quite  un- 
governable, and  would  not  listen  to  me.  She  went 
out  at  the  same  moment,  and  I  remained,  excessively 
apprehensive  of  what  might  be  going  to  happen.  In 
about  half  an  hour  the  Empress  reentered  the  room 
by  the  opposite  door.  She  seemed  exceedingly  agi- 
tated, and  almost  unable  to  control  herself,  but  took 
her  seat  before  an  embroidery  frame.  I  remained  at  a 
distance  from  her,  apparently  occupied  by  my  needle- 
work, and  avoiding  her  eye ;  but  I  could  easily  perceive 
her  agitation  by  the  abruptness  of  all  her  movements, 
which  were  generally  slow  and  soft.  At  last,  as  she 
was  incapable  of  keeping  silence  under  strong  emo- 
tion of  any  kind,  she  could  no  longer  endure  this 
constraint,  and,  calling  to  me  in  a  loud  voice,  she 
bade  me  follow  her.  When  we  had  reached  her  bed- 
room, she  said :  "  All  is  lost.  It  is  but  too  true.  I 
went  to  look  for  the  Emperor  in  his  cabinet,  and  he 
was  not  there;  then  I  went  up  the  back  stairs  into 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  285 

the  upper  room.     I  found  the  door  shut,  but  I  could 

hear  Bonaparte's  voice,  and  also  that  of  Mme.  de . 

I  knocked  loudly  at  the  door,  and  called  out  that  I 
was  there.  You  may  imagine  the  start  I  gave  them. 
It  was  some  time  before  the  door  was  opened,  and 
when  at  last  I  was  admitted,  though  I  know  I  ought 
to  have  been  able  to  control  myself,  it  was  impossible, 

and  I  reproached  them  bitterly.    Mme.  de began 

to  cry,  and  Bonaparte  flew  into  so  violent  a  passion 
that  I  had  hardly  time  to  fly  before  him  and  escape  his 
rage.  I  am  still  trembling  at  the  thought  of  it;  I  did 
not  know  to  what  excess  his  anger  might  have  gone. 
No  doubt  he  will  soon  come  here,  and  I  may  expect  a 
terrible  scene."  The  emotion  of  the  Empress  moved 
me  deeply.  "  Do  not,"  said  I,  "  commit  a  second 
fault,  for  the  Emperor  will  never  forgive  you  for 
having  admitted  any  one,  no  matter  whom,  to  your 
confidence.  Let  me  leave  you,  Madame.  You  must 
wait  for  him;  let  him  find  you  alone."  I  returned  at 
once  to  the  drawing-room,  where  I  found  Mme. 
de .  She  glanced  at  me  nervously;  she  was  ex- 
tremely pale,  talked  almost  incoherently,  and  tried 
hard  to  find  out  whether  I  knew  what  had  passed.  I 
resumed  my  work  as  tranquilly  as  I  could,  but  I  think 

Mme.  de ,  having  seen  me  leave  the  room,  must 

have  known  that  the  Empress  had  told  me.  Every 
one  was  looking  at  every  one  else  and  nobody  could 
make  out  what  was  happening. 

A  few  minutes  afterward  we  heard  a  great  noise  in 
the  apartment  of  the  Empress,  and  of  course  I  knew 
that  the  Emperor  was  there,  and  that  a  violent  quarrel 
was  taking  place.  Mme.  de called  for  her  car- 
riage, and  at  once  left  for  Paris.  This  sudden  depart- 
ure was  not  likely  to  mend  matters.  I  was  to  go  to 
Paris  in  the  evening.  Before  I  left  Saint  Cloud  the 
Empress  sent  for  me,  and  told  me,  with  many  tears, 


286  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

that  Bonaparte,  after  having  insulted  her  in  every 
possible  way,  and  smashed  some  of  the  furniture  in 
his  rage,  had  signified  to  her  that  she  was  at  once  to 
quit  Saint  Cloud.  He  declared  that,  weary  of  her 
jealous  spying,  he  was  determined  to  shake  off  such  a 
yoke,  and  to  listen  henceforth  only  to  the  counsels  of 
his  policy,  which  demanded  that  he  should  take  a  wife 
capable  of  giving  him  children.  She  added  that  he 
had  sent  orders  to  Eugene  de  Beauharnais  to  come  to 
Saint  Cloud  in  order  to  make  arrangements  for  the 
departure  of  his  mother,  and  she  added  that  she  was 
now  lost  beyond  redemption.  She  then  directed  me 
to  go  and  see  her  daughter  in  Paris  on  the  following 
day,  and  to  inform  her  exactly  of  all  that  had  occurred. 

Accordingly,  I  went  to  Mme.  Louis  Bonaparte.  She 
had  just  seen  her  brother,  who  had  come  from  Saint 
Cloud.  The  Emperor  had  signified  to  him  his  resolu- 
tion to  divorce  his  wife,  and  Eugene  had  received  the 
communication  with  his  accustomed  submission,  but 
refused  all  the  personal  favors  which  were  offered  to 
him  as  a  consolation,  declaring  that  from  the  moment 
such  a  misfortune  should  fall  upon  his  mother  he 
would  accept  nothing,  but  that  he  would  follow  her 
to  any  retreat  which  might  be  assigned  to  her,  were 
it  even  at  Martinique,  as  he  was  resolved  to  sacrifice 
all  to  her  great  need  of  comfort.  Bonaparte  had 
appeared  to  be  deeply  impressed  by  this  generous 
resolution;  he  had  listened  to  all  that  Eugene  said  in 
unbroken  silence. 

I  found  Mme.  Louis  less  affected  by  this  event  than 
I  expected.  "  I  can  not  interfere  in  any  way,"  she 
said.  "  My  husband  has  positively  forbidden  me  to  do 
so.  My  mother  has  been  very  imprudent.  She  is 
about  to  forfeit  a  crown,  but,  at  any  rate,  she  will 
have  peace.  Ah !  believe  me,  there  are  women  more 
unhappy  than  she."  She  spoke  with  such  profound 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  287 

sadness  that  I  could  not  fail  to  read  her  thoughts; 
but,  as  she  never  allowed  a  word  to  be  said  about  her 
own  personal  position,  I  did  not  venture  to  reply  in 
such  a  way  as  would  make  it  evident  that  I  had  under- 
stood her.  "  And,  besides,"  said  she  in  conclusion,  "  if 
there  be  any  chance  at  all  of  setting  this  matter  right, 
it  is  the  influence  of  my  mother's  tears  and  her  gentle- 
ness over  Bonaparte.  Believe  me,  it  is  better  to  leave 
them  to  themselves — not  to  interfere  at  all  between 
them ;  and  I  strongly  advise  you  not  to  return  to  Saint 

Cloud,  especially  as  Mme.  N has  mentioned  you, 

and  believes  that  you  would  give  hostile  advice." 

I  remained  away  from  Saint  Cloud  for  two  days, 
in  accordance  with  the  advice  of  Mme.  Louis  Bona- 
parte; but  on  the  third  I  rejoined  my  Empress,  con- 
cerning whom  I  felt  the  deepest  solicitude.  I  found 
her  relieved  from  one  pressing  trouble.  Her  sub- 
mission and  her  tears  had,  in  fact,  disarmed  Bona- 
parte; his  anger  and  its  cause  were  no  longer  in 
question.  A  tender  reconciliation  had  taken  place 
between  them;  but,  immediately  afterward,  the  Em- 
peror had  thrown  his  wife  into  fresh  agitation  by 
letting  her  see  that  he  was  seriously  entertaining  the 
idea  of  a  divorce.  "  I  have  not  the  courage,"  he  said 
to  her,  "  to  come  to  a  final  resolution ;  and  if  you  let 
me  see  that  you  are  too  deeply  afflicted — if  you  can 
render  me  obedience  only — I  feel  that  I  shall  never 
have  the  strength  to  oblige  you  to  leave  me.  I  tell 
you  plainly,  however,  that  it  is  my  earnest  desire  that 
you  should  resign  yourself  to  the  interests  of  my 
policy,  and  yourself  spare  me  all  the  difficulties  of  this 
painful  separation."  The  Empress  told  me  that  he 
wept  bitterly  while  uttering  these  terrible  words.  I 
remember  well  how,  as  I  listened  to  her,  I  conceived 
in  my  mind  the  plan  of  a  great  and  generous  sacrifice 
which  she  might  make  to  France. 


288  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

Believing,  as  I  then  believed,  that  the  fate  of  the 
nation  was  irrevocably  united  with  that  of  Napoleon, 
I  thought  there  would  be  true  greatness  of  soul  in 
devoting  one's  self  to  all  that  might  secure  and  confirm 
that  destiny.  I  thought,  had  I  been  the  woman  to 
whom  such  a  representation  had  been  made,  that  I 
should  have  had  courage  to  abandon  the  brilliant 
position  which,  after  all,  was  grudged  to  me,  and 
retire  into  a  peaceful  solitude,  satisfied  with  the  sacri- 
fice that  I  had  made.  But,  when  I  saw  in  Mme.  Bona- 
parte's face  what  suffering  the  Emperor's  words  had 
caused  her,  I  remembered  that  my  mother  had  once 
said  that  advice  to  be  useful  must  be  adapted  to  the 
character  of  the  person  to  whom  it  is  offered,  and  I 
refrained  from  uttering  the  lofty  sentiments  of  which 
my  mind  was  full.  I  bethought  me  in  time  of  the 
dread  with  which  the  Empress  would  contemplate 
retirement,  of  her  taste  for  luxury  and  display,  and  of 
the  devouring  ennui  to  which  she  would  inevitably  fall 
a  prey  when  she  had  broken  with  the  world;  and  I 
confined  myself  to  saying  that  I  saw  only  two  alter- 
natives for  her.  The  first  of  these  was  to  sacrifice 
herself  bravely  and  with  dignity;  in  which  case  she 
ought  to  go  to  Malmaison  on  the  following  morning, 
and  thence  to  write  to  the  Emperor,  declaring  that 
she  restored  his  freedom  to  him;  or  to  remain  where 
she  was,  acknowledging  herself  to  be  unable  to  decide 
upon  her  own  fate,  and,  though  always  ready  to  obey, 
positively  determined  to  await  his  direct  orders  before 
she  should  descend  from  the  throne  on  which  he  had 
placed  her. 

She  adopted  the  second  alternative.  Assuming  the 
attitude  of  a  resigned  and  submissive  victim,  she  ex- 
cited the  jealous  anger  of  all  the  Bonapartes  by  her 
gentle  demeanor.  Yielding,  sad,  considerate  of  every- 
body, entirely  obedient,  but  also  skillful  in  availing 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  289 

herself  of  her  ascendency  over  her  husband,  she 
reduced  him  to  a  condition  of  agitation  and  indecision 
from  which  he  could  not  escape. 

At  length,  one  memorable  evening,  after  long  hesi- 
tation, during  which  the  Empress  suffered  mortal 
anguish  and  suspense,  the  Emperor  told  her  that  the 
Pope  was  about  to  arrive  in  Paris,  that  he  would 
crown  them  both,  and  that  she  had  better  at  once 
begin  to  prepare  for  the  great  ceremony.  It  is  easy  to 
picture  to  one's  fancy  the  joy  with  which  such  a  termi- 
nation to  all  her  misery  filled  the  heart  of  the  Empress, 
and  also  the  discomfiture  of  the  Bonapartes,  especially 
Joseph;  for  the  Emperor  had  not  failed  to  acquaint 
his  wife,  according  to  his  usual  custom,  with  the 
attempts  that  had  been  made  to  induce  him  to  decide 
on  a  divorce,  and  it  is  only  reasonable  to  suppose  that 
these  revelations  increased  the  ill  feeling  already 
existing  on  both  sides. 

On  this  occasion  the  Empress  confided  to  me  the 
ardent  desire  she  had  long  felt  to  have  her  marriage, 
which  had  been  civilly  contracted,  confirmed  by  a 
religious  ceremony.  She  said  that  she  had  sometimes 
spoken  of  this  to  the  Emperor,  and  that,  although  he 
had  not  evinced  any  repugnance,  he  had  objected 
that,  even  if  a  priest  were  brought  into  the  palace  to 
perform  the  religious  rite,  it  could  not  be  done  with 
sufficient  secrecy  to  conceal  the  fact  that  until  then 
they  had  not  been  married  according  to  the  Church. 
Either  that  was  his  real  reason,  or  he  wanted  to  hold 
this  means  of  breaking  his  marriage  in  reserve  for 
future  use,  should  he  consider  it  really  advisable  to  do 
so;  at  any  rate,  he  had  rejected  his  wife's  pleading 
firmly,  but  mildly.  She  therefore  determined  to  await 
the  arrival  of  the  Pope,  being  persuaded,  very  reason- 
ably, that  his  Holiness  would  espouse  her  interests  on 
such  a  point. 


290  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

The  entire  Court  was  now  occupied  in  preparations 
for  the  ceremony  of  the  coronation.  The  Empress 
was  continually  surrounded  by  all  the  best  artists  in 
millinery  in  Paris,  and  the  venders  of  the  most  fash- 
ionable wares.  With  their  assistance  she  decided  on 
the  new  form  of  Court  dress,  and  on  her  own  costume. 
As  may  be  supposed,  there  was  no  thought  of 
resuming  the  hoop  worn  under  the  old  regime;  it  was 
merely  proposed  that  to  our  ordinary  garments  the 
long  mantle  (which  was  still  worn  after  the  return  of 
the  King)  should  be  added,  and  also  a  very  becoming 
ruff  of  blonde,  which  was  attached  to  the  shoulders 
and  came  high  up  at  the  back  of  the  head,  as  we  see 
it  in  portraits  of  Catherine  de'  Medici.  The  use  of 
this  ruff  was  afterward  discontinued,  although  it  was, 
in  my  opinion,  very  pretty,  and  lent  dignity  and  grace 
to  the  whole  costume.  The  Empress  already  pos- 
sessed diamonds  of  considerable  value,  but  the  Em- 
peror not  only  made  costly  additions  to  her  jewel-case, 
but  also  placed  the  diamonds  belonging  to  the  national 
treasury  in  her  hands,  and  desired  that  she  should 
wear  them  on  the  great  day.  A  diadem  of  brilliants, 
above  which  the  Emperor  was  with  his  own  hands 
to  place  the  closed  crown  upon  her  head,  was  made 
for  her,  and  the  ceremony  was  privately  rehearsed. 
David,  who  afterward  painted  the  great  picture  of 
the  coronation  of  the  Emperor  and  Empress,  attended 
these  rehearsals,  and  arranged  the  positions  of  each. 
The  coronation  of  the  Emperor  had  been  eagerly  dis- 
cussed. The  first  idea  was  that  the  Pope  should  place 
the  diadem  upon  the  head  of  the  Emperor;  but  Bona- 
parte refused  to  receive  the  crown  from  any  hand  but 
his  own,  and  uttered  on  that  occasion  the  sentence 
which  Mme.  de  Stael  has  quoted  in  her  work :  "  I 
found  the  crown  of  France  upon  the  ground,  and  I 
picked  it  up." 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  291 

At  length,  after  a  great  deal  of  discussion,  it  was 
arranged  that  the  Emperor  was  to  crown  himself, 
and  that  the  Pope  should  only  give  his  benediction. 
Everything  was  done  to  make  the  fetes  brilliant  and 
popular,  and  people  began  to  flock  into  Paris.  Con- 
siderable bodies  of  troops  were  ordered  up  to  the 
capital;  all  the  chief  authorities  of  the  provinces  were 
invited;  the  Arch-Chancellor  of  the  German  Empire 
and  a  great  number  of  foreigners  arrived.  Party 
spirit  slumbered  for  the  time  being,  and  the  whole 
city  gave  itself  up  to  the  excitement  and  curiosity  of 
so  novel  an  incident,  and  a  spectacle  which  would 
doubtless  be  magnificent.  The  shopkeepers  drove  a 
thriving  trade;  workmen  of  all  kinds  were  employed, 
and  rejoiced  in  the  occasion  that  procured  them  such 
a  stroke  of  luck;  the  population  of  the  city  seemed  to 
be  doubled;  commerce,  public  establishments,  and 
theatres  all  profited  by  the  occasion,  and  all  was  bustle 
and  activity. 

The  poets  were  requested  to  celebrate  this  great 
event.  Chenier  was  ordered  to  compose  a  tragedy  for 
the  perpetual  commemoration  of  it,  and  he  took  CyruS 
for  his  hero.  The  Opera  was  to  give  splendid  ballets. 
To  us  dwellers  in  the  palace  money  was  given  for 
our  expenses,  and  the  Empress  presented  each  of  her 
Ladies-in-Waiting  with  handsome  diamond  orna- 
ments. The  Court  dress  of  the  gentlemen  about  the 
Emperor  was  also  regulated.  This  becoming  costume 
consisted  of  the  French  coat,  in  different  colors  for 
those  who  belonged  to  the  department  of  the  Grand 
Marshal,  the  Grand  Chamberlain,  and  the  Grand 
Equerry  respectively;  silver  embroidery  for  all;  a 
cloak  of  velvet  lined  with  satin,  worn  over  one  shoul- 
der; a  sash,  a  lace  cravat,  and  a  hat  turned  up  in 
front,  with  a  white  plume.  The  Princes  were  to  wear 
white  coats  embroidered  in  void;  the  Emperor  was 

Vol.  9  J — Memoirs 


292  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

to  wear  a  long  robe  somewhat  resembling  that  worn 
by  our  kings,  a  mantle  of  purple  velvet  sewn  with 
golden  bees,  and  his  crown,  a  golden  wreath  of  laurels 
like  that  of  the  Caesars. 

It  seems  like  a  dream,  or  a  story  from  the  "  Arabian 
Nights,"  when  I  recall  the  luxury  that  was  displayed 
at  that  period,  the  perpetual  disputes  about  precedence, 
the  claims  of  rank,  and  all  the  demands  made  by  every- 
body. The  Emperor  directed  that  the  Princesses 
should  carry  the  Empress's  mantle;  there  was  the 
greatest  difficulty  in  inducing  them  to  consent  to  do 
this;  and  I  remember  well  that,  when  at  last  they  did 
consent,  they  performed  their  office  with  so  ill  a  grace 
that  the  Empress,  overpowered  by  the  weight  of  her 
magnificent  robe,  could  hardly  walk,  for  they  would 
scarcely  lift  the  folds  off  the  ground.  They  obtained 
permission  to  have  their  own  trains  borne  by  their 
respective  chamberlains,  and  this  distinction  somewhat 
consoled  them  for  the  obligation  that  was  imposed 
upon  them. 

In  the  mean  time  we  learned  that  the  Pope  had  left 
Rome  on  the  2d  of  November.  The  slowness  of  his 
journey  and  the  vast  scale  of  the  preparations  ren- 
dered it  necessary  to  put  off  the  coronation  until  the 
2d  of  December;  and  on  the  24th  of  November  the 
Court  went  to  Fontainebleau  to  receive  his  Holiness, 
who  arrived  there  on  the  following  day. 

Before  I  close  this  chapter,  I  wish  to  mention  a 
circumstance  which  ought,  it  seems  to  me,  to  be  re- 
corded. The  Emperor  had  for  the  moment  relin- 
quished the  idea  of  a  divorce,  but,  being  still  extremely 
anxious  to  have  an  heir,  he  asked  his  wife  whether 
she  would  consent  to  acknowledge  a  child  of  his  as 
her  own,  and  to  feign  pregnancy,  so  that  every  one 
should  be  deceived.  She  consented  to  accede  to  any 
wish  of  his  on  this  point.  Then  Bonaparte  sent  for 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  293 

Corvisart,  his  chief  physician,  in  whom  he  had  well- 
merited  confidence,  and  confided  his  plan  to  him.  "  If 
I  succeed,"  said  he,  "  in  making  sure  of  the  birth  of  a 
boy  who  shall  be  my  own  son,  I  want  you,  as  a  witness 
of  the  pretended  confinement  of  the  Empress,  to  do  all 
that  would  be  necessary  to  give  the  device  every 
appearance  of  reality."  Corvisart,  who  felt  that  his 
honor  and  probity  were  injured  by  the  mere  proposi- 
tion, refused  to  do  what  the  Emperor  required  of 
him,  but  promised  inviolable  secrecy.  It  was  not  until 
long  afterward,  and  since  Bonaparte's  second  mar- 
riage, that  he  confided  this  fact  to  me,  while  at  the 
same  time  he  affirmed  in  the  strongest  terms  the  legiti- 
mate birth  of  the  King  of  Rome,  concerning  which 
some  entirely  unfounded  doubts  had  been  raised. 


CHAPTER    X 

THE  Pope  was  probably  induced  to  come  to 
France  solely  by  the  representations  which 
were  made  to  him  of  advantages  and  conces- 
sions to  be  gained  by  such  a  gracious  act.  He  arrived 
at  Fontainebleau  with  the  intention  of  lending  him- 
self to  all  that  might  be  required  of  him,  within  legit- 
imate bounds;  and,  notwithstanding  the  superiority 
on  which  the  conqueror  who  had  forced  him  to  take 
this  unheard-of  step  plumed  himself,  and  the  small 
respect  in  which  the  Court  held  a  sovereign  who  did 
not  reckon  the  sword  among  the  insignia  of  his  roy- 
alty, he  impressed  everybody  by  his  dignity  and  the 
gravity  of  his  bearing. 

The  Emperor  went  to  meet  him  at  a  few  leagues' 
distance  from  the  chateau,  and,  when  the  carriages 
met,  he  alighted,  as  did  his  Holiness  also.  The  Pope 
and  the  Emperor  embraced,  and  then  got  into  the 
same  carriage,  the  Emperor  entering  first,  in  order,  as 
the  "  Moniteur  "  of  the  day  explained,  to  give  the 
Pope  the  right-hand  seat,  and  so  they  came  to  the 
palace. 

The  Pope  arrived  on  Sunday,  at  noon;  and  having 
rested  for  a  while  in  his  own  apartment,  to  which  he 
was  conducted  by  the  Grand  Chamberlain  (i.  e.,  M. 
de  Talleyrand),  the  Grand  Marshal,  and  the  Grand 
Master  of  Ceremonies,  he  visited  the  Emperor,  who 
met  him  outside  the  door  of  his  cabinet,  and,  after  an 
interview  of  half  an  hour's  duration,  reconducted  him 

294 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  295 

to  the  great  hall,  which  was  then  called  "  The  Hall  of 
the  Great  Officers."  The  Empress  had  received  in- 
structions to  place  the  Pope  at  her  right  hand. 

After  these  visits,  Prince  Louis,  the  Ministers,  the 
Arch-Chancellor,  the  Arch-Treasurer,  Cardinal  Fesch, 
and  the  great  officers  then  at  Fontainebleau,  were  pre- 
sented to  the  Pope,  who  received  them  all  most  gra- 
ciously. He  afterward  dined  with  the  Emperor  and 
retired  early. 

The  Pope  was  at  this  time  sixty-two  years  of  age, 
tall  and  upright  of  figure,  and  with  a  handsome, 
grave,  benevolent  face.  He  was  attended  by  a  numer- 
ous suite  of  Italian  priests — anything  but  impressive 
personages,  whose  rough,  noisy,  and  vulgar  manners 
contrasted  strangely  with  the  grave  good  breeding  of 
the  French  clergy.  The  Palace  of  Fontainebleau 
presented  a  strange  spectacle  just  then,  inhabited  as 
it  was  by  so  extraordinary  a  medley  of  persons — 
sovereigns,  princes,  military  officers,  priests,  women, 
all  gathered  together  in  the  different  salons  at  the  pre- 
scribed hours.  On  the  day  after  his  arrival,  his  Holi- 
ness received  all  those  persons  belonging  to  the  Court 
who  desired  that  honor,  in  his  own  apartment.  We 
had  the  privilege  of  kissing  his  hand  and  receiving 
his  blessing.  His  presence  in  such  a  place,  and  on  so 
great  an  occasion,  affected  me  very  deeply. 

After  these  receptions,  visits  were  again  inter- 
changed between  the  sovereigns.  On  the  occasion  of 
her  second  interview  with  the  Pope,  the  Empress  car- 
ried out  the  intention  she  had  secretly  formed,  and 
confided  to  him  that  her  marriage  had  been  a  civil 
ceremony  only.  His  Holiness,  after  having  com- 
mended her  for  the  good  use  she  made  of  her  power, 
and  addressing  her  as  "  My  daughter,"  promised  her 
that  he  would  require  of  the  Emperor  that  his  coro- 
nation should  be  preceded  by  the  ceremony  necessary 


296  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

to  legitimize  his  marriage  with  her;  and,  in  fact,  the 
Emperor  was  obliged  to  consent  to  this.  On  their 
return  to  Paris  Cardinal  Fesch  married  Bonaparte  to 
Josephine,  as  I  shall  presently  relate. 

On  the  Monday  evening  a  concert  was  to  take  place 
in  the  apartments  of  the  Empress.  The  Pope,  how- 
ever, declined  to  be  present,  and  retired  just  as  the 
entertainment  was  about  to  begin. 

At  this  time  the  Emperor  took  a  fancy  to  Mme.  de 

X ,  and  whether  it  was  that  his  budding  passion 

had  inspired  him  with  a  wish  to  please,  or  that  his 
satisfaction  at  the  success  of  his  plans  kept  him  in 
good  humor,  I  can  not  say;  certain  it  is,  however, 
that  while  we  were  at  Fontainebleau  he  was  more 
affable  and  approachable  than  usual.  After  the  Pope 
had  retired,  the  Emperor  remained  in  the  Empress's 
drawing-room,  and  talked,  not  with  the  men,  but,  by 
preference,  with  the  women  who  were  there.  His 
wife,  keen  of  perception  where  anything  which 
aroused  her  jealousy  was  in  question,  was  struck  by 
this  departure  from  his  ordinary  habits,  and  suspected 
that  some  new  fancy  was  the  cause  of  it.  She  could 
not,  however,  discover  the  real  object  of  his  thoughts, 
because  he  very  adroitly  paid  marked  attention  to 

each  of  us  in  succession;  and  Mme.  de  X , 

who  as  yet  conducted  herself  with  great  reserve,  did 
not  seem  to  perceive  that  she  was  the  particular  object 
of  the  general  gallantries  that  the  Emperor  affected 
to  distribute  among  us.  Some  of  those  present  be- 
lieved that  the  Marechale  Ney  was  about  to  receive 
his  homage.  The  Marechale  is  the  daughter  of  M. 
Augue,  formerly  Receiver-General  of  Finance,  and 
her  mother  was  one  of  the  Bedchamber  Women  to 
Queen  Marie  Antoinette.  She  was  educated  by  her 
aunt,  Mme.  Campan,  and  when  in  her  establishment 
became  the  friend  and  companion  of  Hortense  de 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  297 

Beauharnais,  now  the  Princess  Louis.  She  was  at 
this  time  about  twenty-two  or  twenty-three  years  old, 
and  rather  pretty,  but  too  thin.  She  knew  very  little 
of  the  world,  was  excessively  shy,  and  had  not  the 
slightest  desire  to  attract  the  Emperor,  whom  she 
regarded  with  extreme  dread. 

During  our  sojourn  at  Fontainebleau,  a  decree  of 
the  Senate  was  published  in  the  "  Moniteur."  It  was 
to  the  effect  that,  according  to  the  verification  of  the 
registers  of  the  votes  given  upon  the  question  of  the 
Empire,  made  by  a  commission  of  the  Senate,  Bona- 
parte and  his  family  were  declared  to  be  called  to  the 
throne  of  France.  The  general  total  of  voters 
amounted  to  3,574,898.  Of  these,  3,572,329  were 
ayes,  2,569  noes. 

The  Court  returned  to  Paris  on  Thursday,  the  29th 
of  November.  The  Emperor  and  the  Pope  traveled 
in  the  same  carriage,  and  his  Holiness  was  lodged  in 
the  Pavilion  of  Flora.  Certain  members  of  the  house- 
hold were  appointed  to  attend  on  him. 

During  the  first  few  days  of  his  residence  in  Paris, 
the  Pope  was  not  treated  by  the  inhabitants  with  all 
the  respect  which  might  have  been  anticipated.  A 
crowd,  attracted  by  curiosity,  thronged  his  path  when 
he  visited  the  churches,  and  assembled  under  his  bal- 
cony when  he  appeared  there  to  give  his  blessing. 
By  degrees,  however,  the  description  of  the  dignity, 
of  his  manners  given  by  those  who  had  access  to  him, 
several  noble  and  affecting  sayings  of  his  on  different 
occasions,  and  the  self-possession  which  he  main- 
tained in  a  position  so  new  and  strange  to  the  head  of 
Christendom,  produced  a  marked  change  even  among 
the  lower  classes  of  the  people. 

Every  morning  the  terrace  of  the  Tuileries  was 
covered  with  a  great  multitude,  calling  loudly  for 
him,  and  kneeling  to  receive  his  blessing.  The  people 


298  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

were  admitted  to  the  gallery  of  the  Louvre  at  certain 
specified  times  during  the  day,  and  then  the  Pope 
would  walk  from  end  to  end  of  it  and  bless  the  multi- 
tude. Mothers  flocked  thither  with  their  children, 
and  were  received  with  special  kindness.  One  day  an 
individual  who  was  a  well-known  enemy  of  religion 
was  in  the  gallery  when  the  Pope  arrived,  and,  as  his 
curiosity  urged  him  to  stay,  he  held  himself  aloof,  as 
though  to  avoid  the  benediction.  The  Pope  drew  near 
him,  divined  his  secret  hostility,  and  said  to  him,  in 
the  gentlest  tone:  "Why  do  you  avoid  me,  sir?  Is 
there  any  danger  in  an  old  man's  blessing  ?  " 

Very  soon  all  Paris  resounded  with  praise  of  the 
Pope,  and  the  Emperor's  jealousy  was  excited.  He 
made  certain  arrangements  which  obliged  his  Holi- 
ness to  deny  himself  to  the  too  eager  entreaties  of  the 
faithful;  and  the  Pope,  who  detected  the  Emperor's 
uneasiness,  adopted  extreme  reserve,  but  without  al- 
lowing the  slightest  sign  of  human  pride  to  appear  in 
his  manner  or  conduct. 

Two  days  before  the  coronation,  M.  de  Remusat, 
who,  in  addition  to  being  Grand  Chamberlain,  was 
also  Keeper  of  the  Wardrobe,  and  therefore  charged 
with  all  the  details  of  the  Imperial  costumes,  sub- 
mitted to  the  Empress  the  superb  diadem  which  had 
just  been  made  for  her.  He  found  her  in  a  state  of 
delight  and  satisfaction,  which  she  could  hardly  con- 
ceal from  general  notice.  Presently  she  took  my  hus- 
band apart,  and  confided  to  him  that,  on  the  morning 
of  that  same  day,  an  altar  had  been  erected  in  the 
Emperor's  cabinet,  and  that  Cardinal  Fesch  had  per- 
formed the  marriage  ceremony  between  herself  and 
Bonaparte,  in  the  presence  of  two  aides-de-camp. 
After  the  ceremony  she  had  procured  a  written  cer- 
tificate of  the  marriage  from  the  Cardinal.  She  care- 
fully preserved  this  document,  and,  notwithstanding 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  299 

all  the  Emperor's  efforts  to  obtain  it  from  her,  she 
never  could  be  induced  to  part  with  it. 

It  has  since  been  said  that  any  religious  marriage 
not  witnessed  by  the  cure  of  the  parish  in  which  it  is 
celebrated  is  de  facto  null  and  void,  and  that  a  means 
of  breaking  the  marriage  was  purposely  reserved  by 
this  expedient.  In  that  case,  Cardinal  Fesch  must 
have  been  a  consenting  party  to  the  fraud;  and  yet 
his  subsequent  conduct  forbids  any  such  supposition. 
When  violent  quarrels  arose  on  the  subject  of  the 
divorce,  and  the  Empress  went  so  far  as  to  threaten 
her  husband  with  the  publication  of  the  certificate  in 
her  possession,  Cardinal  Fesch  was  consulted  upon 
the  point.  He  repeatedly  affirmed  that  the  document 
was  in  good  form,  and  that  his  conscience  obliged 
him  to  declare  the  marriage  so  validly  solemnized  that 
it  could  not  be  broken  otherwise  than  by  an  act  of 
arbitrary  authority. 

After  the  divorce  the  Emperor  wanted  to  get  pos- 
session of  the  document  in  question;  but  the  Cardinal 
advised  the  Empress  not  to  part  with  it  It  is  a 
remarkable  proof  of  the  extent  to  which  suspicion 
and  distrust  prevailed  anpng  all  the  members  of  the 
Bonaparte  family,  that  the  Empress,  while  availing 
herself  of  advice  that  coincided  with  her  own  feel- 
ings, told  me  she  sometimes  thought  the  Cardinal 
gave  her  that  advice  in  connivance  with  the  Emperor, 
who  wanted  to  drive  her  to  some  outbreak  which 
would  give  him  an  excuse  for  banishing  her  from 
France.  And  yet,  the  uncle  and  nephew  had  quar- 
reled, at  that  very  time,  about  the  Pope's  affairs. 

On  the  2d  of  December  the  coronation  took  place. 
It  would  be  difficult  to  describe  its  splendor  or  to 
enter  into  the  details  of  that  day.  The  weather  was 
cold,  but  dry  and  bright;  the  streets  of  Paris  were 


300  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

crowded  with  people  more  curious  than  enthusiastic; 
the  guard  under  arms  presented  a  fine  spectacle. 

The  Pope  preceded  the  Emperor  by  several  hours, 
and  waited  with  admirable  patience  for  the  long- 
delayed  arrival  of  the  procession.  He  sat  upon  the 
throne  erected  for  him  in  the  church,  and  made  no 
complaint  either  of  cold  or  weariness.  The  Cathedral 
of  Notre  Dame  was  decorated  with  taste  and  mag- 
nificence. At  the  far  end  was  a  splendid  throne  for 
the  Emperor,  on  which  he  was  to  appear  surrounded 
by  his  entire  Court.  Before  setting  out  for  Notre 
Dame,  we  were  admitted  to  the  apartment  of  the 
Empress.  Our  attire  was  very  brilliant,  but  it  paled 
before  the  magnificence  of  the  costumes  of  the  Im- 
perial family.  The  Empress  especially,  sparkling  with 
diamonds,  and  wearing  her  hair  in  countless  curls,  a 
style  of  the  time  of  Louis  XVI.,  did  not  look  more 
than  twenty-five.*  She  wore  a  white  satin  gown,  and 
a  Court  mantle  of  the  same  material,  both  profusely 
embroidered  in  mingled  gold  and  silver.  Her  orna- 
ments consisted  of  a  diadem,  a  necklace,  earrings,  and 
a  girdle  of  diamonds  of  immense  value;  and  all  this 
gorgeous  attire  was  worn  with  her  customary  easy 
grace.  Her  sisters-in-law  were  also  adorned  with  a 
vast  quantity  of  jewels.  The  Emperor  inspected  each 
of  us  in  our  turn,  smiling  at  this  luxury,  which  was, 
like  all  the  rest,  a  sudden  creation  of  his  sovereign 
will. 

His  own  costume  was  brilliant.  He  was  to  assume 
the  Imperial  robes  at  Notre  Dame,  but  for  the  pres- 
ent he  wore  a  French  coat  of  red  velvet  embroidered 
in  gold,  a  white  sash,  a  short  cloak  sewn  with  bees,  a 
plumed  hat  turned  up  in  front  with  a  diamond  buckle, 
and  the  collar  of  the  Legion  of  Honor  in  diamonds. 

*  She  was  forty-one,  having  been  born  at  Martinique  on  the 
23d  of  June,  1763. 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  301 

This  superb  dress  became  him  well.  The  whole  Court 
wore  velvet  cloaks  embroidered  in  gold.  It  must  be 
acknowledged  that  we  paraded  ourselves  a  little  for 
our  mutual  amusement;  but  the  spectacle  was  really 
beautiful. 

The  Emperor  got  into  his  carriage — it  had  seven 
glasses,  and  was  gorgeously  gilded— with  his  wife 
and  his  two  brothers,  Joseph  and  Louis.  Then  we 
all  took  our  appointed  places  in  the  carriages  which 
were  to  follow,  and  the  splendid  cortege  proceeded 
at  a  foot-pace  to  Notre  Dame.  There  was  no  lack  of 
shouting  on  our  way;  and,  although  the  acclamations 
of  the  people  had  not  that  ring  of  enthusiasm  which 
a  sovereign  jealous  of  his  people's  love  longs  to  recog- 
nize, they  sufficed  to  gratify  the  vanity  of  a  haughty 
master,  but  one  who  was  not  sensitive. 

On  his  arrival  at  Notre  Dame,  the  Emperor  entered 
the  archiepiscopal  palace,  and  there  assumed  his  robes 
of  state.  They  seemed  almost  to  crush  him ;  his  slight 
frame  collapsed  under  the  enormous  mantle  of  er- 
mine. A  simple  laurel-wreath  encircled  his  head;  he 
looked  like  an  antique  medallion,  but  he  was  ex- 
tremely pale,  and  genuinely  affected.  The  expression 
of  his  countenance  was  stern  and  somewhat  dis- 
tressed. 

The  ceremony  was  grand  and  impressive.  A  gen- 
eral movement  of  admiration  was  noticeable  at  the 
moment  when  the  Empress  was  crowned.  She  was 
so  unaffected,  so  graceful,  as  she  advanced  toward 
the  altar,  she  knelt  down  with  such  simple  elegance, 
that  all  eyes  were  delighted  with  the  picture  she  pre- 
sented. When  she  had  to  walk  from  the  altar  to  the 
throne,  there  was  a  slight  altercation  with  her  sisters- 
in-law,  who  carried  her  mantle  with  such  an  ill  grace 
that  I  observed  at  one  moment  the  new-made  Em- 
press could  not  advance  a  step.  The  Emperor  per- 


302  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

ceived  this,  and  spoke  a  few  sharp  short  words  to  his 
sisters,  which  speedily  brought  them  to  reason. 

During  the  ceremony,  the  Pope  bore  an  air  of 
resignation  of  a  noble  sort,  the  result  of  his  own  will, 
and  for  a  purpose  of  great  utility.  It  was  between 
two  and  three  o'clock  when  the  cortege  left  Notre 
Dame,  and  we  did  not  reach  the  Tuileries  until  the 
short  December  day  had  closed  in.  We  were  lighted 
by  the  general  illuminations,  and  a  number  of  torches 
were  carried  along  the  line  of  vehicles.  We  dined  at 
the  chateau,  with  the  Grand  Marshal,  and  after  din- 
ner the  Emperor  received  all  the  members  of  the 
Court  who  had  not  yet  retired.  He  was  in  high  spir- 
its, and  delighted  with  the  ceremony;  he  admired  us 
all,  jested  about  the  effect  of  finery  on  women,  and 
said  to  us,  laughingly,  "  You  owe  it  to  me,  mesdames, 
that  you  are  so  charming!  "  He  had  not  allowed  the 
Empress  to  take  off  her  crown,  although  she  had 
dined  tete-a-tete  with  him,  and  he  complimented  her 
on  the  grace  with  which  she  wore  it.  At  length  he 
dismissed  us. 

Innumerable  fetes  and  rejoicings  took  place  during 
the  ensuing  month.  On  the  5th  of  December  the 
Emperor  went  to  the  Champ  de  Mars  with  the  same 
state  as  on  the  coronation  day,  and  distributed  eagles 
to  a  number  of  regiments.  The  enthusiasm  of  the 
soldiers  far  surpassed  that  of  the  people;  but  the  bad 
weather  spoiled  the  effect  of  this  second  great  day. 
It  rained  in  torrents,  but  nevertheless  an  immense 
multitude  thronged  the  Champ  de  Mars.  M.  Maret 
devoted  the  following  flowery  passage  in  the  "  Mon- 
iteur "  to  the  rain  of  the  5th  of  December:  "Al- 
though the  situation  of  the  spectators  was  distressing, 
there  was  not  one  among  them  who  did  not  find  ample 
compensation  in  the  sentiment  which  induced  him  to 
remain  in  his  place,  and  in  the  utterance  of  aspirations 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  303 

(vceux},  to  which  his  acclamations  bore  testimony." 
A  common  and  absurd  form  of  flattery,  and  one 
which  has  been  resorted  to  in  every  age,  is  the  mak- 
ing believe  that,  because  a  king  has  need  of  sunshine, 
he  can  secure  its  presence.  I  remember  when  it  was  a 
current  saying  at  the  Tuileries  that  the  Emperor  had 
only  to  fix  a  certain  day  for  a  review  or  a  hunting- 
party,  and  the  sky  could  not  fail  to  be  cloudless. 
Whenever  it  was  so,  the  fact  was  eagerly  remarked; 
but  nothing  was  said  about  the  days  that  were  dull 
or  rainy.  A  similar  device  was  adopted  in  the  time  of 
Louis  XIV.  It  was  not,  indeed,  possible  to  say  that 
it  did  not  rain  during  the  distribution  of  the  eagles 
at  the  Champ  de  Mars,  but  I  met  many  people  who 
gravely  assured  me  that  the  rain  did  not  wet  them. 

A  spacious  platform  had  been  constructed  for  the 
accommodation  of  the  Imperial  family  and  the  Court ; 
on  this  the  throne,  protected  as  much  as  possible  from 
the  rain,  was  placed.  The  canvas  and  hangings  were 
speedily  wet  through;  the  Empress  was  obliged  to 
withdraw,  with  her  daughter — who  was  out  for  the 
first  time  after  the  birth  of  her  second  child — and 
her  sisters-in-law,  excepting  Mme.  Murat,  who  con- 
tinued to  brave  the  weather  although  she  was  lightly 
dressed.  She  was  training  herself,  as  she  said  laugh- 
ingly, "  to  endure  the  inevitable  constraints  of  roy- 
alty." 

On  that  day  a  sumptuous  banquet  was  given  at  the 
Tuileries.  A  table  was  laid  in  the  Gallery  of  Diana, 
beneath  a  magnificent  canopy,  for  the  Pope,  the  Em- 
peror, the  Empress,  and  the  first  Arch-Chancellor  of 
the  German  Empire.  The  Pope  sat  on  the  left  of  the 
Empress,  and  the  Emperor  on  her  right.  They  were 
waited  on  by  the  great  officers  of  the  household. 
Lower  down,  there  was  a  table  for  the  Princes,  among 
\vhom  was  the  Hereditary  Prince  of  Baden;  a  table 


304  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

for  the  Ministers;  one  for  the  ladies  and  gentlemen 
of  the  Imperial  household — all  served  with  the  ut- 
most luxury.  Some  fine  music  was  performed  dur- 
ing the  repast.  Then  came  a  largely  attended  recep- 
tion, at  which  the  Pope  was  present ;  and  a  ballet,  per- 
formed by  dancers  from  the  Opera,  in  the  great 
drawing-room.  The  Pope  withdrew  before  the  bal- 
let. The  evening  concluded  with  cards,  and  the  Em- 
peror gave  the  signal  for  departure  by  retiring. 

At  the  Emperor's  Court,  play  merely  formed  a  por- 
tion of  the  ceremonial.  He  never  allowed  money  to 
be  staked,  and  the  games  were  whist  and  loto.  We 
used  to  make  up  the  tables  just  for  something  to  do, 
and  generally  talked,  while  we  held  our  cards  without 
looking  at  them.  The  Empress  was  fond  of  playing 
cards,  even  without  money,  and  played  whist  in  real 
earnest.  Her  card-table  and  that  of  the  Princesses 
were  placed  in  the  room  called  the  Emperor's  cabinet, 
at  the  entrance  of  the  Gallery  of  Diana.  She  played 
with  the  greatest  personages  present,  foreigners,  am- 
bassadors, or  Frenchmen.  The  two  ladies-in-waiting 
on  duty  for  the  week  occupied  seats  behind  her;  a 
chamberlain  stood  near  her  chair.  While  she  was 
playing,  all  who  were  in  the  rooms  came,  one  after 
the  other,  to  make  their  bows  and  courtesies  to  her. 
Bonaparte's  brothers  and  sisters  also  played,  and  sent 
invitations  to  join  their  card-tables,  by  their  respec- 
tive chamberlains,  to  various  persons.  His  mother, 
who  had  been  given  a  house  and  the  title  of  Princess, 
but  who  was  always  called  Madame  Mere,  did  the 
same.  The  Emperor  walked  about  everywhere,  pre- 
ceded by  chamberlains  who  announced  his  presence. 
On  his  approach  every  voice  was  hushed;  no  one  left 
his  place;  the  ladies  stood  up,  waiting  for  the  insig- 
nificant, and  frequently  ungracious,  remarks  which 
he  would  address  to  them.  He  never  remembered  a 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  305 

name,  and  his  first  question  almost  invariably  was, 
"  And  what  do  you  call  yourself  ?  "  There  was  not 
a  woman  present  on  those  occasions  who  did  not  re- 
joice when  he  moved  away  from  her  vicinity. 

This  reminds  me  of  an  anecdote  about  Grety.  As  a 
member  of  the  Institute  he  frequently  attended  the 
Sunday  receptions,  and  it  happened  several  times  that 
the  Emperor,  who  had  come  to  recognize  his  face, 
approached  him  almost  mechanically  and  asked  him 
his  name.  One  day  Gretry,  who  was  tired  of  this 
perpetual  question,  and  perhaps  a  little  annoyed  at  not 
having  produced  a  more  lasting  impression,  answered 
to  the  Emperor's  rudely  uttered  "  And  you !  who  are 
you  ?  "  in  a  sharp,  impatient  tone,  "  Sire,  I  am  still 
Gretry."  Ever  afterward  the  Emperor  recognized 
him  perfectly.  The  Empress,  on  the  contrary,  had  an 
accurate  memory  for  names,  and  also  for  the  smallest 
particulars  concerning  each  individual. 

For  a  long  time  the  routine  of  the  Court  receptions 
continued  to  be  what  I  have  described.  Aftenvard, 
concerts,  ballets,  and  even  plays,  were  added  to  the 
list  of  amusements;  but  I  shall  refer  to  this  subject 
in  due  order  of  time.  The  Emperor  desired  that 
special  places  should  be  assigned  to  the  ladies-in- 
waiting,  and  these  small  privileges  excited  small  jeal- 
ousies which  engendered  great  animosities,  after  the 
invariable  law  of  courts.  At  this  period  the  Emperor 
indulged  in  ceremonies  of  every  kind;  he  liked  them, 
especially  because  they  were  of  his  own  creation.  He 
always  spoiled  their  effect  to  some  extent  by  the  habit- 
ual precipitation  from  which  he  could  rarely  refrain, 
and  by  the  apprehension  lest  all  should  not  be  exactly 
as  he  wished,  with  which  he  inspired  everybody.  On 
one  occasion,  he  gave  audience,  seated  on  his  throne 
and  surrounded  by  the  great  officers  of  the  household, 
the  Marshals,  and  the  Senate,  to  all  the  Prefects,  and 


306  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

to  the  Presidents  of  the  electoral  colleges.  He  then 
granted  a  second  audience  to  the  former,  and  strongly 
urged  them  to  carry  out  the  conscription.  "  Without 
that,"  said  the  Emperor  (and  these  words  were  in- 
serted in  the  "Moniteur"),  "there  can  be  neither 
national  power  nor  national  independence."  No 
doubt,  he  was  then  cherishing  a  project  for  placing 
the  crown  of  Italy  upon  his  head,  and  felt  that  his 
designs  must  lead  to  war;  and  besides,  as  the  impos- 
sibility of  an  invasion  of  England  had  been  made 
clear  to  him,  although  the  preparations  were  still  car- 
ried on,  the  necessity  for  employing  an  army  which 
was  becoming  a  burden  to  France  was  pressed  upon 
his  attention.  In  the  midst  of  these  graver  subjects 
of  anxiety,  he  had  reason  to  be  provoked  with  the 
Parisians.  He  had  bespoken  from  Chenier  a  tragedy 
to  be  acted  on  the  occasion  of  the  coronation.  The 
poet  had  selected  Cyrus  for  his  theme,  and  the  fifth 
act  of  the  tragedy  (the  coronation  of  the  hero  of 
ancient  history)  represented  the  ceremony  of  Notre 
Dame  accurately  enough.  The  piece  was  a  poor  pro- 
duction, and  the  allusions  in  it  were  too  palpable,  too 
evidently  written  to  order.  The  Parisian  audience 
hissed  the  tragedy  from  first  to  last,  and  laughed 
aloud  at  the  scene  of  the  enthronement.  The  Em- 
peror was  much  displeased ;  he  was  as  angry  with  my 
husband  as  if  M.  de  Remusat  had  been  responsible  to 
him  for  the  approbation  of  the  public,  and  by  the 
revelation  of  this  weak  point  the  public  learned  to 
avenge  themselves  at  the  theatre  for  the  silence  so 
rigorously  imposed  upon  them  elsewhere. 

The  Senate  gave  a  magnificent  fete,  and  the  Corps 
Legislatif  followed  the  example.  On  the  i6th  of 
December  an  entertainment  took  place,  by  which  the 
city  of  Paris  incurred  a  debt,  unpaid  for  many  years, 
for  a  grand  public  feast,  fireworks,  a  ball,  and  the 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  307 

silver-gilt  toilet-services  presented  to  the  Emperor  and 
Empress.  Addresses  and  laudatory  inscriptions 
abounded  in  all  directions.  The  flatteries  lavished 
upon  Louis  XIV.  during  his  reign  have  been  much 
commented  upon;  I  am  sure,  if  they  were  all  put 
together,  they  would  not  amount  to  one  tenth  of  those 
which  were  bestowed  upon  Bonaparte.  Some  years 
later,  at  another  fete  given  by  the  city  of  Paris  to  the 
Emperor,  the  repertory  of  inscriptions  being  ex- 
hausted, a  brilliant  device  was  resorted  to.  Over  the 
throne  which  he  was  to  occupy  were  placed  the  fol- 
lowing words  from  the  Holy  Scriptures,  in  letters  of 
gold :  "  I  am  that  I  am."  And  no  one  seemed  to  be 
scandalized ! 

France  was  given  up  at  this  time  to  fetes  and 
merry-making.  Medals  were  struck  and  distributed 
profusely.  The  Marshals  gave  a  great  ball  in  the 
Opera  House,  at  a  cost  of  ten  thousand  francs  to 
each.  The  pit  was  boarded  over,  on  a  level  with  the 
stage;  the  boxes  were  festooned  with  silver  gauze, 
brilliantly  lighted,  and  filled  with  ladies  in  full  dress. 
The  Imperial  family  were  seated  aparte  on  an  estrade, 
and  the  company  danced  in  the  vast  inclosure.  Flow- 
ers and  diamonds  in  profusion,  splendid  dresses,  and 
the  magnificence  of  the  Court  made  this  a  most  bril- 
liant entertainment.  We  were  all  put  to  great  ex- 
pense on  these  occasions.  A  sum  of  ten  thousand 
francs  was  allowed  to  the  ladies-in-waiting  as  com- 
pensation for  their  expenditure,  but  it  was  not  nearly 
sufficient.  The  cost  of  the  coronation  amounted  to 
four  millions  of  francs. 

The  princes  and  distinguished  foreigners  staying  in 
Paris  paid  an  assiduous  court  to  our  sovereign,  and  the 
Emperor  did  the  honors  of  Paris  with  a  good  grace. 
Prince  Louis  of  Baden  was  then  very  young,  and 
rather  shy;  he  kept  himself  in  the  background.  The 


3o8  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

Prince  Primate,  who  was  over  sixty,  was  amiable, 
lively  and  garrulous.  He  was  well  acquainted  with 
France,  and  with  Paris,  where  he  had  lived  in  his 
youth;  he  was  fond  of  literature,  and  friendly  with 
the  former  Academicians,  who  were  admitted,  with 
a  few  other  persons,  to  the  smaller  receptions  held  by 
the  Empress.  During  this  winter  about  fifty  ladies 
and  a  number  of  gentlemen  used  to  be  invited,  once 
or  twice  a  week,  to  sup  at  the  Tuileries.  Eight  o'clock 
was  the  hour  named,  and  full  dress,  but  not  Court 
dress,  was  worn.  We  played  at  cards  in  the  drawing- 
room  on  the  ground-floor,  which  is  now  Madame's 
drawing-room.  On  Bonaparte's  appearance  we  used 
to  pass  into  a  music-room,  where  a  musical  perform- 
ance by  Italian  singers  occupied  half  an  hour;  then 
we  returned  to  the  drawing-room,  and  resumed  our 
cards.  The  Emperor  would  move  about,  either  play- 
ing or  talking.  A  sumptuous  and  elegant  supper  was 
served  at  eleven  o'clock,  the  ladies  only  being  seated. 
Bonaparte's  arm-chair  would  remain  unoccupied;  he 
would  saunter  round  the  table,  but  eat  nothing.  When 
supper  was  over,  he  would  take  his  departure.  The 
princes  and  princesses,  the  great  officers  of  the  Em- 
pire, two  or  three  ministers,  a  few  marshals,  some 
generals,  senators,  State  councillors,  and  their  wives, 
were  always  invited  to  these  small  parties.  There 
was  great  rivalry  in  dress.  The  Empress,  as  well  as 
her  sisters-in-law,  always  appeared  in  something  new, 
with  quantities  of  pearls  and  precious  stones.  She 
was  the  possessor  of  pearls  worth  a  million  of  francs. 
At  that  time  stuffs  shot  with  gold  or  silver  began  to 
be  worn.  During  the  winter  turbans  became  the 
fashion  at  court;  they  were  made  either  of  white  or 
colored  muslin,  spotted  with  gold,  or  of  a  brilliant 
Turkish  material.  By  degrees  our  garments  assumed 
an  Eastern  shape:  over  our  richly  embroidered  mus- 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  309 

lin  gowns  we  used  to  wear  short  dresses  of  some 
colored  fabric,  open  in  front,  and  our  arms,  shoulders, 
and  bosoms  uncovered. 

The  Emperor,  who,  as  I  shall  presently  relate,  was 
becoming  more  and  more  deeply  in  love,  sought  to 
disguise  the  fact  by  paying  attentions  to  all  the  ladies, 
and  seemed  at  his  ease  only  when  surrounded  by  them. 
The  gentlemen  would  then  become  aware  that  their 
presence  embarrassed  him,  and  they  would  retire  to 
an  adjoining  room.  The  scene  was  then  not  unlike 
a  harem,  as  I  remarked  one  evening  to  Bonaparte. 
He  was  in  a  good  humor,  and  laughed;  but  my  jest 
was  far  from  pleasing  to  the  Empress. 

The  Pope,  who  passed  his  evenings  in  retirement, 
visited  the  churches,  hospitals,  and  public  institutions 
in  the  morning.  He  officiated  on  one  occasion  at 
Xotre  Dame,  and  a  great  crowd  was  admitted  to  kiss 
his  feet.  He  visited  Versailles  and  the  suburbs  of 
Paris,  and  was  received  with  such  profound  respect 
at  the  Invalides  that  the  Emperor  grew  uneasy.  And 
yet  I  heard  that,  while  his  Holiness  was  most  anxious 
to  return  to  Rome,  the  Emperor  still  detained  him.  I 
have  never  been  able  to  discover  his  motive. 

The  Pope  was  always  dressed  in  white :  having  been 
a  monk,  he  wore  a  woolen  habit,  and  over  it  a  sort 
of  surplice  of  cambric  trimmed  with  lace,  which  had 
a  curious  effect.  His  calotte,  or  skull-cap,  was  of 
white  woolen  stuff. 

At  the  end  of  December  the  Corps  Legislatif  was 
opened  in  state ;  labored  speeches  upon  the  importance 
and  the  happiness  of  the  great  event  which  had  just 
taken  place  were  delivered,  and  a  report,  not  only 
flourishing  but  also  true,  on  the  prosperous  condition 
of  France,  was  presented. 

Meanwhile,  applications  for  places  at  the  new 
Court  were  numerous,  and  the  Emperor  acceded  to 


3io  EMPRESS  JOSEPHINE 

some  of  them.  He  also  named  senators  from  among 
the  presidents  of  the  electoral  colleges.  Marmont 
was  made  colonel-general  of  the  Mounted  Chasseurs; 
and  the  Grand  Cordon  of  the  Legion  of  Honor  was 
bestowed  on  Cambaceres,  Le  Brun,  the  Marshals,  Car- 
dinal Fesch,  MM.  Duroc,  De  Caulaincourt,  De  Tal- 
leyrand, De  Segur,  and  also  on  several  Ministers,  the 
Chief  Judge,  and  on  MM.  Gaudin  and  Portalis,  Min- 
isters of  Public  Worship.  These  appointments  and 
favors  kept  every  one  in  a  state  of  expectation. 

Thenceforth  the  impulse  was  given;  people  became 
accustomed  to  wishing,  to  waiting,  to  seeing  daily 
some  new  thing.  Each  day  would  bring  forth  some 
little  circumstance,  unexpected  in  itself,  but  antici- 
pated; for  we  had  acquired  a  habit  of  always  being  on 
the  lookout  for  something.  Afterward  the  Emperor 
extended  to  the  entire  nation,  to  the  whole  of  Europe, 
the  system  of  continually  exciting  ambition,  curiosity, 
and  hope:  this  was  not  the  least  ingenious  secret  of 
his  government 


CHAPTER  XI 

(1807.) 

THE  Empress  could  not  forbear  from  occasionally 
complaining  in  private,  that  her  son  had  no 
share  in  the  promotions  which  were  made 
daily ;  but  she  had  the  good  sense  to  conceal  her  dissat- 
isfaction, and  Eugene  himself  maintained  an  easy 
attitude,  which  was  highly  honorable  to  him,  and  in 
marked  contrast  with  the  jealous  impatience  of  Murat. 
Mme.  Murat  was  continually  importuning  the  Em- 
peror to  raise  her  husband  to  a  rank  which  would 
place  him  above  the  Marshals,  among  whom  it  annoyed 
him  to  be  included.  During  the  winter  both  the  hus- 
band and  wife  contrived  to  profit  by  the  weakness  of 
the  Emperor,  and  earned  a  claim  to  his  favor  by  mak- 
ing themselves  useful  in  his  new  love  affair,  as  we 
shall  presently  see. 

I  have  already  said  that  Eugene  was  captivated  by 
Mme.  de  X .  This  lady,  who  was  then  twenty- 
four  or  twenty-five  years  of  age,  was  of  fair  hair  and 
complexion;  her  blue  eyes  could  wear  any  expression 
she  chose,  except  indeed  that  of  frankness ;  her  dispo- 
sition was  habitually  deceitful.  Her  nose  was  aquiline 
and  rather  long,  her  mouth  was  lovely,  and  her  teeth, 
which  she  frequently  displayed,  were  beautiful.  She 
was  of  middle  height,  with  an  elegant  but  too  slender 
figure;  she  had  small  feet,  and  danced  to  perfection. 
She  had  no  remarkable  ability,  but  was  not  wanting  in 
cleverness;  her  manners  were  quiet  and  cold.  It  was 

3" 


312  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

difficult  to  excite  her  feelings,  still  more  difficult  to 
hurt  them. 

The  Empress  had  at  first  treated  her  with  marked 
distinction.  She  praised  her  beauty,  approved  of  her 
style  of  dress,  and  made  more  of  her  than  of  others, 
for  the  sake  of  her  son,  Prince  Eugene.  This,  perhaps, 
led  in  the  first  instance  to  the  Emperor's  taking  notice 
of  her.  He  began  to  pay  her  attention  during  the 
sojourn  to  the  Court  at  Fontainebleau. 

Mme.  Murat,  who  was  the  first  to  discern  her 
brother's  inclination,  tried  to  insinuate  herself  into 
the  confidence  of  the  lady,  and  succeeded  so  far  as  to 
set  her  on  her  guard  against  the  keen  eyes  of  the" 
Empress.  Murat,  in  accordance,  I  believe,  with  some 
private  arrangement,  pretended  to  be  an  admirer  of 

Mme.  de  X ,  and  thus  for  a  time  threw  the  Court 

off  the  scent. 

The  Empress,  who  was  well  aware  of  the  new 
passion  of  the  Emperor,  but  could  not  discover  its 
object,  at  first  suspected  the  Marechale  Ney,  to  whom 
he  was  in  the  habit  of  talking  a  good  deal ;  and  for  a 
few  days  that  poor  lady  was  closely  watched.  As 
usual,  the  Empress  confided  her  jealous  suspicions  to 
me,  but  I  saw  nothing  as  yet  to  justify  them. 

The  Empress  complained  to  Mme.  Louis  of  what 
she  called  the  perfidy  of  Mme.  Ney.  The  latter  was 
questioned,  and,  after  having  declared  that  her  own 
feeling  toward  the  Emperor  was  simply  fear,  she  ad- 
mitted that  he  had  sometimes  appeared  to  pay  her 

attention,  and  that  Mme.  de  X had  congratulated 

her  on  the  grand  conquest  she  was  about  to  make. 
This  was  a  flash  of  light  to  the  Empress.  She  at  once 
discovered  the  truth,  and  saw  that  Murat  was  feigning 
love  for  the  lady  only  that  he  might  be  the  bearer  of 
declarations  from  the  Emperor. 

In  Duroc's  deference  toward  Mme.  de  X she 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  313 

also  discerned  a  proof  of  his  master's  sentiments,  and 
in  the  conduct  of  Mme.  Murat  a  deeply  laid  scheme 
against  her  own  peace  of  mind.  The  Emperor  began 
to  pass  more  time  in  his  wife's  apartments.  Nearly 
every  evening  he  would  come  down,  and  his  looks  and 
words  betrayed  the  object  of  his  preference.  If  Jose- 
phine went  privately  to  the  theatre — for  the  Emperor 
did  not  like  her  to  appear  in  public  without  him — he 
would  join  her  party  unexpectedly;  and  day  by  day  he 
became  more  engrossed  and  less  capable  of  self-control. 
Mme.  de  X maintained  an  appearance  of  indiffer- 
ence, but  she  made  use  of  every  art  of  feminine 
coquetry.  Her  dress  became  more  and  more  elegant, 
her  smile  more  subtle,  her  looks  more  full  of  meaning ; 
and  it  was  soon  easy  enough  to  guess  what  was  going 
on.  The  Empress  suspected  that  Mme.  Murat  con- 
nived at  secret  interviews  in  her  own  house,  and  she 
afterward  became  certain  of  the  fact.  Then,  accord- 
ing to  her  custom,  she  burst  into  tears  and  reproaches, 
and  once  more  I  found  myself  obliged  to  listen  to 
confidences  which  were  dangerous  to  receive,  and  to 
give  advice  which  was  never  heeded. 

The  Empress  attempted  expostulations,  but  they 
were  very  badly  taken.  Her  husband  lost  his  temper, 
reproached  her  with  opposing  his  pleasures,  and 
ordered  her  to  be  silent;  and  while  she,  abandoned  to 
her  grief,  was  sad  and  downcast  in  public,  he,  more 
gay,  free,  and  animated  than  we  had  yet  seen  him, 
paid  attention  to  us  all,  and  lavished  rough  compli- 
ments on  us.  On  the  occasions  of  the  Empress's  recep- 
tions, of  which  I  have  already  spoken,  he  looked  really 
like  a  Sultan.  He  would  sit  down  to  a  card-table, 

often  selecting  his  sister  Caroline,  Mme.  de  X , 

and  myself  to  make  up  his  game;  and,  scarcely 
noticing  his  cards,  he  would  start  some  sentimental 
discussion  in  his  own  style,  with  more  wit  than  senti- 


314  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

ment,  occasionally  with  doubtful  taste,  but  with  a 
great  deal  of  animation.  On  these  occasions  Mme.  de 

X was  very  reserved,  and,  being  probably  afraid 

lest  I  might  make  some  discoveries,  would  answer  in 
monosyllables  only. 

Mme.  Murat  took  but  slight  interest  in  these  con- 
versations ;  she  always  went  straight  to  her  point,  and 
cared  little  for  detail.  As  for  me,  I  was  amused  by 
them,  and  I  could  take  my  part  with  a  liberty  of  spirit 
not  possessed  by  the  other  three,  who  were  all  more  or 
less  preoccupied.  Sometimes,  without  naming  any 
one,  Bonaparte  would  commence  a  dissertation  on 
jealousy,  and  then  it  was  easy  to  see  that  he  applied  it 
to 'his  wife.  I  understood  him,  and  defended  her 
gayly,  as  well  as  I  could,  without  plainly  indicating 

her;  and  I  could  see  that  Mme.  de  X and  Mme. 

Murat  gave  me  no  thanks  for  that. 

Mme.  Bonaparte  would  keep  a  watch  on  us  during 
these  conversations,  which  always  made  her  uneasy, 
from  the  other  end  of  the  room,  where  she  was  playing 
at  cards.  Although  she  had  reason  to  know  she  might 
depend  on  me,  yet,  as  she  was  naturally  suspicious, 
she  sometimes  feared  that  I  would  sacrifice  her  to  the 
desire  of  pleasing  the  Emperor,  and  she  was  also  vexed 
with  me  because  I  would  not  tax  him  with  his  conduct. 

She  would  sometimes  ask  me  to  go  to  him  and  tell 
him  of  the  harm  which,  as  she  said,  this  new  entangle- 
ment was  doing  him  in  the  eyes  of  the  world ;  again, 

she  wanted  me  to  contrive  that  Mme.  de  X should 

be  watched  in  her  own  house,  whither  she  knew  Bona- 
parte sometimes  went  of  an  evening;  or  else  she  would 
make  me  write,  in  her  presence,  anonymous  letters  full 
of  reproaches.  These  I  wrote  in  order  to  satisfy  her, 
and  to  prevent  her  from  getting  other  persons  to  write 
them ;  but  I  carefully  burned  them  afterward,  although 
I  assured  her  that  I  had  sent  them. 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  315 

Servants  whom  she  could  trust  were  employed  to 
discover  the  proofs  she  sought  for.  The  employees  of 
her  favorite  tradespeople  were  taken  into  her  confi- 
dence, and  I  suffered  the  more  from  her  imprudent 
conduct,  when  I  learned  shortly  afterward  that  Mme. 
Murat  put  down  all  the  discoveries  made  by  the  Em- 
press to  my  account,  and  accused  me  of  a  mean 
espionage  of  which  I  was  incapable. 

The  Empress  was  the  more  distressed  because  her 
son  was  profoundly  grieved  by  this  affair.  Mme.  de 

X ,  who,  either  from  coquetry,  inclination,  or 

vanity,  had  at  first  listened  favorably  to  him,  avoided 
even  the  slightest  appearance  of  friendship  with  him 
since  her  new  and  more  brilliant  conquest.  She  prob- 
ably boasted  to  the  Emperor  of  the  passion  with  which 
she  had  inspired  Eugene;  certain  it  is  that  the  latter 
was  treated  with  coldness  by  his  stepfather.  The 
Empress  showed  her  anger  at  this ;  the  Princess  Louis 
was  also  distressed,  but  she  concealed  her  feelings; 
Eugene  was  sore  at  heart,  but  his  outward  composure 
laid  him  little  open  to  attack. 

In  all  this  the  undying  hatred  between  the  Bona- 
partes  and  the  Beauharnais  was  displayed,  and  it  was 
my  fate  to  find  myself  entangled  in  it,  notwithstanding 
all  my  moderation.  I  have  discovered  by  experience 
that  everything,  or  nearly  everything,  depends  on 
chance  at  Court.  Human  prudence  is  not  a  sufficient 
safeguard,  and  I  know  no  means  of  escaping  from 
misconstruction,  unless  the  sovereign  himself  be  inca- 
pable of  suspicion.  Far  from  this,  however,  the  Em- 
peror welcomed  all  gossip,  and  believed  everything 
that  was  ill-natured,  on  any  subject.  The  surest  way 
to  please  him  was  to  carry  every  rumor  to  him,  and  to 
denounce  everybody's  conduct;  and  therefore  M.  de 
Remusat,  who  was  placed  so  near  him,  never  obtained 
his  favor.  He  declined  to  tread  such  a  path  to  sue- 


316  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

cess,  although  it  was  frequently  pointed  out  to  him  by 
Duroc. 

One  evening  the  Emperor,  who  was  quite  out  of 
patience,  owing  to  a  scene  with  his  wife,  in  which, 
driven  to  desperation,  she  had  declared  she  would 

forbid  the  entry  of  her  apartments  to  Mme.  de  X , 

addressed  himself  to  M.  de  Remusat,  and  complained 
that  I  did  not  use  my  influence  over  her  to  dissuade 
her  from  acts  of  imprudence.  He  concluded  by  telling 
him  that  he  wished  to  speak  to  me  in  private,  and  that 
I  was  to  ask  for  an  audience.  M.  de  Remusat  con- 
veyed this  order  to  me,  and  accordingly  on  the  follow- 
ing day  I  asked  for  an  audience,  which  was  fixed  for 
the  next  morning. 

A  hunting-party  had  been  arranged  for  that  day. 
The  Empress  started  first  with  the  foreign  princes; 
she  was  to  wait  for  the  Emperor  in  the  Bois  de 
Boulogne.  I  arrived  just  as  the  Emperor  was  enter- 
ing his  carriage;  his  suite  was  assembled  round  him. 
He  returned  to  his  cabinet  in  order  to  receive  me,  to 
the  great  astonishment  of  the  Court,  to  whom  the 
merest  trifle  was  an  event. 

He  began  by  complaining  bitterly  of  the  discussions 
in  his  household,  and  launched  out  into  invectives 
against  women  in  general,  and  his  own  wife  in  par- 
ticular. He  reproached  me  with  assisting  her  spies, 
and  accused  me  of  many  actions  of  which  I  knew 
nothing  whatever,  but  which  had  been  reported  to  him. 
I  recognized  in  all  he  said  the  ill  offices  of  Mme. 
Murat,  and,  what  hurt  me  more,  I  perceived  that  in 
several  instances  the  Empress  had  used  my  name,  and 
had  attributed  to  me  her  own  words  or  thoughts,  in 
order  to  strengthen  her  case.  This,  together  with  the 
Emperor's  angry  words,  distressed  me,  and  tears  rose 
to  my  eyes.  The  Emperor  noticed  them,  and  rudely 
rebuked  my  emotion  with  a  saying  which  he  frequently 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  317 

used,  and  which  I  have  already  quoted :  "  Women 
have  always  two  ways  of  producing  an  effect — paint 
and  tears."  Just  then  these  words,  uttered  in  an  ironi- 
cal tone  and  with  the  intention  of  disconcerting  me, 
had  the  opposite  effect;  they  angered  me,  and  gave 
me  courage  to  answer :  "  No,  Sire ;  but  when  I  am 
unjustly  accused,  I  can  not  but  weep  tears  of  indig- 
nation." 

I  must  render  this  testimony  to  the  Emperor:  he 
was  seldom  hard  upon  any  one  who  displayed  firm- 
ness; either  because,  meeting  with  it  seldom,  he  was 
unprepared  for  it,  or  because  his  natural  sense  of 
justice  responded  to  a  feeling  justly  entertained. 

He  was  not  displeased  with  me.  "  Since  you  do  not 
approve,"  he  said,  "  of  the  watch  set  over  me  by  the 
Empress,  how  is  it  your  influence  is  not  sufficient  to 
deter  her?  She  humiliates  both  herself  and  me  by 
surrounding  me  with  spies;  she  only  furnishes 
weapons  to  her  enemies.  Since  you  are  in  her  confi- 
dence, you  must  answer  for  her,  and  I  shall  hold  you 
responsible  for  all  her  faults."  He  smiled  slightly  as 
he  spoke  these  words.  Then  I  represented  to  him  that 
I  was  tenderly  attached  to  the  Empress;  that  I  was 
incapable  of  advising  her  to  an  improper  course  of 
action ;  but  that  no  one  could  gain  much  influence  over 
a  person  of  so  passionate  a  nature.  I  told  him  that 
he  showed  no  tact  in  dealing  with  her,  and  that, 
whether  he  was  rightly  or  wrongly  suspected,  he  was 
harsh  and  treated  her  too  roughly.  I  durst  not  blame 
the  Empress  for  that  which  was  really  blameworthy  in 
her  conduct,  for  I  knew  he  would  not  fail  to  repeat 
my  words  to  his  wife.  I  ended  by  telling  him  that  I 
should  keep  away  from  the  palace  for  some  time,  and 
that  he  would  see  whether  things  went  on  any  better 
in  consequence. 

He  then  said  that  he  was  not,  and  could  not  be,  in 


318  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

love;  that  he  thought  no  more  of  Mme.  de  X 

than  of  anybody  else;  that  love  was  for  men  of  a 
different  disposition  from  his  own;  that  he  was  alto- 
gether absorbed  in  politics;  that  he  would  have  no 
women  ruling  in  his  Court;  that  they  had  injured 
Henry  IV.  and  Louis  XIV. :  that  his  own  business 
was  a  much  more  serious  one  than  that  of  those  kings, 
and  that  Frenchmen  had  become  too  grave  to  pardon 
their  sovereign  for  recognized  liaisons  and  official 
mistresses.  He  spoke  of  his  wife's  past  conduct,  add- 
ing that  she  had  not  the  right  to  be  severe.  I  ventured 
to  check  him  on  this  subject,  and  he  was  not  angry 
with  me.  Finally,  he  questioned  me  as  to  the  indi- 
viduals who  were  employed  as  spies  by  the  Empress. 
I  could  only  answer  that  I  knew  none  of  them.  Then 
he  reproached  me  with  want  of  attachment  to  himself. 
I  maintained  that  I  was  more  sincerely  devoted  than 
those  who  carried  worthless  gossip  to  him.  This 
conversation  ended  better  than  it  had  begun ;  I  could 
perceive  that  I  had  made  a  favorable  impression. 

This  interview  had  lasted  a  long  time ;  and  the  Em- 
press, who  grew  tired  of  waiting  in  the  Bois  de 
Boulogne,  had  sent  a  mounted  servant  to  discover 
what  was  detaining  her  husband.  She  was  informed 
that  he  was  alone  with  me.  Her  uneasiness  became 
very  great;  she  returned  to  the  Tuileries,  and,  rinding 
I  was  no  longer  there,  she  sent  Mme.  de  Talhouet  to 
my  house  to  learn  all  that  had  taken  place.  In  obedi- 
ence to  the  Emperor's  commands,  I  replied  that  the 
conversation  had  been  restricted  to  certain  matters 
relative  to  M.  de  Remusat. 

In  the  evening  there  was  a  dance  at  General 
Savary's,  at  which  the  Emperor  had  promised  to  be 
present.  During  the  winter  he  took  every  opportunity 
of  appearing  in  society;  he  was  in  good  spirits,  and 
would  even  dance,  rather  awkwardly.  I  arrived  at 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  319 

Mme.  Savary's  before  the  Court  party.  The  Grand 
Marshal  (Duroc)  came  forward  to  meet  me,  and 
offered  his  arm  to  conduct  me  to  my  place;  and  oar 
host  was  full  of  attentions.  My  long  audience  of  that 
morning  had  given  rise  to  conjectures;  I  was  treated 
with  respect,  as  though  I  were  in  high  favor,  or  had 
received  confidential  communications.  I  could  not 
help  smiling  at  the  simple  cunning  of  these  courtiers. 

Presently  the  Emperor  and  Empress  arrived.  In 
making  his  progress  round  the  room,  Bonaparte 
stopped  and  spoke  to  me  in  a  friendly  manner.  The 
Empress  was  watching  us,  full  of  anxiety.  Mme. 

Murat  looked  astonished  and  Mme.  de  X nervous. 

All  this  amused  me;  I  did  not  foresee  the  consequen- 
ces. The  next  day  the  Empress  pressed  me  with  ques- 
tions which  I  took  care  not  to  answer;  she  became 
offended,  and  declared  that  I  was  sacrificing  her  to 
the  Emperor,  that  I  chose  the  safe  side,  and  that  I  no 
more  than  others  cared  for  her.  Her  reproaches 
grieved  me  deeply. 

I  confided  all  my  troubles  to  my  dear  mother.  I 
was  acquiring  a  bitter  experience,  and  was  still  young 
enough  to  shed  tears  over  it.  My  mother  comforted 
me,  and  advised  me  to  hold  myself  a  little  aloof,  which 
I  did ;  but  this  did  not  help  me.  The  Emperor  obliged 
me  to  speak  to  him,  and,  when  he  reproached  his  wife 
for  her  indiscreet  behavior,  pretended  he  was  repeating 
my  opinions.  The  Empress  treated  me  with  coldness; 
I  saw  that  she  avoided  speaking  to  me,  and,  for  my 
part,  I  did  not  consider  myself  bound  to  seek  her 
confidence. 

The  Emperor,  who  enjoyed  sowing  dissension  be- 
tween us,  perceived  the  coolness,  and  paid  me,  in 
consequence,  all  the  more  attention;  but  Mme.  de 

X ,  who  had  been  taught  to  dislike  me,  and  was 

uneasy  at  the  favor  in  which  I  was  held,  and  who  also 


320  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

perhaps  did  me  the  honor  of  feeling  a  little  jealous, 
tried  in  every  way  to  injure  me.  As  everything  in 
this  world  works  together  for  evil  purposes  only  too 
readily,  she  found  an  opportunity  in  which  she  was 
perfectly  successful. 

On  the  other  hand,  Eugene  Beauharnais  and  the 
Princess  Louis  were  convinced  that  I  had  betrayed 
their  mother,  in  order  to  further  the  ambition  of  M. 
de  Remusat,  who  preferred  the  favor  of  the  master 
to  that  of  the  mistress.  M.  de  Remusat  held  himself 
entirely  aloof  from  all  these  matters;  but,  where 
ambition  is  concerned,  the  probable  is  always  the  true 
in  the  belief  of  dwellers  in  a  court.  Eugene,  who  had 
been  friendly  to  my  husband,  now  kept  aloof  from 
him.  As  courtiers,  our  position  was  not  an  unfavor- 
able one ;  but,  as  we  were  merely  honorable  people  and 
would  not  reap  any  disgraceful  advantage  from  it,  we 
were  both  greatly  distressed. 

I  have  still  to  relate  how  Mme.  de  X contrived 

to  strike  the  final  blow.  Among  my  mother's  friends 
and  mine  was  Mme.  Charles  de  Damas,  whose  daugh- 
ter, the  wife  of  the  Count  de  Vogue,  was  the  intimate 
friend  of  my  sister,  and  was  also  intimate,  though 
in  a  less  degree,  with  myself.  Mme.  de  Damas  was 
an  ardent  Royalist,  and  in  the  habit  of  expressing  her 
opinions  with  some  imprudence.  She  had  even  been 
accused,  after  the  affair  of  the  3d  Nivose  (the  infernal 
machine),  of  having  concealed  certain  Chouans  who 
were  implicated.  In  the  autumn  of  1804  Mme.  de 
Damas  was  exiled  to  a  distance  of  forty  leagues  from 
Paris,  on  account  of  some  foolish  speeches.  The  act 
of  severity  sorely  distressed  both  the  mother  and  the 
daughter:  the  latter  was  near  her  confinement,  and 
I,  having  witnessed  their  tears  and  shared  their  grief, 
went  for  consolation  to  the  Empress.  She  spoke  to 
her  husband,  and  he  was  good  enough  to  listen  to  my 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  321 

petition,  and  to  grant  me  the  revocation  of  the  sen- 
tence. 

Mme.  de  Damas,  in  her  impulsive  and  affectionate 
way,  published  abroad  the  service  I  had  rendered  her, 
and,  bound  by  feelings  of  gratitude  to  the  Empress, 
as  well  as  alarmed  at  the  risk  she  had  run,  she  became 
thenceforth  more  careful  of  her  words.  She  never 
mentioned  politics  to  me,  but  respected  my  position 
as  I  respected  her  feelings. 

It  happened,  however,  that  in  the  Marquise  de 

C ,  a  lady  who  had  formerly  been  celebrated  at 

Court  and  in  society  for  her  brilliancy  of  repartee, 

Mme.  de  Damas  had  an  enemy.  Mme.  de  C was 

on  friendly  terms  with  Mme.  de  X ,  and,  having 

discovered  her  liaison  with  the  Emperor,  she  extorted 

an  avowal  of  the  facts  from  Mme.  de  X .  Then, 

being  of  an  active  and  scheming  disposition,  she  un- 
dertook to  advise  her  friend  in  her  capacity  of  mistress 
to  the  sovereign.  They  had  some  conversation  about 

me,  and  Mme.  de  C ,  who  always  imagined  the 

intrigues  of  Versailles  in  the  incidents  of  the  Em- 
peror's Court,  concluded,  with  some  show  of  proba- 
bility, that  it  was  my  intention  to  supplant  the  new 
favorite.  As  I  was  reputed  to  possess  some  talent,  and 
as  my  reputation  on  this  point  owed  a  great  deal  to 
my  mother's,  it  was  supposed  that  I  must  be  fond  of 

intrigue.  Mme.  de  C ,  intending  to  do  a  bad  turn 

to  Mme.  de  Damas,  and  at  the  same  time  to  injure 

me,  mentioned  her  to  Mme.  de  X as  a  woman 

more  devoted  than  ever  to  her  Royalist  opinions, 
ready  to  enter  into  any  secret  correspondence,  and  to 
abuse  ths  indulgence  with  which  she  had  been  treated, 
by  acting  against  the  Emperor  whenever  she  could. 
My  friendship  with  her  was  described  as  more  inti- 
mate than  it  really  was;  and  this,  being  reported  to 
the  Emperor,  served  to  prejudice  him  against  me.  He 


322  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

no  longer  summoned  me  to  join  him  at  the  card- 
table,  nor  conversed  with  me;  I  was  not  invited  to 
Malmaison  or  to  the  hunting-parties ;  in  short,  I  found 
myself  in  disgrace  without  being  able  to  guess  at  the 
cause,  for,  on  account  of  my  failing  health,  I  was 
living  in  comparative  solitude  and  retirement.  My 
husband  and  I  were  too  closely  united  for  disgrace  to 
fall  on  one  without  including  the  other,  and  neither 
of  us  could  understand  why  we  were  thus  treated. 

As  the  Emperor's  friendship  for  me  cooled,  I  re- 
gained the  confidence  of  his  wife,  who  took  me  back 
into  favor  as  lightly  as  she  had  given  me  up,  and 
without  a  word  of  explanation.  By  this  time  I  knew 
her  sufficiently  to  understand  that  explanations  would 
be  useless.  She  enlightened  me  respecting  the  Em- 
peror's displeasure.  She  had  learned  from  him  that 

Mme.  de  C and  Mme.  de  X 'had  informed 

against  me.  He  had  gone  so  far  as  to  acknowledge  to 
his  wife  that  he  was  in  love,  and  gave  her  to  under- 
stand that  he  must  not  be  thwarted ;  adding,  in  order 
to  console  her,  that  it  was  a  passing  fancy,  which 
would  only  be  increased  by  opposition,  but  would  soon 
pass  away  if  it  were  not  balked. 

The  Empress  made  up  her  mind  to  endurance;  but 

she  never  addressed  Mme.  de  X .    The  latter  cared 

little  for  that,  however,  and  regarded  the  conjugal 
broils  of  which  she  was  the  cause  with  impudent  in- 
difference. Besides,  under  the  direction  of  Mme. 
Murat,  she  ministered  to  the  Emperor's  tastes  by 
retailing  to  him  a  great  deal  of  evil  of  a  great  number 
of  people.  Many  persons  were  ruined  during  her  spell 
of  favor,  and  she  fostered  the  worst  qualities  of  the 
Emperor's  suspicious  nature. 

When  I  learned  this  new  accusation  against  me,  I 
again  requested  an  audience  of  him;  but  this  time  his 
manner  was  stern.  He  reproached  me  with  being 


The  Palace  of  Fontainebleau  presented  a  strange  spectacle 
just  then,  inhabited  as  it  was  by  so  extraordinary  a  medley  of 
persons — sovereigns,  princes,  military  officers,  priests,  women. 

—p.  295 
From  the  painting  by  Adrien  Moreau. 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  323 

friendly  only  with  his  enemies,  with  having  defended 
the  Polignacs,  with  being  an  agent  of  the  "  aristocrats." 
"  I  intended  to  make  a  great  lady  of  you,"  he  said — 
"  to  raise  your  fortunes  to  a  great  height ;  but  all  that 
can  only  be  the  reward  of  entire  devotion.  You  must 
break  with  your  former  friends,  and,  the  next  time 
Mme.  de  Damas  comes  to  your  house,  you  must  refuse 
her  admittance,  and  have  her  told  that  you  carl  not 
associate  with  my  enemies.  Then  I  shall  believe  in 
your  attachment."  I  made  no  attempt  to  point  out  to 
him  how  contrary  such  a  mode  of  action  would  be  to 
all  my  habits;  but  I  consented  to  refrain  from  seeing 
Mme.  de  Damas,  whose  conduct,  at  least  since  the 
pardon  had  been  granted  her,  I  defended.  He  spoke 
to  me  very  severely;  he  was  deeply  prejudiced,  and 
I  saw  that  I  must  only  trust  to  time  to  open  his  eyes. 
A  few  days  later  Mme.  de  Damas  was  again  ordered 
into  exile.  She  was  ill  in  bed;  and  the  Emperor  sent 
Corvisart  to  her,  to  certify  whether,  in  fact,  she  could 
not  be  removed.  Corvisart  was  a  friend  of  mine,  and 
gave  his  opinion  according  to  my  wishes ;  but  at  length 
Mme.  de  Damas  recovered  and  left  Paris.  It  was  long 
before  she  returned.  I  no  longer  visited  her,  nor  did 
she  come  to  me,  but  she  retained  her  former  affection 
for  me,  and  perfectly  understood  the  motives  which 
constrained  me  to  act  as  I  did.  Count  Charles  de 
Damas,  who  was  straightforward,  simple,  and  less 
indiscreet  than  his  wife,  was  never  annoyed  by  the 
police,  while  they  kept  constant  watch  on  Mme.  de 
Damas.  Some  years  later,  the  Emperor  gave  Mme. 
de  Vogue  to  understand  that  he  wished  her  to  be 
presented  at  Court:  this  was  during  the  reign  of  the 
Archduchess. 

Meanwhile  the  Bonapartes  triumphed.     Eugene,  the 
constant  object  of  their  jealousy,  was  positively  badly 
treated,  and  was  a  source  of  secret  trouble  to  the  Em- 
Vol.  9  K — Memoirs 


324  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

peror.  Suddenly,  toward  the  end  of  January,  in  very 
severe  weather,  Eugene  received  orders  to  proceed 
with  his  regiment  to  Italy  within  four  and  twenty 
hours.  Eugene  felt  convinced  that  he  was  in  complete 
disgrace.  The  Empress,  believing  this  to  be  the  doing 

of  Mme.  de  X ,  wept  bitterly,  but  her  son  strictly 

forbade  her  to  make  any  appeal.  He  took  leave  of 
the  Emperor,  who  received  him  with  coldness,  and  we 
heard  the  following  day  that  the  Guards'  Regiment  of 
Guides  had  departed,  its  colonel  marching  at  its  head, 
notwithstanding  the  inclemency  of  the  season. 

The  Princess  Louis,  in  speaking  to  me  of  this  harsh 
act,  expressed  her  pride  in  her  brother's  obedience. 
"  If  the  Emperor,"  she  said,  "  had  exacted  such  a  thing 
from  a  member  of  his  own  family,  you  would  have 
seen  what  a  noise  would  have  been  made ;  but  not  one 
word  has  been  uttered  in  this  case,  and  I  think  Bona- 
parte must  be  impressed  by  such  an  act  of  submission." 
And  in  fact  he  was,  but  still  more  by  the  ill-natured 
satisfaction  of  his  brothers  and  sisters.  He  liked  to 
disappoint  them;  and  although,  in  a  fit  of  jealousy, 
he  had  sent  away  his  stepson,  he  immediately  rewarded 
him  for  his  good  behavior.  On  the  ist  of  February, 
1805,  the  Senate  received  two  letters  from  the  Em- 
peror. In  one  he  announced  the  elevation  of  Marshal 
Murat  to  the  rank  of  Prince  and  Grand  Admiral  of 
the  Empire.  This  was  the  reward  of  his  recent  acts 
of  complaisance,  and  the  result  of  Mme.  Murat's 
importunities.  In  the  other  letter,  which  was  couched 
in  flattering  and  affectionate  terms  toward  Eugene  he 
was  created  Vice-Arch-Chancellor  t»f  State.  This  was 
one  of  the  great  posts  of  the  Empire.  Eugene  heard 
of  his  promotion  when  he  was  a  few  miles  from  Lyons, 
where  the  courier  found  him  on  horseback  at  the  head 
of  his  regiment,  covered  with  thickly  falling  snow. 

Before  I  deal  with  the  union  of  the  crown  of  Italy 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  325 

with  that  of  France,  a  great  event  which  afforded 
us  a  new  spectacle,  and  was  the  cause  of  the  war  that 
broke  out  in  the  autumn  of  this  year,  I  will  relate  all 

that  remains  to  be  told  concerning  Mme.  de  X . 

She  seemed  to  engross  the  Emperor's  thoughts  more 
and  more;  and,  as  she  became  assured  of  her  power, 
so  she  became  less  circumspect  in  her  conduct  toward 
the  Empress,  and  seemed  to  delight  in  her  misery. 
During  a  short  stay  which  we  made  at  Malmaison, 
appearances  were  more  than  ever  outraged.  To  the 
surprise  of  every  one,  the  Emperor  would  walk  about 

the  grounds  with  Mme.  de  X and  young  Mme. 

Savary — whose  eyes  and  tongue  were  not  at  all  formi- 
dable— and  he  devoted  less  time  than  usual  to  business. 
The  Empress  remained  in  her  room,  weeping,  tortured 
with  apprehension,  brooding  upon  recognized  liasons, 
disgrace  and  oblivion  for  herself,  and  possibly  divorce, 
the  continually  recurring  object  of  her  apprehensions. 
She  no  longer  had  courage  for  useless  altercations; 
but  her  sadness  bore  witness  to  her  grief,  and  at  last 
touched  her  husband's  heart.  Perhaps  his  love  for  her 
revived,  or  possession  weakened  his  passion  for  Mme. 

de  X ,  or  he  became  ashamed  of  the  sway  the 

latter  exercised  over  him ;  but,  whatever  was  the  cause, 
that  which  he  had  predicted  of  himself  came  to  pass. 
One  day,  when  he  was  alone  with  his  wife  and  saw  her 
weeping  at  something  he  had  said,  he  suddenly  re- 
sumed the  affectionate  manner  of  former  times,  and, 
admitting  her  to  the  most  intimate  confidence,  owned 
to  her  once  more  that  he  had  been  very  much  infatu- 
ated, but  said  that  it  was  all  over.  He  added  that  he 
had  detected  an  attempt  to  govern  him — that  Mme.  de 

X had  told  him  a  number  of  very   ill-natured 

stories;  and  he  actually  concluded  by  asking  the  Em- 
press to  assist  him  to  put  an  end  to  a  liaison  which  he 
no  longer  cared  about. 


326  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

The  Empress  was  not  in  the  least  vindictive;  it  is 
but  just  to  say  that  for  her.  So  soon  as  she  found 
that  she  no  longer  had  anything  to  fear,  her  anger 
vanished.  Delighted  to  be  rid  of  her  trouble,  she 
showed  no  severity  toward  the  Emperor,  but  once 
more  became  the  gentle  and  indulgent  wife,  always 
ready  to  forgive  him.  She  objected  to  any  publicity 
on  this  occasion,  and  even  promised  her  husband  that, 

if  he  would  alter  his  behavior  to  Mme.  de  X ,  she, 

on  her  part,  would  alter  hers  also,  and  would  shield 
the  lady  from  any  annoyance  which  might  result  from 
the  change.  She  only  claimed  the  right  to  an  interview 

with  Mme.  de  X .  Accordingly,  she  sent  for  her, 

and  spoke  to  her  plainly  and  frankly,  pointing  out  the 
risk  she  had  run,  excusing  her  apparent  levity  on  the 
plea  of  her  youth  and  imprudence,  recommending 
greater  discretion  for  the  future,  and  promising  that 
the  past  should  be  forgotten. 

During  this  conversation  Mme.  de  X remained 

perfectly  self-possessed,  calmly  denying  that  she 
deserved  any  such  admonitions,  evincing  no  emotion, 
not  a  trace  of  gratitude.  In  sight  of  the  whole  Court, 
which  for  some  time  continued  to  observe  her,  she 
maintained  a  cool  and  self-contained  demeanor,  which 
proved  that  her  heart  was  not  much  concerned  in  the 
intimacy  now  broken  off,  and  also  that  she  could  keep 
her  private  feelings  well  in  check — for  it  is  difficult  to 
believe  that  her  vanity,  at  any  rate,  was  not  deeply 
mortified.  The  Emperor,  who,  as  I  have  already  said, 
dreaded  the  least  appearance  of  being  ruled  by  any- 
body, ostentatiously  exhibited  his  freedom.  He  was 

not  even  commonly  civil  to  Mme.  de  X ;  he  never 

looked  at  her;  and  he  spoke  slightingly  of  her,  either 
to  Mme.  Bonaparte,  who  could  not  deny  herself  the 
pleasure  of  repeating  his  words,  or  to  men  with  whom 
he  was  on  familiar  terms.  He  was  careful  to  explain 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  327 

that  this  had  only  been  a  passing  fancy,  and  would 
relate  the  successive  phases  of  it  with  indecent  candor, 
most  insulting  toward  her  who  had  been  its  object. 
He  was  ashamed  of  his  infatuation,  for  it  was  a  proof 
that  he  had  submitted  to  a  power  stronger  than  his 
own. 

This  behavior  confirmed  me  in  a  belief  which  I 
had  often  expounded  to  the  Empress  in  order  to  con- 
sole her.  To  be  the  wife  of  such  a  man  might  be  a 
grand  and  enviable  position,  gratifying  to  one's  pride 
at  least;  but  to  be  his  mistress  could  never  be  other- 
wise than  unsatisfactory,  for  his  was  not  a  nature  to 
compensate  a  weak  and  loving  woman  for  the  sacri- 
fices she  would  have  to  make  for  him,  nor  to  afford  an 
ambitious  one  the  means  of  exercising  power. 

With  the  short  reign  of  Mme.  de  X the  influ- 
ence of  Murat  and  the  Bonapartes  came  for  the  time 
being  to  an  end;  for,  on  the  reconciliation  of  the 
Emperor  with  his  wife,  his  former  confidence  in  her 
revived,  and  he  heard  from  her  lips  of  all  the  petty 
schemes  of  which  she  had  been  the  victim  and  himself 
the  object.  I  profited  in  a  measure  by  the  change;  yet 
the  impression  which  had  been  made  could  not  be  alto- 
gether effaced,  and  the  Emperor  retained  his  convic- 
tion that  M.  de  Remusat  and  I  were  incapable  of  the 
sort  of  devotion  that  he  required,  a  devotion  claiming 
the  sacrifice  both  of  personal  inclinations  and  of  those 
convenances  which  he  despised.  He  had  a  right,  per- 
haps, to  expect  the  former:  one  ought  to  renounce  a 
Court  life,  unless  one  can  make  it  the  only  sphere  of 
one's  thoughts  and  actions;  and  neither  my  husband 
nor  I  was  capable  of  doing  so.  I  have  always  longed 
to  attach  myself  with  all  my  heart  to  the  duties  of  my 
state,  and  at  this  period  I  was  too  heart-sore  not  to  feel 
some  constraint  in  performing  those  which  devolved 
on  me.  I  began  to  see  that  the  Emperor  was  not  the 


328  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

man  I  had  taken  him  for.  Already  he  inspired  me 
with  fear  rather  than  with  affection;  and,  in  propor- 
tion as  my  assiduity  in  obeying  him  increased,  I  felt 
the  sharp  pain  of  vanishing  illusions,  and  I  suffered 
beforehand  from  all  that  I  foresaw.  The  quaking  of 
the  earth  on  which  we  stood  alarmed  both  M.  de 
Remusat  and  myself,  and  he  especially  resigned  him- 
self with  difficulty  to  a  life  which  was  extremely  un- 
pleasing  to  him. 

When  I  recall  these  troubles  now,  how  happy  I  am 
to  see  him,  quiet  and  contented,  at  the  head  of  affairs 
in  an  important  province,  honorably  fulfilling  the  duty 
of  a  good  citizen,  and  serving  his  country  usefully!* 
Can  there  be  a  worthier  employment  of  the  faculties 
of  an  enlightened  and  high-hearted  man,  or  a  greater 
contrast  with  the  restless,  troublesome,  not  to  say 
ridiculous  life  which  has  to  be  led,  without  one  mo- 
ment's intermission,  in  the  courts  of  kings?  I  say 
courts,  because  they  are  all  alike.  No  doubt  the  differ- 
ence of  character  in  sovereigns  has  some  influence  over 
the  lives  of  those  who  surround  them ;  there  are  shades 
of  difference  in  the  homage  exacted  by  Louis  XIV., 
our  own  King  Louis  XVIIL,  the  Emperor  Alexander, 
or  Bonaparte.  But,  though  masters  may  differ,  cour- 
tiers are  everywhere  the  same;  the  same  passions  are 
in  play,  for  vanity  is  invariably  their  secret  spring. 
Jealousy,  the  longing  to  supplant  others,  the  fear  of 
being  stopped  on  the  road,  or  finding  others  preferred 
to  one's  self — these  do,  and  always  will,  cause  similar 
perturbations;  and  I  am  profoundly  persuaded  that 
any  one,  who,  dwelling  in  a  palace,  wishes  to  exercise 
his  faculties  of  thinking  and  of  feeling,  must  be 
unhappy. 


*At  the  time  I  write,  September,  1818,  my  husband  is  Prefect 
of  the  Departement  du  Nord. 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  329 

Toward  the  end  of  this  winter  the  Imperial  Court 
was  again  augmented.  A  number  of  persons,  among 
whom  I  could  name  some  who  are  now  inexorable  to 
all  who  ever  were  in  the  Emperor's  service,  were 
eagerly  bidding  for  place.  The  Empress,  M.  de 
Talleyrand,  and  M.  de  Remusat  received  their  re- 
quests, and  handed  long  lists  to  Bonaparte,  who  would 
smile  when  he  saw  in  the  same  column  the  names  of 
ci-devant  Liberals,  of  soldiers  who  had  been  jealous  of 
his  promotion,  and  of  gentlemen  who,  after  having 
jeered  at  what  they  called  our  farce  of  royalty,  were 
now  all  begging  to  be  allowed  to  play  parts  in  it.  Some 
of  these  petitions  were  granted.  Mesdames  de 
Turenne,  de  Montalivet,  de  Bouille,  Deveaux,  and 
Marescot  were  appointed  Ladies-in-Waiting ;  MM. 
Hedouville,  de  Croij,  de  Mercy  d'Argenteau,  de 
Tournon,  and  de  Bondy  were  made  Chamberlains  to 
the  Emperor;  MM.  de  Beam,  de  Courtomer,  and  the 
Prince  de  Gavre,  Chamberlains  to  the  Empress ;  M.  de 
Canisy,  Equerry;  M.  de  Bausset,  Prefect  of  the 
Palace,  etc. 

This  numerous  Court  consisted  of  various  elements 
foreign  to  each  other,  but  all  were  brought  to  one 
level  by  fear  of  the  all-powerful  master.  There  was 
little  rivalry  among  the  ladies;  they  were  strangers 
to  each  other,  and  did  not  become  intimate.  The 
Empress  treated  them  all  alike.  Mme.  de  la  Roche- 
foucauld, light-hearted  and  easy-tempered,  showed  no 
jealousy  toward  any  one.  The  Mistress  of  the  Robes 
was  amiable,  silent,  and  nothing  more.  Day  by  day  I 
drew  back  from  the  somewhat  dangerous  friendship 
of  the  Empress;  but  I  must  own  that  such  was  her 
evenness  of  temper,  so  gracious  was  her  bearing,  that 
the  Court  circle  by  which  she  was  surrounded  was 
free  from  disturbance  or  jealousy. 

It  was  not  so  in  the  case  of  the  Emperor— but  then 


330  EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE 

he  himself  designedly  kept  up  a  state  of  disquiet.  For 
instance,  M.  de  Talleyrand,  who  had  slightly  dimin- 
ished the  importance  of  M.  de  Remusat's  position,  not 
with  the  intention  of  injuring  him,  but  in  order  to 
satisfy  some  new-comers  who  were  jealous  of  my 
husband,  was  brought  into  closer  contact  with  him 
afterward,  and  began  to  appreciate  his  worth  and  to 
show  some  interest  in  him.  Bonaparte  perceived  this. 
The  slightest  appearance  of  private  friendship  alarmed 
him,  and  he  took  the  minutest  precautions  to  prevent 
anything  of  the  kind ;  so  he  spoke  to  my  husband  one 
day  in  a  tone  of  unusual  cordiality.  "  Take  care," 
said  he,  "  M.  de  Talleyrand  seems  to  be  making 
advances  to  you;  but  I  know  to  a  certainty  that  he 
bears  you  no  good  will." 

"  And  why  should  M.  de  Talleyrand  bear  me  ill 
will  ?  "  said  my  husband  to  me,  on  repeating  these 
words.  We  could  not  tell  why,  but  this  speech  gave 
us  a  feeling  of  distrust,  which  was  all  that  the  Em- 
peror wanted. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  at  the  Emperor's 
Court  in  the  spring  of  1805.  I  will  now  retrace  my 
steps  and  give  an  account  of  the  momentous  resolution 
that  was  come  to  concerning  the  crown  of  Italy. 


BOOK   II 

CHAPTER    XII 
(1805.) 

ON  the  4th  of  February,  1805,  we  were  informed 
by  the  "  Moniteur  "  that  the  King  of  Eng- 
land   had    intimated,    in    his    speech    on    the 
opening  of  Parliament  on  the  i6th  of  January,  that 
the  Emperor  had  made  fresh  propositions  of  recon- 
ciliation.    The  Government  had  replied  that  nothing 
could  be  agreed  upon  without  previously  conferring 
with  the  other  Powers  of  the  Continent,  and  espe- 
cially with  the  Emperor  Alexander. 

According  to  custom,  some  sharp  comments  were 
made  upon  this  speech,  which,  while  they  put  forward 
the  friendly  relations  that  existed — at  least,  outwardly 
— between  ourselves  and  the  sovereigns  of  Europe, 
yet  admitted  a  certain  coolness  between  the  Emperors 
of  Russia  and  of  France,  and  attributed  this  coolness 
to  the  intrigues  of  MM.  de  Marcoff  and  de  Voron- 
zoff,  who  were  both  partisans  of  the  English  policy. 
The  King's  speech  also  announced  war  between  Eng- 
land and  Spain. 

On  the  same  day,  the  4th  of  February,  the  Senate 
having  been  assembled,  M.  de  Talleyrand  presented 
a  report,  very  ably  drawn  up,  in  which  he  expounded 
the  system  of  conduct  adopted  by  Bonaparte  toward 

331 


332  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

the  English.  He  described  it  as  a  constant  effort  for 
peace,  while  entertaining  no  fear  of  war.  He  drew 
attention  to  the  state  of  our  preparations  which 
threatened  the  English  coasts,  many  flotillas  being 
equipped  and  ready  in  the  harbors;  and  to  the  army, 
large  in  numbers  and  high  in  heart.  He  gave  an  ac- 
count of  the  means  of  defense  which  the  enemy  had 
gathered  together  on  the  coasts,  and  which  proved 
that  the  landing  of  the  French  was  not  looked  upon 
as  impossible;  and,  after  bestowing  the  highest  praise 
on  the  conduct  of  the  Emperor,  he  read  to  the  as- 
sembled Senate  the  following  letter,  addressed  to  the 
King  of  England: 

"SiR  AND  BROTHER: 

"  Having  been  called  by  Providence,  and  by  the 
voice  of  the  Senate,  the  people,  and  the  army,  to  the 
throne  of  France,  my  first  feeling  is  a  desire  for 
peace. 

"  France  and  England  are  wasting  their  prosper- 
ity. They  may  contend  for  centuries;  but  are  their 
Governments  rightfully  fulfilling  their  most  sacred 
duty,  and  does  not  their  conscience  reproach  them 
with  so  much  blood  shed  in  vain,  for  no  definite  end  ? 
I  am  not  ashamed  to  take  the  initiative.  I  have,  I 
think,  sufficiently  proved  to  the  whole  world  that  I 
do  not  fear  the  chances  of  war.  Indeed,  war  can 
bring  me  nothing  to  fear.  Peace  is  my  heartfelt  wish, 
but  war  has  never  been  adverse  to  my  renown.  I  im- 
plore your  Majesty  not  to  deprive  yourself  of  the 
happiness  of  bestowing  peace  on  the  world.  Do  not 
delegate  so  consolatory  an  action  to  your  children. 
Never  was  there  a  better  occasion,  nor  a  more  favor- 
able moment  for  imposing  silence  on  passion,  and  for 
listening  only  to  the  voice  of  humanity  and  reason. 
If  this  opportunity  be  lost,  what  term  can  be  assigned 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  333 

to  a  war  which  all  my  endeavors  might  fail  to  ter- 
minate? In  the  last  ten  years  your  Majesty's  king- 
dom has  increased  in  magnitude  and  wealth  by  more 
than  the  whole  extent  of  Europe;  your  nation  has 
reached  the  highest  point  of  prosperity.  What  do  you 
hope  to  gain  by  war?  The  coalition  of  some  conti- 
nental powers?  The  Continent  will  remain  tranquil. 
A  coalition  would  but  increase  the  preponderance  and 
the  continental  greatness  of  France.  To  renew  inter- 
nal difficulties?  The  times  are  no  longer  the  same. 
To  destroy  our  revenues?  Revenues  founded  on 
good  husbandry  are  not  to  be  destroyed.  To  snatch 
her  colonies  from  France?  Colonies  are  objects  of 
but  secondary  importance  to  France;  and  does  not 
your  Majesty  already  possess  more  than  you  can 
keep?  If  your  Majesty  will  reflect  on  it,  you  will  see 
that  war  will  be  without  an  object,  without  any  prob- 
able result  for  yourself.  Ah!  how  sad  a  prospect  is 
it  to  engage  nations  in  war  for  war's  sake  ! 

"  The  world  is  large  enough  for  our  two  nations 
to  live  in  it,  and  the  power  of  reason  is  sufficient  to 
enable  us  to  overcome  all  difficulties,  if  on  both  sides 
there  is  the  will  to  do  so.  In  any  case,  I  have  fulfilled 
a  duty  which  I  hold  to  be  righteous,  and  which  is  dear 
to  my  heart.  I  trust  your  Majesty  will  believe  in  the 
sincerity  of  the  sentiments  I  have  just  expressed,  and 
in  my  earnest  desire  to  give  you  a  proof  of  them.  On 
this,  etc. 

(Signed)  "NAPOLEON. 


. 

12  Nivose,  year  13. 
2d  January,  1805." 

After  having  eulogized  this  letter  (surely  a  remark- 
able one!)  as  a  striking  proof  of  Bonaparte's  love  for 
the  French,  of  his  desire  for  peace,  and  of  his  gen- 
erous moderation,  M.  de  Talleyrand  communicated 


334  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

the  reply  of  Lord  Mulgrave,  the  Foreign  Secretary. 
It  was  as  follows: 

"  His  Majesty  has  received  the  letter  addressed  to 
him  by  the  chief  of  the  French  Government,  dated 
the  2d  inst. 

"  His  Majesty  has  no  dearer  wish  than  to  embrace 
the  first  opportunity  of  once  more  procuring  for  his 
subjects  the  advantages  of  a  peace  which  shall  be 
founded  on  bases  not  incompatible  with  the  perma- 
nent security  and  the  essential  interests  of  his  States. 
His  Majesty  is  convinced  that  this  end  can  only  be 
attained  by  an  arrangement  which  will  provide  alike 
for  the  future  security  and  tranquillity  of  Europe, 
and  prevent  a  renewal  of  the  dangers  and  misfortunes 
which  have  beset  the  Continent. 

"  His  Majesty,  therefore,  feels  it  to  be  impossible 
to  reply  more  decisively  to  the  question  which  has 
been  put  to  him,  until  he  has  had  time  to  communicate 
with  those  continental  Powers  with  whom  he  is  allied, 
and  particularly  with  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  who 
has  given  the  strongest  proofs  of  his  wisdom  and 
good  feeling,  and  of  the  deep  interest  which  he  takes 
in  the  security  and  independence  of  Europe. 

"  14th  January,   1805." 

The  vague  and  indefinite  character  of  this  thor- 
oughly diplomatic  reply  exhibited  the  Emperor's  let- 
ter to  great  advantage.  That  letter  was  firm  in  tone, 
and  bore  every  appearance  of  magnanimous  sincerity. 
It  had,  therefore,  a  good  effect,  and  the  various  re- 
ports of  those  whose  task  it  was  to  present  it  to  the 
three  great  bodies  of  the  State  put  it  in  the  most 
favorable  light. 

The  report  of  Regnault  de  Saint-Jean  d'Angely, 
Councillor  of  State,  is  remarkable  and  interesting 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  335 

even  now.  The  praises  accorded  to  the  Emperor, 
though  carried  to  excess,  are  finely  phrased;  the  pic- 
ture of  Europe  is  ably  drawn;  that  of  the  evil  which 
war  must  entail  on  England  is  at  least  specious; 
and,  finally,  the  description  of  our  prosperity  at 
that  period  is  impressive,  and  very  little,  if  at  all, 
exaggerated. 

"  France,"  he  said,  "  has  nothing  to  ask  from 
Heaven,  but  that  the  sun  may  continue  to  shine,  the 
rain  to  fall  on  our  fields,  and  the  earth  to  render  the 
seed  fruitful." 

All  this  was  true  then,  and,  had  a  wise  administra- 
tion, a  moderate  government,  and  a  liberal  constitu- 
tion been  given  to  France,  that  prosperity  would  have 
been  consolidated.  But  constitutional  ideas  formed 
no  part  of  Bonaparte's  plan.  Perhaps  he  really  be- 
lieved, as  he  often  said,  that  the  French  character  and 
the  geographical  position  of  France  were  opposed  to 
representative  government.  Perhaps,  conscious  of  his 
own  strength  and  ability,  he  could  not  make  up  his 
mind  to  sacrifice  to  the  future  well-being  of  France 
those  advantages  which  he  believed  he  could  give  us 
by  the  mere  strength  of  his  will.  Whatever  was  the 
case,  he  seldom  lost  an  opportunity  of  disparaging  our 
neighbor's  form  of  government. 

"  The  unfortunate  position  in  which  you  have 
placed  your  nation,"  he  wrote  in  the  "  Moniteur," 
addressing  himself  to  the  English  Cabinet,  "  can  only 
be  explained  by  the  ill  fortune  of  a  State  whose  home 
policy  is  insecure,  and  whose  Government  is  the 
wretched  tool  of  Parliamentary  factions  and  of  a 
powerful  oligarchy." 

Although  he  felt  at  times  that  he  was  opposing  the 
spirit  of  the  age,  he  believed  himself  strong  enough 
to  resist  it.  At  a  later  period  he  said :  "  During  my 
lifetime  I  shall  reign  as  I  please;  but  my  son  must 


336  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

perforce  be  a  Liberal."  And  meanwhile  he  pictured 
to  himself  the  creation  of  feudal  states,  believing  that 
he  could  make  them  acceptable,  and  preserve  them 
from  the  criticism  which  was  beginning  to  assail  an- 
cient institutions,  by  establishing  them  on  a  scale  so 
grand  that,  as  our  pride  would  be  enlisted,  our  reason 
might  be  silenced.  He  believed  that  once  again  he 
could  exhibit  what  history  has  already  witnessed,  the 
world  subject  to  a  "  People-King,"  but  that  royalty 
was  to  be  represented  in  his  own  person.  A  combina- 
tion of  Eastern  and  Roman  institutions,  bearing  also 
some  resemblance  to  the  times  of  Charlemagne,  was 
to  transform  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  into  great 
feudatories  of  the  French  Empire;  and  perhaps,  if 
the  sea  had  not  effectually  preserved  England  from 
invasion,  this  gigantic  project  might  have  been  car- 
ried out. 

Shortly  after,  the  Emperor  laid  the  foundation- 
stone  of  this  brain-built  edifice.  I  allude  to  the  union 
of  the  Iron  Crown  with  that  of  France. 

On  the  1 7th  of  March  M.  de  Melzi,  Vice-President 
of  the  Italian  Republic,  accompanied  by  the  principal 
members  of  the  Council  of  State  and  a  numerous 
deputation  of  presidents  of  the  electoral  colleges, 
deputies  from  the  Corps  Legislatif,  and  other  import- 
ant persons,  was  received  by  the  Emperor  on  his 
throne,  and  submitted  to  him  the  ardent  desire  of  the 
Council  that  he  would  graciously  consent  to  reign  over 
the  ultramontane  republic  also.  "  Our  present  Gov- 
ernment," said  M.  de  Melzi,  "  can  not  continue,  be- 
cause it  throws  us  behind  the  age  in  which  we  live. 
Constitutional  monarchy  is  everywhere  indicated  by 
the  finger  of  progress. 

"  The  Italian  Republic  claims  a  King,  and  her  in- 
terests demand  that  this  King  should  be  Napoleon, 
on  the  condition  that  the  two  crowns  shall  be  united 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  337 

on  his  head  only,  and  that,  so  soon  as  the  Mediterra- 
nean is  once  more  free,  he  will  himself  nominate  a 
successor  of  his  own  blood." 

Bonaparte  replied  that  he  had  always  labored  for 
the  welfare  of  Italy;  that  for  this  end  he  would  accept 
the  crown,  because  he  believed  that  any  other  course 
would  j  ust  now  be  fatal  to  her  independence ;  and  that 
afterward,  when  the  time  came  for  so  doing,  he  would 
gladly  place  the  Iron  Crown  on  some  younger  head, 
as  he  should  always  be  ready  to  sacrifice  himself  for 
the  interests  of  the  States  over  which  he  was  called  to 
reign. 

On  the  following  day,  the  i8th  of  March,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Senate  in  state,  and  announced  both  the 
request  of  the  Council  and  his  own  consent.  M.  de 
Melzi  and  all  the  Italians  took  the  oaths,  and  the  Sen- 
ate approved  and  applauded  as  usual.  The  Emperor 
concluded  his  speech  by  declaring  that  the  genius  of 
evil  would  seek  in  vain  to  rekindle  the  fire  of  war  on 
the  Continent ;  that  which  had  been  united  to  the  Em- 
pire would  remain  united. 

He  doubtless  foresaw  that  this  event  would  be  the 
occasion  of  an  early  war,  at  least  with  the  Emperor 
of  Austria,  which,  however,  he  was  far  from  dread- 
ing. The  army  was  becoming  weary  of  inaction;  the 
invasion  of  England  was  too  perilous.  It  might  be 
that  favorable  circumstances  would  render  the  land- 
ing possible,  but  how  could  the  army  maintain  its 
footing  afterward  in  a  country  where  reinforcement 
would  be  wellnigh  impossible?  And,  in  case  of  fail- 
ure, what  would  be  the  chances  of  retreat?  It  may 
be  observed,  in  the  history  of  Bonaparte,  that  he  al- 
ways contrived  to  avoid  a  positively  hopeless  position 
as  far  as  possible,  and  especially  for  himself  per- 
sonally. A  war,  therefore,  would  serve  his  purpose 
by  relieving  him  from  this  project  of  invasion, 


338  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

which,  from  the  moment  he  renounced  it,  became 
ridiculous. 

During  the  same  session,  the  State  of  Piombino 
was  given  to  the  Princess  Elisa.  On  announcing  this 
to  the  Senate,  Bonaparte  stated  that  the  principality 
had  been  badly  governed  for  several  years;  that  the 
interests  of  France  were  concerned,  on  account  of  the 
facilities  which  it  offered  for  communication  with 
the  Island  of  Elba  and  with  Corsica ;  and  that  the  gift 
was  not  a  token  of  special  affection,  but  an  act  in 
accordance  with  a  wise  policy,  with  the  splendor  of 
the  crown,  and  with  the  interests  of  nations. 

As  a  proof  that  these  gifts  of  the  Emperor  were  in 
the  nature  of  fiefs,  the  Imperial  decree  was  to  the 
effect  that  the  children  of-  Mme.  Bacciochi,  on  succeed- 
ing to  their  mother,  should  receive  investiture  from 
the  Emperor  of  the  French;  that  they  should  not 
marry  without  his  consent;  and  that  the  Princess's 
husband,  who  was  to  assume  the  title  of  Prince  of 
Piombino,  should  take  the  following  oath: 

"  I  swear  fidelity  to  the  Emperor ;  I  promise  to  aid 
with  my  whole  power  the  garrison  of  the  Island  of 
Elba;  and  I  declare  that  I  will  not  cease,  under  any 
circumstances,  to  fulfill  the  duties  of  a  good  and 
faithful  subject  toward  his  Majesty  the  Emperor  of 
the  French." 

A  few  days  after  this  the  Pope  solemnly  baptized 
the  second  son  of  Louis  Bonaparte,  who  was  held  at 
the  font  by  his  father  and  mother.  This  great  cere- 
mony took  place  at  Saint  Cloud.  The  park  was  illu- 
minated on  the  occasion,  and  public  games  were  pro- 
vided for  the  people.  In  the  evening  there  was  a 
numerous  reception,  and  a  first  performance  of 
"  Athalie  "  at  the  theatre  at  Saint  Cloud. 

Racine's  great  tragedy  had  not  been  performed 
since  the  Revolution.  The  Emperor,  who  admitted 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  339 

he  had  never  been  impressed  by  reading  the  play,  was 
much  struck  by  its  representation,  and  repeated  on 
that  occasion  that  he  greatly  wished  such  a  tragedy 
might  be  written  during  his  own  reign.  He  gave  leave 
that  it  should  be  performed  in  Paris ;  and  thenceforth 
most  of  our  great  plays  resumed  their  place  on  the 
stage,  whence  they  had  been  prudently  banished  by 
the  Revolution. 

Some  few  lines,  nevertheless,  were  cut  out,  lest 
application  might  be  made  of  them  to  present  circum- 
stances. Luc  de  Lancival,  the  author  of  "  Hector," 
and  shortly  afterward  Esmenard,  author  of  "  Le 
Poeme  de  la  Navigation,"  were  intrusted  with  the 
task  of  revising  Corneille,  Racine,  and  Voltaire.  But, 
with  all  due  respect  to  these  precautionary  measures 
of  a  too  careful  police,  the  missing  lines,  like  the 
statues  of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  were  the  more  con- 
spicuous by  their  absence. 

In  consequence  of  the  momentous  decision  he  had 
arrived  at,  the  Emperor  announced  that  he  would 
speedily  proceed  to  Italy,  and  fixed  the  epoch  of  his 
coronation  for  the  month  of  May.  He  convened  the 
Italian  Legislature  for  the  same  date,  and  issued  sev- 
eral decrees  and  ordinances  relating  to  the  new  cus- 
toms to  be  established  in  Italy. 

He  also  appointed  ladies-in-waiting  and  chamber- 
lains to  attend  on  his  mother;  and  among  others  M. 
de  Cosse-Brissac,  who  had  solicited  that  favor.  At 
the  same  time  Prince  Borghese  was  declared  a  French 
citizen,  and  the  ladies-in-waiting  received  an  accession 
to  their  number  in  Mme.  de  Canisy,  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  women  of  her  time. 

Mme.  Murat  gave  birth  to  a  child  just  at  this  time ; 
she  was  then  residing  at  the  Hotel  Thelusson,  at  the 
end  of  the  Rue  d'Artois.  It  was  observed  on  this 
occasion  that  the  luxuriousness  of  the  new  Princesses 


340  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

was  continually  on  the  increase,  and  yet  it  had  not 
then  reached  the  height  which  it  afterward  attained. 
Mme.  Murat's  bedchamber  was  hung  with  pink  satin, 
the  bed  and  window  curtains  were  of  the  same  mate- 
rial, and  these  hangings  were  trimmed  with  broad 
and  very  fine  lace,  instead  of  fringe. 

The  preparations  for  the  Emperor's  departure  soon 
occupied  us  exclusively.  This  event  was  fixed  for 
the  2d  of  April,  when  the  Pope  was  also  to  leave 
Paris;  and  a  few  days  previously  M.  de  Remusat 
started  for  Milan,  in  charge  of  the  regalia  and  the 
crown  diamonds,  which  were  to  be  used  at  the  coro- 
nation. This  was  for  me  the  beginning  of  troubles, 
which  were  destined  to  recur  for  some  years.  I  had 
never  before  been  separated  from  my  husband,  and 
I  was  so  much  accustomed  to  the  enjoyments  of  my 
home  that  I  found  it  hard  to  be  deprived  of  them.  It 
made  the  Court  life  to  which  I  was  condemned  more 
irksome,  and  was  very  painful  to  my  husband  also, 
who,  like  myself,  fell  into  the  error  of  letting  his 
feelings  be  perceived.  I  have  already  said  that  a 
courtier  is  a  failure  if  he  suffer  any  feelings  to  divert 
his  attention  from  the  minutiae  which  constitute  his 
duties. 

My  distress  at  my  husband's  departure  on  a  jour- 
ney which  seemed  to  me  so  long,  and  even  dangerous 
— for  my  imagination  exaggerated  everything  regard- 
ing him — made  me  desirous  that  he  should  be  accom- 
panied by  a  friend  of  ours,  named  Salembemi,  who 
had  formerly  been  an  officer  in  the  navy.  He  was 
badly  off — had  only  the  salary  of  some  small  appoint- 
ment to  live  on,  with  what  M.  de  Remusat,  who  em- 
ployed him  as  his  secretary,  paid  him.  To  him  I  con- 
fided the  care  of  my  husband's  health.  He  was  a 
clever  man,  but  difficult  to  deal  with,  somewhat  mali- 
cious, and  of  a  peevish  temper.  He  was  the  cause  ot 


341 

more  than  one  of  our  troubles,  and  this  is  why  I  now 
make  mention  of  him. 

My  delicate  health  made  it  impossible  to  include 
me  in  the  suite.  The  Empress  seemed  to  regret  this. 
As  for  myself,  I  was,  on  the  whole,  glad  of  a  rest 
after  the  busy  life  I  had  been  leading,  and  happy  to 
remain  with  my  mother  and  my  children. 

Mesdames  de  la  Rochefoucauld,  d'Arberg,  de  Ser- 
rant,  and  Savary,  a  considerable  number  of  chamber- 
lains, the  great  officers,  and.  in  short,  a  numerous  and 
youthful  Court,  accompanied  the  Empress.  The  Em- 
peror started  on  the  2d,  and  the  Pope  on  the  4th  of 
April.  At  every  stage  of  his  journey  to  Rome  his 
Holiness  received  tokens  of  great  respect;  and  he 
then,  no  doubt,  believed  he  was  bidding  adieu  to 
France  for  ever. 

Murat  remained  as  Governor  of  Paris,  and  with 
a  charge  of  superintendence  which  he  extended  over 
everything;  but  his  reports,  I  think,  were  not  always 
disinterested.  Fouche,  who  was  more  liberal,  if  I 
may  use  the  expression,  in  the  exercise  of  his  police 
functions,  and  who  was  well  entitled  to  consider 
himself  necessary,  carried  things  with  rather  a  high 
hand,  but  was  conciliatory  to  all  parties  accord- 
ing to  his  system  of  making  himself  useful  to 
everybody. 

The  Arch-Chancellor  Cambaceres  also  remained  as 
Director  of  the  Council  of  State — an  office  of  which 
he  acquitted  himself  well — and  to  do  the  honors  of 
Paris.  He  received  a  good  deal  of  company,  welcom- 
ing them  with  a  gloomy  civility  which  gave  him  an 
almost  ridiculous  air. 

Paris  and  France  were  at  that  time  in  repose:  all 
things  seemed  to  work  together  for  order,  and  the 
general  state  of  subjection  to  be  complete.  The  Em- 
peror went  first  to  Champagne.  He  passed  a  day  at 


342  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

the  fine  old  chateau  of  Brienne,  in  order  that  he  might 
visit  the  scenes  of  his  childhood.  Mme.  de  Brienne 
professed  extreme  enthusiasm  for  him,  and,  as  wor- 
ship was  not  displeasing  to  him,  he  behaved  to  her 
with  great  amiability.  It  was  amusing  just  then,  to 
see  some  of  her  kinsfolk  at  Paris  receiving  the  lively 
letters  she  wrote  to  them  on  this  Imperial  visit.  How- 
ever, as  she  described  events,  these  letters  produced  a 
good  effect  in  what  we  call  here  "  good  society." 
Success  is  easy  to  the  powerful;  they  must  needs  be 
very  ill-natured  or  very  blundering  when  they  fail  to 
please. 

A  few  days  after  all  these  grand  departures,  the 
following  paragraph  appeared  in  the  "  Moniteur  " : 
"  Monsieur  Jerome  Bonaparte  has  arrived  at  Lisbon, 
on  board  an  American  vessel.  Among  the  passengers 
are  Mr.  and  Miss  Patterson.  M.  Jerome  immediately 
took  the  post  for  Madrid.  Mr.  and  Miss  Patterson 
have  reembarked.  It  is  understood  that  they  have 
returned  to  America."  I  believe  that  they  crossed  to 
England. 

This  Mr.  Patterson  was  no  other  than  the  father- 
in-law  of  Jerome,  who,  having  fallen  in  love  while 
in  America  with  the  daughter  of  an  American  mer- 
chant, had  made  her  his  wife,  persuading  himself  that, 
after  some  displeasure  on  his  brother's  part,  he  should 
obtain  his  forgiveness.  But  Bonaparte,  who  was  al- 
ready forming  other  projects  for  his  family,  was 
highly  incensed,  annulled  the  marriage,  and  forced 
his  brother  to  an  immediate  separation.  Jerome  trav- 
eled to  Italy,  and  joined  him  at  Turin,  but  was  very 
badly  received.  He  was  ordered  to  join  one  of  our 
fleets  then  cruising  in  the  Mediterranean,  remained 
at  sea  for  a  considerable  time,  and  was  not  restored 
to  favor  until  several  months  afterward. 

Throughout  all  France  the  Emperor  was  welcomed 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  343 

with  genuine  enthusiasm.  He  stayed  at  Lyons,  where 
he  secured  the  good  will  of  the  traders  by  issuing  de- 
crees favorable  to  their  interests.  He  crossed  Mont 
Cenis  and  remained  a  few  days  at  Turin. 

Meanwhile  M.  de  Remusat  had  reached  Milan, 
where  he  met  Prince  Eugene,  who  received  him  with 
his  characteristic  cordiality.  The  Prince  questioned 
my  husband  as  to  what  had  taken  place  in  Paris  since 
he  had  left  that  city,  and  succeeded  in  eliciting  some 

details  concerning  Mme.  de  X which  were  very 

grievous  to  his  feelings.  M.  de  Remusat  wrote  to  me 
that,  pending  the  arrival  of  the  Court,  he  was  leading 
a  tolerably  quiet  life.  He  explored  Milan,  which 
seemed  to  him  a  dull  town,  and  its  palace  was  dull 
also.  The  inhabitants  showed  little  affection  for  the 
French.  The  nobles  shut  themselves  up  in  their 
houses,  under  the  pretext  that  they  were  not  rich 
enough  to  do  the  honors  of  the  place  in  a  fitting  style. 
Prince  Eugene  endeavored  to  collect  them  about  him, 
but  succeeded  imperfectly.  The  Italians,  still  in  a  state 
of  suspense,  did  not  know  whether  to  rejoice  or 
repine  at  the  novel  destiny  which  we  forced  upon 
them. 

M.  de  Remusat  sent  me  at  this  period  some  rather 
curious  details  of  the  life  of  the  Milanese.  Their 
ignorance  of  all  that  constitutes  agreeable  society; 
the  absolute  non-existence  among  them  of  family  life, 
the  husbands,  strangers  to  their  wives,  leaving  them 
to  the  care  of  a  cavaliere  servente;  the  dullness  of  the 
theatres;  the  darkness  of  the  house,  whither  people 
go  in  morning-dress,  to  occupy  themselves  in  the 
nearly  closed  boxes  with  anything  rather  than  listen- 
ing to  the  opera ;  the  want  of  variety  in  the  perform- 
ances; the  difference  between  the  costumes  and  those 
of  France— all  these  things  gave  M.  de  Remusat  mat- 
ter for  remarks,  which  were  all  to  the  advantage  of 


344  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

our  beloved  country,  while  they  also  increased  his 
desire  to  return  to  France  and  to  me. 

During  this  time  the  Emperor  was  revisiting  the 
scenes  of  his  former  victories.  He  held  a  grand  re- 
view on  the  battle-field  of  Marengo,  and  distributed 
crosses  on  that  occasion.  The  troops  who  had  been 
massed  together  on  the  pretext  of  this  review,  and 
remained  afterward  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Adige, 
furnished  a  reason  or  pretext  on  which  the  Austrian 
Government  strengthened  their  already  very  power- 
ful line  of  defense  behind  this  river;  and  French  pol- 
icy took  offense  at  these  precautions. 

On  the  Qth  of  May  the  Emperor  reached  Milan. 
His  presence  caused  great  excitement  in  the  town,  and 
the  circumstances  attending  the  coronation  aroused 
the  same  ambition  as  they  had  caused  in  Paris.  The 
highest  nobles  of  Milan  began  to  long  for  the  new 
distinctions  and  the  advantages  appertaining  to  them; 
independence  and  unity  of  government  were  held  out 
to  the  Italians,  and  they  gave  themselves  up  to  the 
hopes  they  were  allowed  to  conceive. 

Immediately  on  the  arrival  of  the  Court  at  Milan, 
I  was  struck  by  the  dismal  tone  of  M.  de  Remusat's 
letters,  and  soon  afterward  I  learned  that  he  was  suf- 
fering from  his  master's  displeasure.  The  naval  offi- 
cer of  whom  I  have  spoken,  a  satirical  spectator  of 
what  was  going  on  at  Milan,  having  taken  it  into  his 
head  to  write  to  Paris  some  lively  and  rather  sarcas- 
tic accounts  of  what  was  passing  before  his  eyes, 
his  letters  had  been  opened,  and  M.  de  Remusat  was 
ordered  to  send  him  back  to  Paris.  He  was  not  at 
first  told  the  reason  for  this  order,  and  it  was  only  at 
a  later  period  that  he  learned  its  cause.  The  dis- 
pleasure of  the  Emperor  was  not  confined  to  the  sec- 
retary; it  fell  also  on  him  who  had  brought  him  to 
Italy, 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  345 

Besides  this,  Prince  Eugene  let  fall  som*  of  the 
details  he  had  obtained  in  confidence  from  my  hus- 
band; and,  finally,  it  was  discovered  from  our  letters, 
as  I  have  said  before,  that  our  thoughts  and  aspira- 
tions were  not  entirely  centered  in  the  interests  of  our 
places  at  Court.  These  causes  were  sufficient  to  anger 
a  master  who  was  by  nature  irascible ;  and  so,  accord- 
ing to  his  custom  of  using  men  for  his  own  advan- 
tage when  they  could  be  useful  to  him,  whatever 
might  be  his  feelings  toward  them,  he  exacted  from 
my  husband  a  service  of  the  most  rigid  punctuality, 
because  the  length  of  time  M.  de  Remusat  had  passed 
at  Court  had  given  him  experience  in  a  ceremonial 
which  daily  became  more  minute,  and  to  which  the 
Emperor  attached  greater  importance.  At  the  same 
time  he  treated  him  with  harshness  and  severity,  re- 
peating continually  to  those  who,  with  good  reason, 
would  praise  the  high  and  estimable  qualities  of  my 
husband,  "  All  that  you  say  may  be  true,  but  he  does 
not  belong  to  me  as  I  wish  him  to  belong  to  me." 
This  reproach  was  always  on  his  lips  during  the  years 
we  passed  in  his  service,  and  perhaps  there  is  some 
merit  in  our  never  having  ceased  to  deserve  it. 

This  Court  life,  so  busy  and  yet  so  idle,  gave  M.  de 
Talleyrand  and  M.  de  Remusat  an  opportunity  of 
becoming  better  acquainted,  and  was  the  beginning 
of  an  intimacy  which  at  a  later  period  caused  me  many 
and  various  emotions. 

The  fine  tact  of  M.  de  Talleyrand  discerned  the 
rightmindedness  and  the  keenness  of  observation  of 
my  husband;  they  agreed  on  a  multitude  of  subjects, 
and  the  difference  of  their  dispositions  did  not  pre- 
vent them  from  enjoying  an  interchange  of  ideas. 
One  day  M.  de  Talleyrand  said  to  M.  de  Remusat: 
"  I  can  see  that  you  distrust  me,  and  I  know  whence 
your  caution  proceeds.  We  serve  a  master  who  does 


346  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

not  like  intimacies.  When  he  appointed  us  both  to 
the  same  service,  he  foresaw  there  might  be  friend- 
ship between  us.  You  are  a  clever  man,  and  that  is 
enough  to  make  him  wish  that  you  and  I  should  re- 
main apart.  He  therefore  prejudiced  you  in  some 
way  against  me,  and  he  also  tried,  by  I  know  not  what 
reports,  to  put  me  on  my  guard.  It  will  not  be  his 
fault  if  we  do  not  remain  strangers  to  one  another. 
This  is  one  of  his  weaknesses,  and  we  must  recognize, 
indulge,  and  excuse,  without,  however,  submitting  to 
it."  This  straightforward  way  of  speaking,  enhanced 
by  the  graceful  manner  which  M.  de  Talleyrand  knows 
so  well  how  to  assume  when  he  likes,  pleased  my 
husband,  who,  moreover,  found  in  this  friendship 
something  to  make  up  for  the  weariness  of  his  post. 
At  this  period  M.  de  Remusat  perceived  that  M.  de 
Talleyrand,  who  had  the  influence  over  Bonaparte  of 
his  utility,  felt  considerable  jealousy  of  Fouche,  whom 
he  disliked.  He  entertained  a  positive  contempt  for 
M.  Maret,  and  gratified  it  by  the  biting  sarcasm  in 
which  he  habitually  indulged,  and  which  few  could 
escape.  Although  under  no  delusion  regarding  Bo- 
naparte, he  nevertheless  served  him  well;  for  he  tried 
to  restrain  his  passions  by  the  position  in  which  he 
placed  him,  both  with  respect  to  foreign  affairs  and 
in  France;  and  he  also  advised  him  to  create  certain 
institutions  which  would  control  him.  The  Emper- 
or, who,  as  I  have  said,  liked  to  create,  and  who 
seized  rapidly  upon  anything  novel  and  impressive, 
would  follow  the  advice  of  M.  de  Talleyrand,  and,  in 
concert  with  him,  would  lay  the  foundation  of  some 
useful  enterprise.  But  afterward  his  domineering 
temper,  his  suspicion,  his  dread  of  finding  himself 
restrained,  made  him  afraid  of  the  action  of  that 
which  he  had  himself  created,  and,  with  sudden 
caprice,  he  would  abruptly  suspend  or  relinquish  the 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  347 

work  he  had  begun.  M.  de  Talleyrand  was  provoked 
by  this;  but,  as  he  was  naturally  indolent  and  care- 
less, and  did  not  possess  in  himself  those  qualities  of 
strength  and  perseverance  which  enable  a  man  to 
carry  his  points  in  detail,  he  usually  ended  by  neglect- 
ing and  abandoning  the  fatiguing  task  of  solicitude 
and  superintendence.  The  sequence  of  events  will, 
however,  explain  all  this  better  than  I  can  in  this 
place. 

Meantime,  war  broke  out  between  England  and 
Spain,  and  we  were  frequently,  sometimes  success- 
fully, engaged  at  sea.  A  fleet  which  sailed  out  from 
Toulon  found  means  to  join  the  Spanish  squadron, 
and  the  press  exulted  loudly  over  this  feat. 

On  the  3Oth  of  May  Bonaparte  was  crowned  King 
of  Italy,  with  great  pomp.  The  ceremony  was  sim- 
ilar to  that  which  had  taken  place  in  Paris.  The  Em- 
press sat  in  a  gallery  and  beheld  the  spectacle.  M.  de 
Remusat  told  me  that  a  thrill  of  emotion  passed  over 
the  crowd  in  the  church  at  the  moment  when  Bona- 
parte, taking  hold  of  the  Iron  Crown,  and  placing  it 
on  his  head,  uttered  in  a  threatening  voice  the  antique 
formula,  "  II  cielo  me  la  diede,  guai  a  chi  la  toc- 
chera !  "  The  remainder  of  the  Emperor's  stay  at 
Milan  was  divided  between  attending  fetes  and  issu- 
ing decrees  for  the  regulation  and  administration  of 
his  new  kingdom.  Rejoicings  took  place  all  over 
France  in  honor  of  the  event;  and  yet  it  caused  great 
apprehension  among  many  people,  who  foresaw  that 
war  with  Austria  would  result  from  it. 

On  the  4th  of  June  the  Doge  of  Genoa  arrived  at 
Milan.  He  came  to  beg  that  his  Republic  might  be 
united  to  the  Empire ;  and  this  action,  which  had  been 
concerted  or  commanded  beforehand,  was  made  the 
occasion  of  a  grand  reception  and  state  ceremony. 
That  portion  of  Italy  was  at  once  divided  into  new 


348  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

departments,  and  shortly  afterward  the  new  constitu- 
tion was  sent  to  the  Italian  Legislature,  and  Prince 
Eugene  was  made  Viceroy  of  the  kingdom.  The 
order  of  the  Iron  Crown  was  created;  and,  the  dis- 
tributions being  made,  the  Emperor  left  Milan  and 
set  out  on  a  journey  which,  under  the  appearance  of 
a  pleasure-trip,  was  in  reality  undertaken  for  the  pur- 
pose of  reconnoitering  the  Austrian  forces  on  the  line 
of  the  Adige. 

By  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio  Bonaparte  had 
abandoned  the  Venetian  States  to  the  Emperor  of 
Austria,  and  the  latter  thus  became  a  formidable 
neighbor  to  the  kingdom  of  Italy.  On  his  arrival  at 
Verona,  he  received  a  visit  from  Baron  Vincent,  who 
commanded  the  Austrian  garrison  in  that  portion  of 
the  town  which  belonged  to  his  sovereign.  The 
Baron  was  commissioned  to  inform  himself  of  the 
state  of  our  forces  in  Italy;  the  Emperor,  on  his  part, 
observing  those  of  the  foreigner.  On  inspecting  the 
banks  of  the  Adige,  he  perceived  that  forts  would 
have  to  be  constructed  for  the  defense  of  the  river; 
but,  on  calculating  the  necessary  time  and  expense,  he 
said  that  it  would  be  better  and  quicker  to  push  the 
Austrians  back  from  that  frontier  altogether.  From 
that  moment  we  may  believe  that  he  had  resolved 
upon  the  war  which  was  declared  some  months  later. 

It  was  impossible  that  the  Emperor  of  Austria 
should  regard  with  indifference  the  acquisition  by 
France  of  so  much  power  in  Italy;  and  the  English 
Government,  which  was  making  great  efforts  to  stir 
up  a  continental  war  against  us,  skillfully  availed  it- 
self of  the  uneasiness  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  and 
the  dissatisfaction  which  was  by  degrees  impairing 
the  cordiality  of  our  relations  with  Russia.  The  Eng- 
lish newspapers  hastened  to  assert  that  the  Emperor 
had  held  a  review  of  his  troops  in  Italy  for  the  sole 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  349 

purpose  of  putting  them  on  the  footing  of  a  formi- 
dable enemy;  and  thenceforth  movements  began  in 
the  Austrian  army.  Those  appearances  of  peace 
which  were  still  observed  up  to  the  time  of  the  rup- 
ture were  in  reality  preparations  by  both  Emperors, 
who  at  that  period  had  become  almost  declared 
enemies. 


CHAPTER  XIII 
(1805.) 

THE  Emperor  visited  Cremona,  Verona,  Mantua, 
Bologna,  Modena,  Parma,  and  Piacenza,  and 
then  went  to  Genoa,  where  he  was  received 
with  enthusiasm.  He  sent  for  Le  Brun,  the  Arch- 
Treasurer,  to  whom  he  intrusted  the  task  of  superin- 
tending the  new  administration  to  be  established  in 
that  city.  At  Genoa  also  he  parted  with  his  sister 
Elisa,  who  had  accompanied  him  on  his  journey,  and 
to  whom  he  gave  the  little  Republic  of  Lucca,  adding 
to  it  the  State  of  Piombino.  At  this  period  the 
French  began  once  more  to  wear  foreign  decorations. 
Prussian,  Bavarian,  and  Spanish  orders  were  sent  to 
the  Emperor,  to  be  distributed  by  him  at  his  pleasure. 
He  divided  them  among  his  great  officers,  some  of  his 
ministers,  and  a  few  of  his  marshals. 

At  Verona  a  fight  between  dogs  and  bulls  was  given, 
for  the  entertainment  of  the  Emperor,  in  the  ancient 
amphitheatre,  which  contained  forty  thousand  specta- 
tors. Loud  applause  greeted  his  arrival,  and  he  was 
really  affected  by  this  reception,  rendered  impressive 
by  the  place,  and  by  the  magnitude  of  the  crowd. 
The  fetes  at  Genoa  were  very  magnificent.  Floating 
gardens  were  constructed  on  huge  flat  barges;  these 
gardens  led  to  a  floating  temple,  which,  approaching 
the  land,  received  Bonaparte  and  his  Court.  Then  the 
barges,  which  were  all  fastened  together,  were  set  in 
motion,  and  the  Emperor  found  himself  on  a  beautiful 

350 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  351 

island  In  the  middle  of  the  harbor,  whence  he  had  a 
complete  view  of  Genoa,  and  of  the  simultaneous 
displays  of  fireworks  from  various  parts  of  the  splen- 
didly illuminated  city. 

M.  de  Talleyrand  found  amusement  entirely  to  his 
taste  during  his  stay  at  Genoa;  for  he  was  always 
pleased  to  detect  an  absurdity  and  to  point  it  out  to 
others.  Cardinal  Maury,  who  had  retired  to  Rome 
since  his  emigration,  had  gained  a  great  reputation 
there  by  the  firmness  of  his  attitude  in  our  famous 
Constituent  Assembly.  Nevertheless,  he  was  desirous 
of  returning  to  France,  and  M.  de  Talleyrand  wrote 
to  him  from  Genoa,  advising  him  to  come  at  once  and 
present  himself  to  the  Emperor.  The  Cardinal  acted 
upon  this,  and,  immediately  assuming  that  obsequious 
attitude  which  he  has  ever  since  scrupulously  retained, 
he  entered  Genoa,  loudly  proclaiming  that  he  had  come 
to  see  "  the  great  man." 

He  obtained  an  audience.  "  The  great  man  "  took 
his  measure  very  quickly,  and,  while  esteeming  him 
at  his  proper  value,  resolved  to  make  him  give  a  com- 
plete contradiction  to  his  past  conduct.  He  gained 
him  over  easily  by  flattering  him  a  little,  and  induced 
him  to  return  to  France,  where  we  have  since  seen  him 
play  a  somewhat  ridiculous  part.  M.  de  Talley- 
rand, whose  recollections  of  the  Constituent  Assem- 
bly were  not  effaced,  took  many  opportunities  of 
wreaking  a  petty  revenge  upon  the  Cardinal,  by  bring- 
ing out  his  silly  sycophancy  in  the  most  skillful  and 
cunning  manner. 

While  the  Emperor  was  thus  traveling  through 
Italy  and  consolidating  his  power,  and  everybody 
around  him  was  getting  tired  of  the  continual  full- 
dress  parade  at  which  he  kept  his  Court;  while  the 
Empress,  happy  in  the  elevation  of  her  son,  and  yet 
grieved  by  her  separation  from  him,  amused  herself 


352  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

and  distracted  her  mind  by  the  perpetual  fetes  given  in 
her  honor,  and  took  pleasure  in  exhibiting  her  magnif- 
icent jewels  and  her  elegant  costumes,  I  was  leading 
a  quiet  and  pleasant  life  in  the  valley  of  Montmorency, 
at  the  house  of  Mme.  d'Houdetot.  I  have  already 
mentioned  this  amiable  and  accomplished  woman. 
Her  recollections  enabled  me  to  reconstruct  in  my 
imagination  those  days  of  which  she  loved  to  talk.  It 
gave  me  great  pleasure  to  hear  her  speak  of  the  famous 
philosophers  whom  she  had  known,  and  whose  ways 
and  sayings  she  remembered  so  clearly.  I  was  so  full 
of  the  "  Confessions  "  of  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  that 
I  was  not  a  little  surprised  to  find  her  somewhat  cold 
in  her  appreciation  of  him ;  and  I  may  say,  in  passing, 
that  the  opinion  of  Mme.  d'Houdetot,  who  would,  I 
should  think,  have  regarded  Rousseau  with  excep- 
tional indulgence,  contributed  not  a  little  to  make  me 
distrust  his  character,  and  believe  that  he  was  only 
great  in  point  of  talent. 

During  the  absence  of  the  Court,  Paris  was  quiet 
and  dull.  The  Imperial  family  were  living  in  the 
country.  I  sometimes  saw  Mme.  Louis  Bonaparte  at 
Saint  Leu,  a  place  which  her  husband  had  just 
bought.  Louis  appeared  to  occupy  himself  exclusively 
with  his  garden.  His  wife  was  lonely,  ill,  and  always 
afraid  of  letting  some  word  at  which  he  might  be 
offended  escape  her.  She  had  not  ventured  either  to 
rejoice  at  the  elevation  of  Prince  Eugene  or  to  weep 
for  his  absence,  which  was,  of  course,  indefinite.  She 
wrote  to  him  seldom  and  briefly,  because  she  knew 
that  the  privacy  of  her  letters  was  not  respected.  On 
one  occasion,  when  I  was  visiting  her,  she  told  me  a 
rumor  had  arisen  that  the  Due  de  Polignac  and  his 
brother,  who  were  imprisoned  in  the  Chateau  of  Ham, 
had  attempted  to  escape;  that  they  had  been  trans- 
ferred to  the  Temple;  and  that  Mme.  Bonaparte  and 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  353 

myself  were  accused  of  being  concerned  in  the  affair. 
The  accusation,  of  which  Mme.  Louis  suspected  Murat 
to  be  the  author,  was  utterly  unfounded.  Mme.  Bona- 
parte never  gave  a  thought  to  the  two  prisoners,  and  I 
had  entirely  lost  sight  of  the  Duchesse  de  Polignac. 

I  lived  in  the  strictest  retirement,  so  that  my  solitude 
might  supply  a  sufficient  answer  to  any  gossip  con- 
cerning my  conduct;  but  I  was  more  and  more  dis- 
tressed by  the  necessity  for  taking  such  precautions, 
and  especially  at  being  unable  to  use  the  position  in 
which  I  was  placed  for  any  purposes  of  utility  to  the 
Emperor,  to  myself,  or  to  those  persons  who  wished 
to  obtain  certain  favors  from  him  through  me.  There 
was  no  want  of  kindness  in  my  natural  disposition; 
and,  besides  that,  I  felt  a  degree  of  pride,  which  I  do 
not  think  was  misplaced,  in  serving  those  who  had 
formerly  blamed  me,  and  in  silencing  their  criticisms 
of  my  conduct  by  favors  which  could  not  be  said  to 
lack  generosity.  I  also  believed  that  the  Emperor 
might  win  many  persons  who  now  held  aloof,  by  the 
permission  which  he  had  granted  me  to  bring  their 
solicitations  and  their  necessities  under  his  attention ; 
and  as  I  was  still  attached  to  him,  although  he  inspired 
me  with  more  fear  than  formerly,  I  would  have  gained 
all  hearts  for  him  had  it  been  possible.  But,  as  it 
became  evident  that  my  plan  was  not  always  approved 
by  him,  I  found  I  had  to  think  of  defending  myself, 
rather  than  assisting  others. 

My  reflections  were  occasionally  very  sad.  At  other 
times  I  could  make  up  my  mind  to  the  difficulties  of 
my  position,  and  resolve  that  I  would  only  look  at  the 
agreeable  side  of  it.  I  enjoyed  a  certain  consideration 
in  society,  and  I  liked  that;  and  we  were  fairly  pros- 
perous, though  not  free  from  the  difficulties  which 
always  beset  persons  whose  fortunes  have  no  secure 
basis,  and  whose  expenses  are  obligatory.  But  I  was 


354  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

young,  and  I  thought  little  of  the  future.  I  was  sur- 
rounded by  pleasant  society;  my  mother  was  perfec- 
tion to  me,  my  husband  most  kind  and  good,  my 
eldest  son  all  I  could  wish.  I  lived  on  the  pleasantest 
terms  with  my  kind  and  charming  sister.  All  this 
turned  away  my  thoughts  from  the  Court,  and  enabled 
me  to  bear  the  drawbacks  of  my  position  patiently. 
My  health  was  a  perpetual  trial  to  me;  it  was  always 
delicate,  and  an  unquiet  life  was  evidently  injurious. 
I  must  not,  however,  dwell  upon  myself;  I  do  not 
know  how  I  have  been  tempted  into  doing  so.  If 
ever  this  narrative  should  be  read  by  others,  as  well 
as  by  my  son,  all  this  ought  to  be  suppressed  without 
hesitation. 

During  the  Emperor's  sojourn  in  Italy,  two  plays 
had  a  great  success  at  the  Comedie  Franchise.  The 
first  was  "  Le  Tartufe  des  Mceurs,"  translated,  or 
rather  adapted,  from  Sheridan's  "  School  for  Scan- 
dal," by  M.  Cheron;  the  second  was  "  Les  Templiers." 
M.  Cheron  had  been  a  deputy  to  the  Legislative  As- 
sembly. He-married  a  niece  of  the  Abbe  Morellet ;  his 
wife  and  himself  were  intimate  friends  of  mine.  The 
Abbe  had  written  to  the  Emperor  to  solicit  a  place  for 
M.  Cheron ;  and,  on  Bonaparte's  return,  "  Le  Tartufe 
des  Mceurs  "  was  acted  before  him.  He  was  so  much 
amused  by  the  play  that,  having  ascertained  the  name 
of  its  author  from  M.  de  Remusat,  and  also  learned 
that  M.  Cheron  was  well  deserving  of  employment, 
he,  in  a  moment  of  easy  good  nature,  sent  him  to 
Poitiers  as  Prefect.  Unfortunately,  he  died  there 
three  years  afterward.  His  widow  is  a  most  estimable 
and  talented  person. 

M.  de  Fontanes  had  read  "  Les  Templiers "  to 
Bonaparte,  who  approved  of  some  portions  of  the 
piece,  but  objected  to  others.  He  wished  to  have  cer- 
tain corrections  made,  but  the  author  refused,  and  the 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  355 

Emperor  was  annoyed.  He  was  by  no  means  pleased 
that  "  Les  Templiers  "  had  a  brilliant  success,  and  set 
himself  against  both  the  play  and  the  author,  with  a 
petty  despotism  which  was  characteristic  of  him  when 
either  persons  or  things  incurred  his  displeasure.  All 
this  happened  when  he  came  back. 

Bonaparte  expected  that  his  wishes  and  his  opinions 
should  be  accepted  as  rules.  He  had  taken  a  fancy 
to  the  music  of  "  Les  Bardes,"  an  opera  by  Lesueur, 
and  he  was  almost  angry  that  the  Parisian  public  did 
not  think  as  highly  of  it  as  he  did. 

The  Emperor  came  direct  from  Genoa  to  Paris. 
This  was  to  be  his  last  sight  of  fair  Italy,  that  land  in 
which  he  seemed  to  have  exhausted  every  mode  of 
impressing  the  minds  of  men,  as  a  general,  as  a  pacifi- 
cator, and  as  a  sovereign.  He  returned  by  Mont 
Cenis,  and  gave  orders  for  great  works  which,  like 
those  of  the  Simplon  Pass,  should  facilitate  the  com- 
munications between  the  two  nations.  The  Court  was 
increased  in  number  by  several  Italian  noblemen  and 
ladies  who  were  attached  to  it.  The  Emperor  had 
already  appointed  some  Belgians  as  additional  cham- 
berlains, and  the  obsequious  forms  in  which  he  was 
addressed  were  now  uttered  in  widely  varying  accents. 

He  arrrived  at  Fontainebleau  on  the  nth  of  July, 
and  went  thence  to  reside  at  Saint  Cloud.  Shortly 
after,  the  "  Moniteur "  began  to  bristle  with  notes, 
announcing  in  almost  threatening  language  the  storm 
which  was  so  soon  to  burst  over  Europe.  Certain 
expressions  which  occurred  from  time  to  time  in  these 
notes  revealed  the  author  who  had  dictated  them.  One 
of  these  in  particular  made  an  impression  on  my 
memory.  It  had  been  stated  in  the  English  news- 
papers that  a  supposed  genealogy  of  the  Bonaparte 
family,  which  retraced  its  nobility  to  an  ancient  origin, 
had  been  printed  in  London.  "  Researches  of  this 
Voi.  a  L— Memoirs 


350  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

kind  are  purposeless,"  said  the  note.  "  To  all  those 
who  may  ask  from  what  period  dates  the  house  of 
Bonaparte,  there  is  a  ready  answer :  '  It  dates  from 
the  i8th  Brumaire.'  " 

I  met  the  Emperor  after  his  return  with  mingled 
feelings.  It  was  difficult  not  to  be  affected  by  his 
presence,  but  it  was  painful  to  me  to  feel  that  my 
emotion  was  tempered  by  the  distrust  with  which  he 
was  beginning  to  inspire  me.  The  Empress  received 
me  in  a  most  friendly  manner,  and  I  avowed  to  her 
quite  frankly  the  trouble  that  was  on  my  mind.  I 
expressed  my  surprise  that  no  past  proof  of  devoted- 
ness  or  disinterested  service  could  avail  with  her  hus- 
band against  a  sudden  prejudice.  She  repeated  my 
words  to  him,  and  he  well  understood  what  they 
meant ;  but  he  persisted  in  his  own  definition  of  what 
he  called  devotedness,  which  was  an  entire  surrender 
of  one's  being,  of  one's  sentiments  and  one's  opinions, 
and  repeated  that  we  ought  to  give  up  all  our  former 
habits,  in  order  to  have  only  one  thought,  that  of  his 
interest  and  his  will.  He  promised,  in  recompense  for 
this  exaction,  that  we  should  be  raised  to  a  great 
height  of  rank  and  fortune,  and  have  everything  that 
could  gratify  our  pride.  "  I  will  give  them,"  said  he, 
speaking  of  us,  "  enough  to  enable  them  to  laugh  at 
those  who  find  fault  with  them  now;  and,  if  they  wilf 
break  with  my  enemies,  I  will  put  their  enemies  under 
their  feet."  Apart  from  this,  I  had  but  little  annoy- 
ance in  the  household,  and  my  position  was  easy 
enough,  as  Bonaparte's  mind  was  fixed  on  important 
affairs  during  his  stay  in  France  before  the  campaign 
of  Austerlitz. 

A  circumstance  recurs  to  my  memory  at  this  mo- 
ment, which  is  only  important  because  it  serves  to 
depict  this  strange  man.  I  therefore  give  it  a  place 
here.  The  despotism  of  his  will  grew  in  proportion 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  357 

to  the  enlargement  of  the  circle  with  which  he  sur- 
rounded himself;  he  wanted  to  be  the  sole  arbiter  of 
reputations,  to  make  them  and  to  unmake  them  at  his 
pleasure.  He  branded  a  man  or  blighted  a  woman  for 
a  word,  without  any  kind  of  hesitation;  but  he  was 
much  displeased  that  the  public  should  venture  to 
observe  and  to  comment  on  the  conduct  of  either  the 
one  or  the  other,  if  he  had  placed  them  within  the 
rays  of  the  aureole  with  which  he  surrounded  himself. 
During  his  journey  in  Italy,  the  idleness  of  life  in 
palaces  and  its  opportunities  had  given  rise  to  several 
gallant  adventures  on  his  part,  which  were  more  or 
less  serious,  and  these  had  been  duly  reported  in 
France,  where  they  fed  the  general  appetite  for  gossip. 
One  day,  when  several  ladies  of  the  Court — among 
them  those  who  had  been  in  Italy — were  breakfasting 
with  the  Empress,  Bonaparte  came  suddenly  into  the 
room  and,  leaning  on  the  back  of  his  wife's  chair, 
addressed  to  one  and  another  of  us  a  few  words,  at 
first  insignificant  enough.  Then  he  began  to  question 
us  about  what  we  were  all  doing,  and  let  us  know,  but 
only  by  hints,  that  some  among  us  were  considerably 
talked  of  by  the  public.  The  Empress,  who  knew 
her  husband's  ways,  and  was  aware  that,  when  talking 
in  this  manner,  he  was  apt  to  go  very  far,  tried  to 
interrupt  him ;  but  the  Emperor,  persisting  in  the  con- 
versation, presently  gave  it  an  exceedingly  embar- 
rassing turn.  "  Yes,  ladies,  you  occupy  the  attention 
of  the  worthy  inhabitants  of  the  Faubourg  St.  Ger- 
main. They  say,  for  instance,  that  you,  Mme.  , 

have  a  liaison  with  M.  ;  that  you,  Mme.  ." 

And  so  he  went  on,  addressing  himself  to  three  or 
four  ladies  in  succession.  The  effect  upon  us  all  of; 
such  an  attack  may  easily  be  imagined.  The  Emperor 
was  amused  by  the  confusion  into  which  he  threw  us. 
"  But,"  added  he,  "  you  need  not  suppose  that  I 


358  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

approve  of  talk  of  this  kind.  To  attack  my  Court  is 
to  attack  myself,  and  I  do  not  choose  that  a  word  shall 
be  said,  either  of  me,  or  of  my  family,  or  of  my 
Court."  While  thus  speaking,  his  countenance,  which 
had  previously  been  smiling,  darkened,  and  his  voice 
became  extremely  harsh.  He  then  burst  out  violently 
against  that  section  of  Parisian  society  which  was  still 
rebellious,  declaring  that  he  would  exile  every  woman 
who  should  say  a  word  against  any  lady-in-waiting; 
and  he  proceeded  to  work  himself  into  a  violent  pas- 
sion upon  this  text,  which  he  had  entirely  to  himself, 
for  not  a  single  one  of  us  attempted  to  make  him  an 
answer.  The  Empress  at  length  rose  from  the  table 
in  order  to  terminate  this  unpleasant  scene,  and  the 
general  movement  put  an  end  to  it.  The  Emperor  left 
the  room  as  suddenly  as  he  had  come  in.  One  of  our 
ladies,  a  sworn  admirer  of  everything  that  Bonaparte 
said  and  did,  began  to  expatiate  upon  the  kindness  of 
such  a  master,  who  desired  that  our  reputation  should 

be  held  a  sacred  thing.     But  Mme.  de ,  a  very 

clever  woman,  answered  her  impatiently,  "  Yes, 
madame,  let  the  Emperor  only  defend  us  once  again  in 
that  fashion,  and  we  are  lost." 

Bonaparte  was  greatly  surprised  when  the  Empress 
represented  to  him  the  absurdity  of  this  scene,  and  he 
always  insisted  that  we  ought  to  have  been  grateful 
for  the  readiness  with  which  he  took  offense  when  we 
were  attacked. 

During  his  stay  at  Saint  Cloud  he  worked  inces- 
santly, and  issued  a  great  number  of  decrees  relative 
to  the  administration  of  the  new  departments  he  had 
acquired  in  Italy.  He  also  augmented  his  Council  of 
State,  to  which  he  gave  more  influence  from  day  to 
day,  because  he  was  quite  sure  of  having  it  com- 
pletely under  his  authority.  He  showed  himself  at  the 
Opera,  and  was  well  received  by  the  Parisians,  whom, 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  359 

however,  he  still  thought  cold  in  comparison  with  the 
people  of  the  provinces.  He  led  a  busy  and  laborious 
life,  sometimes  allowing  himself  the  recreation  of 
hunting;  but  he  walked  out  for  one  hour  a  day  only, 
and  received  company  on  but  one  day  in  each  week. 
On  that  day  the  Comedie  Franchise  came  to  Saint 
Cloud,  and  acted  tragedies  or  comedies  in  a  very  pretty 
theatre  which  had  been  recently  built.  Then  began 
the  difficulties  of  M.  de  Remusat  in  providing  amuse- 
ment for  him  whom  Talleyrand  called  "  the  Unamus- 
able."  In  vain  were  the  masterpieces  of  our  theatrical 
repertoire  performed;  in  vain  did  our  best  actors 
strive  their  very  best  to  please  him:  he  generally 
appeared  at  these  representations  preoccupied  and 
weighed  down  by  the  gravity  of  his  thoughts.  He  laid 
the  blame  of  his  own  want  of  attention  to  the  play  on 
his  First  Chamberlain,  on  Corneille,  on  Racine,  or  on 
the  actors.  He  liked  Talma's  acting,  or  rather  Talma 
himself — there  had  been  some  sort  of  acquaintance 
between  them  during  his  obscure  youth ;  he  gave  him 
a  great  deal  of  money,  and  received  him  familiarly; 
but  even  Talma  could  not  succeed  in  interesting  him. 
Just  like  an  invalid,  who  blames  others  for  the  state 
of  his  own  health,  he  was  angry  with  those  who  could 
enjoy  the  pleasures  that  passed  him  by ;  and  he  always 
thought  that  by  scolding  and  worrying  he  should  get 
something  invented  which  would  succeed  in  amusing 
him.  The  man  who  was  intrusted  with  Bonaparte's 
pleasures  was  very  seriously  to  be  pitied;  unfortu- 
nately for  us,  M.  de  Remusat  was  the  man,  and  I 
can  not  describe  what  he  had  to  bear. 

At  this  time  the  Emperor  was  still  flattering  him- 
self that  he  would  be  able  to  gain  some  naval  triumphs 
over  the  English.  The  united  French  and  Spanish 
fleets  made  several  efforts,  and  an  attempt  was  made  to 
defend  the  colonies.  Admiral  Nelson,  pursuing  us 


360  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

everywhere,  no  doubt  upset  the  greater  part  of  our 
plans ;  but  this  was  carefully  concealed,  and  our  news- 
papers taught  us  to  believe  that  we  were  beating  the 
English  every  day.  It  is  likely  that  the  project  of  the 
invasion  was  abandoned.  The  English  Government 
was  raising  up  formidable  enemies  for  us  upon  the 
Continent.  The  Emperor  of  Russia,  who  was  young 
and  naturally  inclined  to  independence,  was  perhaps 
already  tempted  to  resent  the  preponderance  that  our 
Emperor  desired  to  exercise,  and  some  of  his  ministers 
were  suspected  of  favoring  the  English  policy,  which 
aimed  at  making  him  our  enemy.  The  peace  with 
Austria  held  only  by  a  thread.  The  King  of  Prussia 
alone  seemed  resolved  to  maintain  his  alliance  with 
us.  "  Why,"  said  a  note  in  the  "  Moniteur,"  "  while 
the  Emperor  of  Russia  exercises  his  influence  upon 
the  Porte,  should  he  object  to  that  of  France  being 
exercised  upon  certain  portions  of  Italy?  When  with 
Herschel's  telescope  he  observes  from  the  terrace  of 
his  palace  that  which  passes  between  the  Emperor  of 
the  French  and  a  few  Apennine  populations,  why 
should  he  exact  that  the  Emperor  of  the  French  shall 
not  see  what  is  passing  in  the  ancient  empire  of  Soly- 
man,  and  what  is  happening  in  Persia?  It  is  the 
fashion  to  accuse  France  of  ambition,  and  yet  how 
great  has  been  her  past  moderation,"  etc.,  etc. 

In  the  month  of  August  the  Emperor  set  out  for 
Boulogne.  It  was  no  longer  his  purpose  to  inspect  the 
flotillas,  but  he  intended  to  review  that  numerous  army 
encamped  in  the  north,  which  before  long  he  was  des- 
tined to  set  in  motion.  During  his  absence  the  Empress 
made  an  excursion  to  the  baths  of  Plombieres.  I  think 
I  shall  usefully  employ  this  interval  of  leisure  by 
retracing  my  steps,  in  order  to  mention  certain  partic- 
ulars concerning  M.  de  Talleyrand  which  I  have 
hitherto  omitted. 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  361 

Talleyrand,  who  had  come  back  to  France  some  time 
before,  was  appointed  "  Minister  of  External  Rela- 
tions "  through  the  influence  of  Mme.  de  Stael,  who 
induced  Barras,  the  Director,  to  select  him  for  that 
post.  It  was  under  the  Directory  that  he  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Mme.  Grand.  Although  she  was  no 
longer  in  her  first  youth,  this  lady,  who  was  born  in 
the  East  Indies,  was  still  remarkable  for  her  beauty. 
She  wished  to  go  to  England,  where  her  husband 
resided,  and  she  applied  to  M.  de  Talleyrand  for  a 
passport.  Her  beauty  and  her  visit  produced,  appar- 
ently, such  an  effect  upon  him  that  either  the  passport 
was  not  given,  or  it  remained  unused.  Mme.  Grand 
remained  in  Paris ;  shortly  afterward  she  was  observed 
to  frequent  the  "  Hotel  of  External  Relations,"  and 
after  a  while  she  took  up  her  abode  there.  Meanwhile, 
Bonaparte  was  First  Consul;  his  victories  and  his 
treaties  brought  the  ambassadors  of  the  first  Powers 
in  Europe  and  a  crowd  of  other  foreigners  to  Paris. 
Persons  who  were  obliged  by  their  position  to  frequent 
M.  de  Talleyrand's  society  accepted  the  presence  of 
Mme.  Grand,  who  did  the  honors  of  his  table  and  his 
salon  with  a  good  grace;  but  they  were  somewhat 
surprised  at  the  weakness  which  had  consented  to  put 
so  prominently  forward  a  woman  who  was  indeed 
handsome,  but  so  deficient  in  education  and  so  faulty 
in  temper  that  she  was  continually  annoying  Talley- 
rand by  her  foolish  conduct,  and  disturbing  him  by 
her  uncertain  humor.  M.  de  Talleyrand  has  a  very 
good  temper,  and  much  laisser-aller  in  the  events  of 
every-day  life.  It  is  easy  enough  to  rule  him  by  fright- 
ening him,  because  he  hates  a  disturbance,  and  Mme, 
Grand  ruled  him  by  her  charms  and  her  exactions. 
When,  however,  the  ambassadresses  were  in  question, 
difficulties  arose,  as  some  of  them  would  not  consent 
to  be  received  at  the  Hotel  of  External  Relations  by 


352  MEMOIRS   OF  THE 

Mme.  Grand.  She  complained,  and  these  protests  on 
both  sides  came  to  the  ears  of  die  First  Consul 

He  immediately  had  a  decisive  interview  on  this 
subject  with  Talleyrand,  and  informed  his  minister 
mat  he  must  banish  Mme.  Grand  from  his  house.  No 
sooner  had  Mme.  Grand  been  apprised  of  this  decision, 
than  she  went  to  Mme.  Bonaparte,  whom  she  induced, 
by  dint  of  tears  and  supplications,  to  procure  for  her 
an  interview  with  Bonaparte.  She  was  admitted  to  his 
presence,  fell  on  her  knees,  and  entreated  him  to  revoke 
a  decree  which  reduced  her  to  despair.  Bonaparte 
allowed  himself  to  be  moved  by  the  tears  and  sobs  of 
this  fair  personage,  and,  after  having  quieted  her,  he 
said :  "  I  see  only  one  way  of  managing  this.  Let 
Talleyrand  marry  you,  and  all  will  be  arranged;  but 
you  must  bear  his  name,  or  you  can  not  appear  in  his 
house."  Mme.  Grand  was  much  pleased  with  this 
decision;  the  Consul  repeated  it  to  Talleyrand,  and 
gave  him  twenty-four  hours  to  make  up  his  mind.  It 
is  said  that  Bonaparte  took  a  malign  pleasure  in 
making  Talleyrand  marry,  and  was  secretly  delighted 
to  have  this  opportunity  of  branding  his  character,  and 
thus,  according  to  his  favorite  system,  getting  a  guar- 
antee of  his  fidelity.  It  is  very  possible  that  he  may 
have  entertained  such  an  idea;  it  is  also  certain  that 
Mme.  Bonaparte,  over  whom  tears  always  exercised  a 
great  influence,  used  all  her  power  with  her  husband 
to  induce  him  to  favor  Mme.  Grand's  petition. 

Talleyrand  went  back  to  his  hotel,  gravely  troubled 
by  the  prompt  decision  which  was  required  of  him. 
There  he  had  to  encounter  tumultuous  scenes.  He 
was  attacked  by  all  the  devices  likely  to  exhaust  his 
patience.  He  was  pressed,  pursued,  urged  against  his 
inclination.  Some  remains  of  love,  the  power  of 
habit,  perhaps  also  the  fear  of  irritating  a  woman 
whom  it  is  impossible  to  suppose  he  had  not  admitted 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  363 

to  his  confidence,  combined  to  influence  him.  He 
yielded,  set  out  for  the  country,  and  found,  in  a  village 
in  the  valley  of  Montmorency,  a  cure  who  consented  to 
perform  the  marriage  ceremony.  Two  days  after- 
ward we  were  informed  that  Mme.  Grand  had  become 
Mme.  de  Talleyrand,  and  the  difficulty  of  the  Corps 
Diplomatique  was  at  an  end.  It  appears  that  M. 
Grand,  who  lived  in  England,  although  little  desirous 
of  recovering  a  wife  from  whom  he  had  long  been 
parted,  contrived  to  get  himself  largely  paid  for  with- 
holding the  protest  against  this  marriage  with  which 
he  repeatedly  menaced  the  newly  wedded  couple.  M. 
de  Talleyrand,  wanting  something  to  amuse  him  in 
his  own  house,  brought  over  from  London  the  daugh- 
ter of  one  of  his  friends,  who  on  her  deathbed,  had 
confided  the  child  to  him.  This  child  was  that  little 
Charlotte  who  was,  as  we  all  know,  brought  up  in  his 
house,  and  who  has  been  very  erroneously  believed  to 
be  his  daughter.  He  attached  himself  strongly  to  his 
young  ward,  educated  her  carefully,  and,  having 
adopted  her  and  bestowed  his  name  upon  her,  married 
her  in  her  seventeenth  year  to  his  cousin  Baron  de 
Talleyrand.  The  Talleyrands  were  at  first  justly 
annoyed  by  this  marriage,  but  she  ultimately  succeeded 
in  gaining  their  friendship. 

Those  persons  who  are  acquainted  with  Talleyrand, 
who  know  to  what  a  height  he  carries  delicacy  of  taste, 
wit,  and  grace  in  conversation,  and  how  much  he  needs 
repose,  are  astonished  that  he  should  have  united  him- 
self with  a  person  so  uncongenial  to  him.  It  is,  there- 
fore, most  likely  that  imperative  circumstances  com- 
pelled him  to  do  so,  and  that  Bonaparte's  command 
and  the  short  time  allowed  him  in  which  to  come  to  a 
decision  prevented  a  rupture,  which  in  fact  would  have 
suited  him  much  better.  What  a  difference  it  would 
have  made  for  Talleyrand  if  he  had  then  dissolved 


364  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

this  illicit  union,  and  set  himself  to  merit  and  effect  a 
future  reconciliation  with  the  Church  he  had  aban- 
doned! Apart  from  desiring  for  him  that  that  recon- 
ciliation had  been  made  then  in  good  faith,  how  much 
consideration  would  he  have  gained  if  afterward, 
when  all  things  were  reordered  and  replaced,  he  had 
resumed  the  Roman  purple  in  the  autumn  of  his  days, 
and  at  least  repaired  in  the  eyes  of  the  world  the  scan- 
dal of  his  life!  As  a  cardinal,  a  noble,  and  a  truly 
distinguished  man,  he  would  have  had  a  right  to 
respect  and  regard,  and  his  course  would  not  have 
been  beset  with  embarrassment  and  hesitation. 

In  the  situation  in  which  he  was  placed  by  his 
marriage,  he  had  to  take  constant  precaution  to  escape, 
as  far  as  possible,  from  the  ridicule  which  was  always 
suspended  over  him.  No  doubt  he  managed  better 
than  others  might  have  done  in  such  a  position.  Pro- 
found silence  respecting  his  private  troubles,  an  appear- 
ance of  complete  indifference  to  the  foolish  things 
which  his  wife  was  always  saying  and  the  blunders 
which  she  was  always  making,  a  haughty  demeanor  to 
those  who  ventured  to  smile  at  him  or  at  her,  extreme 
politeness,  which  was  called  benevolence,  great  social 
influence  and  political  weight,  a  large  fortune,  unalter- 
able patience  under  insult,  and  great  dexterity  in 
taking  his  revenge,  were  the  weapons  with  which  he 
met  the  general  condemnation;  and,  notwithstanding 
his  great  faults,  the  public  have  never  dared  to  despise 
him.  Nevertheless,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  he 
has  not  paid  the  private  penalty  of  his  imprudent  con- 
duct. Deprived  of  domestic  happiness,  almost  at 
variance  with  his  family,  who  could  not  associate  with 
Mme.  de  Talleyrand,  he  was  obliged  to  resort  to  an 
entirely  factitious  existence,  in  order  to  escape  from 
the  dreariness  of  his  home,  and  perhaps  from  the  bit- 
terness of  his  secret  thoughts.  Public  affairs  occupied 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  365 

him,  and  such  leisure  as  they  left  him  he  gave  to  play. 
He  was  always  attended  by  a  crowd  of  followers,  and 
by  giving  his  mornings  to  business,  his  evenings  to 
society,  and  his  nights  to  cards,  he  never  exposed 
himself  to  a  tiresome  tete-a-tete  with  his  wife,  or  to  the 
dangers  of  solitude,  which  would  have  brought  serious 
reflections.  Bent  on  getting  away  from  himself,  he 
never  sought  sleep  until  he  was  quite  sure  that  extreme 
fatigue  would  enable  him  to  procure  it. 

The  Emperor  did  not  make  up  for  the  obligation 
which  he  had  imposed  on  him  by  his  conduct  to  Mme. 
de  Talleyrand.  He  treated  her  coldly,  even  rudely; 
never  admitted  her  to  the  distinctions  of  the  rank  to 
which  she  was  raised,  without  making  a  difficulty 
about  it;  and  did  not  disguise  the  repugnance  with 
which  she  inspired  him,  even  while  Talleyrand  still 
possessed  his  entire  confidence.  Talleyrand  bore  all 
this,  never  allowed  the  slightest  complaint  to  escape 
him,  and  arranged  so  that  his  wife  should  appear  but 
seldom  at  Court.  She  received  all  distinguished  for- 
eigners on  certain  days,  and  on  certain  other  days  the 
Government  officials.  She  made  no  visits,  none  were 
exacted  from  her;  in  fact,  she  counted  for  nothing. 
Provided  each  person  bowed  to  her  on  entering  and 
leaving  his  salon,  Talleyrand  asked  no  more.  Let  me 
say,  in  conclusion,  that  he  always  seemed  to  bear  with 
perfectly  resigned  courage  the  fatal  "  tu  I'as  voulu  " 
of  Moliere's  comedy. 

In  the  course  of  these  Memoirs  I  shall  have  to  speak 
of  M.  de  Talleyrand  again,  when  I  shall  have  reached 
the  period  of  our  intimacy  with  him. 

I  did  not  know  Mme.  Grand  in  the  prime  of  her  life 
and  beauty,  but  I  have  heard  it  said  that  she  was  one 
of  the  most  charming  women  of  her  time.  She  was 
tall,  and  her  figure  had  all  the  suppleness  and  grace  so 
common  to  women  born  in  the  East.  Her  complexion 


366  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

was  dazzling,  her  eyes  of  the  brightest  blue,  and  her 
slightly  retrousse  nose  gave  her,  singularly  enough,  a 
look  of  Talleyrand  himself.  Her  fair  golden  hair 
was  of  proverbial  beauty.  I  think  she  was  about 
thirty-six  when  she  married  M.  de  Talleyrand.  The 
elegance  of  her  figure  was  already  slightly  injured  by 
her  becoming  stout.  This  afterward  increased,  and 
by  degrees  her  features  lost  their  delicacy  and  her 
complexion  became  very  red.  The  tone  of  her  voice 
was  disagreeable,  her  manners  were  abrupt;  she  was 
of  an  unamiable  disposition,  and  so  intolerably  stupid 
that  she  never  by  any  chance  said  the  right  thing. 
Talleyrand's  intimate  friends  were  the  objects  of  her 
particular  dislike,  and  they  cordially  detested  her. 
Her  elevation  gave  her  little  happiness,  and  what  she 
had  to  suffer  never  excited  anybody's  interest. 

While  the  Emperor  was  reviewing  the  whole  of  his 
army,  Mme.  Murat  went  to  Boulogne  to  pay  him  a 
visit,  and  he  desired  that  Mme.  Louis  Bonaparte,  who 
had  accompanied  her  husband  to  the  baths  of  Saint 
Amand,  should  also  attend  him  there,  and  bring  her 
son.  On  several  occasions  he  went  through  the  ranks 
of  his  soldiers,  carrying  this  child  in  his  arms.  The 
army  was  then  remarkably  fine,  strictly  disciplined, 
full  of  the  best  spirit,  well  provided,  and  impatient  for 
war.  This  desire  was  destined  to  be  satisfied  before 
long. 

Notwithstanding  the  reports  in  our  newspapers,  we 
were  almost  always  stopped  in  everything  that  we 
attempted  to  do  for  the  protection  of  our  colonies. 
The  proposed  invasion  appeared  day  by  day  more 
perilous.  It  became  necessary  to  astonish  Europe  by 
a  less  doubtful  novelty.  "  We  are  no  longer,"  said  the 
notes  of  the  "  Moniteur,"  addressed  to  the  English 
Government,  "  those  Frenchmen  who  were  sold  and 
betrayed  by  perfidious  ministers,  covetous  mistresses, 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  367 

and  indolent  kings.    You  march  toward  an  inevitable 
destiny." 

The  two  nations,  English  and  French,  each  claimed 
the  victory  in  the  naval  combat  off  Cape  Finisterre, 
where  no  doubt  our  national  bravery  opposed  a  strong 
resistance  to  the  science  of  the  enemy,  but  which  had 
no  other  result  than  to  oblige  our  fleet  to  reenter  the 
port.  Shortly  afterward  our  journals  were  full  of 
complaints  of  the  insults  which  the  flag  of  Venice  had 
sustained  since  it  had  become  a  dependency  of  Austria. 
We  soon  learned  that  the  Austrian  troops  were  mov- 
ing; that  an  alliance  between  the  Emperors  of  Austria 
and  Russia  was  formed  against  us;  and  the  English 
journals  triumphantly  announced  a  continental  war. 
This  year  the  birthday  of  Napoleon  was  celebrated 
with  great  pomp  from  one  end  of  France  to  the  other. 
He  returned  from  Boulogne  on  the  3d  of  September, 
and  at  that  time  the  Senate  issued  a  decree  by  which 
the  Gregorian  calendar  was  to  be  resumed  on  the  ist 
of  January,  1806.  Thus  disappeared,  little  by  little, 
the  last  traces  of  the  Republic,  which  had  lasted,  or 
appeared  to  last,  for  thirteen  years. 


CHAPTER     XIV 

(1805.) 

AT  the  period  of  which  I  am  writing,  M.  de  Tal- 
leyrand was  still  on  bad  terms  with  M. 
Fouche,  and,  strange  to  say,  I  remember  that 
the  latter  charged  him  with  being  deficient  in  con- 
scientiousness and  sincerity.  He  always  remembered 
that  on  the  occasion  of  the  attempt  of  the  3d  Nivose 
(the  infernal  machine)  Talleyrand  had  accused  him 
to  Bonaparte  of  neglect,  and  had  contributed  not  a 
little  to  his  dismissal.  On  his  return  to  the  Ministry 
he  secretly  nursed  his  resentment,  and  let  slip  no  op- 
portunity of  gratifying  it,  by  that  bitter  and  cynical 
mockery  which  was  the  habitual  tone  of  his  conversa- 
tion. 

Talleyrand  and  Fouche  were  two  very  remarkable 
men,  and  both  were  exceedingly  useful  to  Bonaparte. 
But  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  less  resemblance  and 
fewer  points  of  contact  between  any  two  persons 
placed  in  such  close  and  continuous  relations.  The 
former  had  studiously  preserved  the  carelessly  reso- 
lute manner,  if  I  may  use  that  expression,  of  the 
nobles  of  the  old  regime.  Acute,  taciturn,  measured 
in  his  speech,  cold  in  his  bearing,  pleasing  in  con- 
versation, deriving  all  his  power  from  himself  alone 
— for  he  held  no  party  in  his  hand — his  very  faults, 
and  even  the  stigma  of  his  abandonment  of  his  for- 
mer sacred  state  of  life,  were  sufficient  guarantee  to 
the  Revolutionists,  who  knew  him  to  be  so  adroit  and 

368 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  369 

so  supple  that  they  believed  him  to  be  always  keeping 
the  means  of  escaping  them  in  reserve.  Besides,  he 
opened  his  mind  to  no  one.  He  was  quite  impene- 
trable upon  the  affairs  with  which  he  was  charged, 
and  upon  his  own  opinion  of  the  master  whom  he 
served;  and,  as  a  final  touch  to  this  picture,  he  neg- 
lected nothing  for  his  own  comfort,  was  careful  in 
his  dress,  used  perfumes,  and  was  a  lover  of  good 
cheer  and  all  the  pleasures  of  the  senses.  He  was 
never  subservient  to  Bonaparte,  but  he  knew  how  to 
make  himself  necessary  to  him,  and  never  flattered 
him  in  public. 

Fouche,  on  the  contrary,  was  a  genuine  product  of 
the  Revolution.  Careless  of  his  appearance,  he  wore 
the  gold  lace  and  the  ribbons  which  were  the  insignia 
of  his  dignities  as  if  he  disdained  to  arrange  them. 
He  could  laugh  at  himself  on  occasion :  he  was  active, 
animated,  always  restless;  talkative,  affecting  a  sort 
of  frankness  which  was  merely  the  last  degree  of  de- 
ceit; boastful;  disposed  to  seek  the  opinion  of  others 
upon  his  conduct  by  talking  about  it;  and  sought  no 
justification  except  in  his  contempt  of  a  certain  class 
of  morality,  or  his  carelessness  of  a  certain  order  of 
approbation.  But  he  carefully  maintained,  to  Bona- 
parte's occasional  disquiet,  relations  with  a  party 
whom  the  Emperor  felt  himself  obliged  to  conciliate 
in  his  person.  With  all  this,  Fouche  was  not  deficient 
in  a  sort  of  good  fellowship;  he  had  even  some  esti- 
mable qualities.  He  was  a  good  husband  to  an  ugly 
and  stupid  wife,  and  a  very  good,  even  a  too-indul- 
gent, father.  He  looked  at  revolution  as  a  whole;  he 
hated  small  schemes  and  constantly  recurring  sus- 
picions, and  it  was  because  this  was  his  way  of  think- 
ing that  his  police  did  not  suffice  for  the  Emperor. 
Where  Fouche  recognized  merit,  he  did  it  justice. 
It  is  not  recorded  of  him  that  he  was  guilty  of  any  per- 


370  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

sonal  revenge,  nor  did  he  show  himself  capable  of 
persistent  jealousy.  It  is  even  likely  that,  although 
he  remained  for  several  years  an  enemy  of  Talley- 
rand's, it  was  less  because  he  had  reason  to  complain 
of  him  than  because  the  Emperor  took  pains  to  keep 
up  a  division  between  two  men  whose  friendship  he 
thought  dangerous  to  himself;  and,  indeed,  it  was 
when  they  were  reconciled  that  he  began  to  distrust 
them  both,  and  to  exclude  them  from  affairs. 

In  1805  Talleyrand  stood  much  higher  in  favor 
than  Fouche.  The  business  in  hand  was  to  found  a 
monarchy,  to  impose  it  upon  Europe  and  upon  France 
by  skillful  diplomacy  and  the  pomp  of  a  Court;  and 
the  ci-devant  noble  was  much  fitter  to  advise  upon  all 
these  points.  He  had  an  immense  reputation  in  Eu- 
rope. He  was  known  to  hold  conservative  opinions, 
and  that  was  all  the  morality  demanded  by  the  for- 
eign sovereigns.  The  Emperor,  in  order  to  inspire 
confidence  in  his  enterprise,  needed  to  have  his  signa- 
ture supported  by  that  of  his  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs.  So  necessary  to  his  projects  did  he  consider 
this  that  he  did  not  grudge  the  distinction.  The  agi- 
tation which  reigned  in  Europe  at  the  moment  when 
the  rupture  with  Austria  and  Russia  took  place  called 
for  very  frequent  consultations  between  the  Emperor 
and  M.  de  Talleyrand;  and,  when  Bonaparte  left 
Paris  to  commence  the  campaign,  the  Minister  estab- 
lished himself  at  Strasburg,  so  that  he  might  be  able 
to  reach  the  Emperor  when  the  French  cannon  should 
announce  that  the  hour  of  negotiations  had  arrived. 

About  the  middle  of  September  rumors  of  an  ap- 
proaching departure  were  spread  at  Saint  Cloud.  M. 
de  Remusat  received  orders  to  repair  to  Strasburg, 
and  there  to  prepare  the  Imperial  lodgings;  and  the 
Empress  declared  so  decidedly  her  intention  of  fol- 
lowing her  husband  that  it  was  settled  she  should  go 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  371 

to  Strasburg  with  him.  A  numerous  Court  was  to 
accompany  them.  As  my  husband  was  going,  I 
should  have  been  very  glad  to  accompany  him,  but  I 
was  becoming  more  and  more  of  an  invalid,  and  was 
not  in  a  state  to  travel.  I  was  therefore  obliged  to 
submit  to  this  new  separation,  a  more  sorrowful  one 
than  the  former.  This  was  the  first  time  since  I  had 
been  at  the  Court  that  I  had  seen  the  Emperor  setting 
out  for  the  army.  The  dangers  to  which  he  was  about 
to  be  exposed  revived  all  my  former  attachment  to 
him.  I  had  not  courage  to  reproach  him  with  any- 
thing when  I  saw  him  depart  on  so  serious  a  mission ; 
and  the  thought  that,  of  many  persons  who  were  go- 
ing, there  would  no  doubt  be  some  whom  I  should 
never  see  again,  brought  tears  to  my  eyes,  and  made 
my  heart  sink.  In  the  glittering  salon  of  Saint  Cloud 
I  saw  wives  and  mothers  in  terror  and  anguish,  who 
did  not  dare  to  let  their  grief  be  seen,  so  great  was  the 
fear  of  displeasing  the  Emperor.  The  officers  affected 
carelessness,  but  that  was  the  necessary  bravado  of 
their  profession.  At  that  time,  however,  there  were 
a  great  many  of  them  who,  having  attained  a  sufficient 
fortune,  and  being  unable  to  foresee  the  almost  gigan- 
tic height  to  which  the  continuity  of  war  was  after- 
ward to  raise  them,  were  very  sorry  to  relinquish 
the  pleasant  and  quiet  life  which  they  had  now  led 
for  some  years. 

Throughout  France  the  law  of  the  conscription 
was  strictly  carried  out,  and  this  caused  some  dis- 
turbance in  the  provinces.  The  fresh  laurels  which 
our  army  was  about  to  acquire  were  regarded  with 
indifference.  But  the  soldiers  and  subalterns  were 
full  of  hope  and  ardor,  and  rushed  to  the  frontiers 
with  eagerness,  a  presage  of  success. 

On  the  20th  qf  September  the  following  appeared 
in  the  "  Moniteur :  " 


372  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

"  The  Emperor  of  Germany,  without  previous  ne- 
gotiation or  explanation,  and  without  any  declaration 
of  war,  has  invaded  Bavaria.  The  Elector  has  re- 
treated to  Warzburg,  where  the  whole  Bavarian  army 
is  assembled." 

On  the  23d  the  Emperor  repaired  to  the  Senate, 
and  issued  a  decree  calling  out  the  reserves  of  the  con- 
scripts of  five  years'  standing.  Berthier,  the  Minister 
of  War,  read  a  report  on  the  impending  war,  and  the 
Minister  of  the  Interior  demonstrated  the  necessity 
of  employing  the  National  Guard  to  protect  the 
coasts. 

The  Emperor's  speech  was  simple  and  impressive; 
it  was  generally  approved.  Our  causes  of  complaint 
against  Austria  were  fully  set  forth  in  the  "  Moni- 
teur."  There  is  little  doubt  that  England,  if  not 
afraid,  was  at  least  weary  of  the  stay  of  our  troops 
on  the  coast,  and  that  it  was  her  policy  to  raise  up 
enemies  for  us  on  the  Continent,  while  the  division 
of  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  and  still  more  its  union  with 
the  French  Empire,  was  sufficiently  disquieting  to  the 
Austrian  Cabinet.  Without  a  knowledge  of  the 
diplomatic  secrets  of  the  period,  which  I  do  not  pos- 
sess, it  is  hard  to  understand  why  the  Emperor  of 
Russia  broke  with  us.  It  is  probable  that  commercial 
difficulties  were  making  him  anxious  about  his  rela- 
tions with  England.  It  may  be  well  to  quote  some 
words  of  Napoleon's  on  this  subject.  "  The  Em- 
peror Alexander,"  he  said,  "  is  a  young  man;  he  longs 
for  a  taste  of  glory,  and,  like  all  children,  he  wants 
to  go  a  different  way  from  that  which  his  father  fol- 
lowed." Neither  can  I  explain  the  neutrality  of  the 
King  of  Prussia,  which  was  so  advantageous  to  us, 
and  to  himself  so  fatal,  since  it  did  but  delay  his  over- 
throw for  one  year.  It  seems  to  .me  that  Europe 
blundered.  The  Emperor's  character  should  have 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  373 

been  better  appreciated;  and  there  should  have  been 
either  a  clear  understanding  that  he  must  be  always 
yielded  to,  or  he  should  have  been  put  down  by  gen- 
eral consent  at  the  outset  of  his  career. 

But  I  must  return  to  my  narrative,  from  which  I 
have  digressed  in  order  to  treat  of  a  subject  beyond 
my  powers. 

I  passed  the  last  few  days  preceding  the  Emperor's 
departure  at  Saint  Cloud.  The  Emperor  worked 
unremittingly ;  when  over- fatigued,  he  would  lie  down 
for  a  few  hours  in  the  daytime,  but  would  rise  in  the 
middle  of  the  night  and  go  on  with  his  labors.  He 
was,  however,  more  serene  and  gracious  than  at  other 
times;  he  received  company  as  usual,  went  occasion- 
ally to  the  theatres,  and  did  not  forget,  when  he  was 
at  Strasburg,  to  send  a  present  to  Fleury,  the  actor, 
who,  two  days  before  his  departure,  had  performed 
Corneille's  "  Menteur,"  by  which  he  had  succeeded 
in  amusing  the  Emperor. 

The  Empress  was  as  full  of  confidence  as  the  wife 
of  Bonaparte  would  naturally  be.  Happy  to  be  al- 
lowed to  accompany  him  and  to  escape  from  the  talk 
of  Paris,  which  alarmed  her,  from  the  spying  of  her 
brothers-in-law,  and  the  monotony  of  Saint  Cloud, 
delighted  with  the  fresh  opportunity  for  display,  she 
looked  on  a  campaign  as  on  a  journey,  and  main- 
tained a  composure  which,  as  it  could  not  by  reason 
of  her  position  proceed  from  indifference,  was  a  gen- 
uine compliment  to  him  whom  she  firmly  believed 
fortune  would  not  dare  to  forsake.  Louis  Bonaparte, 
who  was  in  bad  health,  was  to  remain  in  Paris,  and 
had  received  orders,  as  had  also  his  wife,  to  entertain 
liberally  in  the  absence  of  the  Emperor.  Joseph  pre- 
sided over  the  Administrative  Council  of  the  Senate. 
He  resided  at  the  Luxembourg,  where  he  was  also 
to  hold  a  Court.  Princess  Borghese  was  recovering 


374  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

her  health  at  Trianon.  Mme.  Murat  withdrew  to 
Xeuilly,  where  she  occupied  herself  in  beautifying 
her  charming  dwelling;  Murat  accompanied  the  Em- 
peror to  headquarters.  M.  de  Talleyrand  was  to  re- 
main at  Strasburg  until  further  orders.  M.  Maret 
attended  the  Emperor;  he  was  the  author-in-chief  of 
the  bulletins. 

On  the  24th  the  Emperor  set  out,  and  he  reached 
Strasburg  without  stopping  on  the  way. 

I  returned  in  low  spirits  to  Paris,  where  I  rejoined 
my  children,  my  mother,  and  my  sister.  I  found  the 
latter  much  distressed  by  her  separation  from  M.  de 
Xansouty,  who  was  in  command  of  a  division  of 
cavalry. 

Immediately  on  the  departure  of  the  Emperor, 
rumors  became  rife  in  Paris  of  an  intended  invasion 
of  the  coast,  and,  in  fact,  such  an  expedition  might 
have  been  attempted;  but,  fortunately,  our  enemies 
were  not  quite  so  audacious  and  enterprising  as  our- 
selves, and  at  that  time  the  English  had  not  such  con- 
fidence in  their  army  as  since  then  it  has  justly 
inspired. 

The  tightening  of  the  money-market  began  almost 
immediately  to  be  felt :  in  a  short  time  payment  at  the 
Bank  was  suspended;  money  fetched  a  very  high 
price.  I  heard  it  said  that  our  export  trade  did  not 
suffice  for  our  wants;  that  war  had  stopped  it,  and 
was  raising  the  price  of  all  our  imports.  This,  I  was 
told,  was  the  cause  of  the  sudden  embarrassment 
which  had  come  upon  us. 

Special  and  personal  anxieties  were  added  to  the 
general  depression.  Many  families  of  distinction  had 
sons  in  the  army,  and  trembled  for  their  fate.  In 
what  suspense  did  not  parents  await  the  arrival  of 
bulletins  which  might  suddenly  apprise  them  of  the 
loss  of  those  most  dear  to  them!  What  agonies  did 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  375 

not  Bonaparte  inflict  on  women,  on  mothers,  during 
many  years!  He  has  sometimes  expressed  astonish- 
ment at  the  hatred  he  at  last  inspired;  but  could  he 
expect  to  be  forgiven  such  agonized  and  prolonged 
suspense,  so  much  weeping,  so  many  sleepless  nights, 
and  days  of  agonizing  dread?  If  he  had  but  admitted 
the  truth,  he  must  have  known  there  is  not  one  nat- 
ural feeling  on  which  he  had  not  trampled. 

Before  his  departure,  and  in  order  to  gratify  the 
nobles,  he  created  what  was  called  the  Guard  of 
Honor.  He  gave  the  command  to  his  Grand  Master 
of  Ceremonies.  It  was  almost  funny  to  see  poor  M. 
de  Segnr's  zeal  in  forming  his  Guard,  the  eagerness 
displayed  by  certain  great  personages  to  obtain  admit- 
tance into  it,  and  the  anxiety  of  some  of  the  chamber- 
lains, who  imagined  the  Emperor  wrould  much  ad- 
mire the  change  of  their  red  coats  for  a  military  uni- 
form. I  shall  never  forget  the  surprise,  nay,  the 
fright  which  M.  de  Lucay,  Prefect  of  the  Palace,  a 
mild  and  timid  person,  gave  me,  when  he  asked  me 
whether  M.  de  Remusat,  the  father  of  a  family,  a 
former  magistrate,  and  at  that  time  more  than  forty 
years  of  age,  did  not  also  intend  to  embrace  the  mili- 
tary career  thus  suddenly  opened  to  everybody.  We 
were  beginning  to  be  accustomed  to  so  many  strange 
things  that,  in  spite  of  sense  and  reason,  I  felt  some 
solicitude  on  this  subject,  and  I  wrote  to  my  hus- 
band, who  replied  that  he  had  not  been  seized  with 
martial  ardor,  and  that  he  hoped  the  Emperor  might 
still  reckon  among  his  servants  some  who  did  not 
wear  swords. 

At  this  time  the  Emperor  had  partly  restored  us  to 
favor.  On  his  departure  from  Strasburg  he  confided 
the  entire  charge  of  the  Court  and  the  Empress's 
household  to  my  husband.  These  were  sufficiently 
easy  duties,  with  no  greater  drawback  than  a  certain 


376  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

amount  of  tedium.  M.  de  Talleyrand,  who  also  re- 
mained behind  at  Strasburg,  gave  some  zest  to  the 
daily  routine  of  M.  de  Remusat's  life.  They  now 
became  really  intimate,  and  were  frequently  together. 
M.  de  Remusat,  who  was  by  nature  simple,  modest, 
and  retiring,  showed  to  advantage  as  he  became  better 
known,  and  M.  de  Talleyrand  recognized  his  intel- 
lectual qualities,  his  excellent  judgment,  and  his  up- 
rightness. He  began  to  trust  him,  to  appreciate  the 
safety  of  intercourse  with  him,  and  to  treat  him  as 
a  friend;  while  my  husband,  who  was  gratified  by 
receiving  such  overtures  from  a  quarter  whence  he 
had  not  expected  them,  conceived  for  him  from  that 
moment  an  affection  which  no  subsequent  vicissitude 
has  lessened. 

Meanwhile  the  Emperor  had  left  Strasburg.  On 
the  ist  of  October  he  commenced  the  campaign,  and 
the  entire  army,  transported  as  if  by  magic  from 
Boulogne,  was  crossing  the  frontier.  The  Elector 
of  Bavaria,  on  being  called  upon  by  the  Emperor  of 
Austria  to  afford  free  passage  to  his  troops,  refused 
to  do  so,  and  was  being  invaded  on  every  side;  but 
Bonaparte  marched  to  his  aid  without  delay. 

We  then  received  the  first  bulletin  from  the  Grand 
Army.  It  announced  a  first  success  at  Donauworth, 
and  gave  us  the  proclamations  of  the  Emperor,  and 
that  of  the  Viceroy  of  Italy.  Massena  was  ordered  to 
reenforce  the  latter,  and  to  push  into  the  Tyrol  with 
the  united  French  and  Italian  armies.  To  phrases 
well  calculated  to  inflame  the  zeal  of  our  soldiers  were 
added  others  of  biting  sarcasm  against  our  enemy. 
A  circular  addressed  to  the  inhabitants  of  Austria, 
asking  for  contributions  of  lint,  was  published,  accom- 
panied by  the  following  note :  "  We  hope  the  Emperor 
of  Austria  will  not  require  any,  as  he  has  gone  back 
to  Vienna." 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  377 

Insults  to  the  ministers  were  not  spared,  nor  to 
some  of  the  great  Austrian  nobles,  among  whom  was 
the  Count  de  Colloredo,  who  was  accused  of  being 
governed  by  his  wife,  herself  entirely  devoted  to  Eng- 
lish policy.  These  unworthy  attacks  occurred  pro- 
miscuously in  the  bulletins,  among  really  elevated 
sentiments,  which,  although  put  forth  with  Roman 
rather  than  with  French  eloquence,  were  very 
effective. 

Bonaparte's  activity  in  this  campaign  was  posi- 
tively marvelous.  From  the  beginning  he  foresaw 
the  advantages  that  would  accrue  to  him  from  the 
first  blunders  of  the  Austrians,  and  also  his  ultimate 
success.  Toward  the  middle  of  October  he  wrote  to 
his  wife:  "  Rest  easy;  I  promise  you  the  shortest  and 
most  brilliant  of  campaigns." 

At  Wertingen  our  cavalry  obtained  some  advan- 
tage over  the  enemy,  and  M.  de  Nansouty  distin- 
guished himself.  A  brilliant  skirmish  also  took  place 
at  Giintzburg,  and  the  Austrians  were  soon  retreating 
from  every  point. 

The  army  became  more  and  more  enthusiastic,  and 
seemed  to  take  no  heed  of  the  approach  of  winter. 
Just  before  going  into  action,  the  Emperor  harangued 
his  soldiers  on  the  Lech  bridge,  in  the  midst  of  thickly 
falling  snow.  "  But,"  continued  the  bulletin,  "  his 
words  were  of  fire,  and  the  soldiers  forgot  their  priva- 
tions." The  bulletin  ended  with  these  prophetic 
words :  "  The  destinies  of  the  campaign  are  fixed." 

The  taking  of  Ulm  and  the  capitulation  of  its  im- 
mense garrison  completed  the  surprise  and  terror  of 
Austria,  and  served  to  silence  the  factious  spirit  in 
Paris,  which  had  been  with  difficulty  repressed  by 
the  police.  It  is  hard  to  prevent  Frenchmen  from 
ranging  themselves  on  the  side  of  glory,  and  we  began 
to  share  in  that  which  our  army  was  gaining.  But 


MEMOIRS  OF  THE 

the  monetary  difficulty  was  still  painfully  felt :  trade 
suffered,  the  theatres  were  empty,  an  increase  of  pov- 
erty was  perceptible,  and  the  onry  hope  that  sustained 
us  was  that  a  campaign  so  brilliant  must  be  followed 
by  an  immediate  peace. 

After  the  capitulation  of  Uhn,  the  Emperor  him- 
self dictated  the  following  phrase  in  the  bulletin: 
"  The  panegyric  of  the  army  may  be  pronounced  in 
two  words :  It  is  worthy  of  its  leader."  He  wrote  to 
the  Senate,  sending  the  colors  taken  from  the  enemy, 
and  announcing  that  die  Elector  had  returned  to  his 
capital  Letters  from  him  to  the  bishops,  requesting 
them  to  offer  thanksgiving  for  our  victories,  were  also 
published. 

From  the  very  beginning  of  the  campaign  pastoral 
kliei'S  had  been  read  in  every  metropolitan  church, 
justifying  the  war,  and  encouraging  the  new  recruits 
to  march  promptly  whithersoever  they  should  be 
called.  The  bishops  now  began  the  task  once  more, 
and  exhausted  the  Scriptures  for  texts  to  prove  that 
the  Emperor  was  protected  by  die  God  of  armies. 

Joseph  Bonaparte  was  the  bearer  of  his  brother's 
letter  to  the  Senate.  That  body  decreed  that,  in  re- 
ply, an  address  of  congratulation  should  be  carried 
to  headquarters  by  a  certain  number  of  its  members. 

At  Strasburg  die  Empress  received  a  number  of 
German  princes,  who  came  to  join  her  Court,  and  to 
offer  her  their  homage  and  congratulations.  With  a 
natural  pride  she  showed  diem  the  Emperor's  letters, 
in  which  long  beforehand  he  announced  to  her  the 
victories  he  was  about  to  gain :  and  either  his  skillful 
foresight  must  needs  be  admired,  or  else  the  power 
of  a  destiny  which  never  for  a  moment  belied  itself 
must  be  recognized. 

Marshal  Xey  distinguished  himself  at  Elchingen, 
and  the  Emperor  consented  so  fully  to  leave  the 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  379 

honors  of  the  occasion  to  him  that  afterward,  when 
he  created  dukes,  he  desired  that  the  Marshal's  title 
should  be  Duke  of  Elchingen. 

I  use  the  word  consented,  because  it  is  admitted  that 
Bonaparte  was  not  always  perfectly  just  in  appor- 
tioning the  fame  which  he  accorded  to  his  generals. 
In  one  of  his  occasional  fits  of  frankness,  I  heard  him 
say  that  he  liked  to  bestow  glory  only  on  those  who 
knew  not  how  to  sustain  it.  According  to  his  policy 
with  respect  to  the  military  chiefs  under  his  orders, 
or  the  degree  of  confidence  which  he  placed  in  them, 
he  would  either  preserve  silence  concerning  certain 
victories  of  theirs,  or  change  the  blunder  of  a  par- 
ticular marshal  into  a  success.  A  general  would  hear 
through  some  bulletin  of  an  action  which  had  never 
taken  place,  or  of  a  speech  which  he  had  never  made. 
Another  would  find  himself  famous  in  the  news- 
papers, and  would  wonder  how  he  had  deserved  to 
be  thus  distinguished.  Others  would  endeavor  to 
protest  against  his  neglect  of  them,  or  against  dis- 
torted accounts  of  events.  But  how  was  it  possible  to 
correct  what  had  once  been  read,  and  was  already 
effaced  by  more  recent  news?  For  Bonaparte's 
rapidity  in  war  gave  us  daily  something  fresh  to 
learn.  On  these  occasions  he  would  either  impose 
silence  on  the  protest,  or,  if  he  wished  to  appease  the 
offended  officer,  a  sum  of  money,  a  prize  from  the 
enemy,  or  permission  to  levy  a  tax  was  granted  to 
him,  and  thus  the  affair  would  end. 

This  crafty  spirit,  which  was  inherent  in  Bona- 
parte's character,  and  which  he  employed  adroitly  in 
dealing  with  his  marshals  and  superior  officers,  may 
be  justified,  up  to  a  certain  point,  by  the  difficulty  he 
occasionally  met  with  in  managing  so  large  a  number 
of  individuals  of  widely  differing  characters  but  sim- 
ilar aims.  He  was  perfectly  cognizant  of  the  scope 


380  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

of  their  various  talents;  he  knew  in  what  manner  each 
of  them  might  be  useful  to  him:  while  rewarding 
their  services  he  was  perpetually  obliged  to  repress 
their  pride  and  jealousy.  He  was  forced  to  use  every 
means  in  his  power  to  secure  his  own  success;  above 
all,  he  could  miss  no  opportunity  of  making  them  feel 
their  entire  dependence  on  himself,  and  that  their  re- 
nown as  well  as  their  fortune  was  in  his  hands  alone. 
This  point  once  reached,  he  might  feel  certain  not  to 
be  importuned  by  them,  and  to  be  at  liberty  to  reward 
their  services  at  his  own  price.  In  general,  however, 
the  marshals  have  had  no  cause  to  complain  that  he 
did  not  rate  them  highly.  The  rewards  obtained  by 
them  were  frequently  gigantic;  and,  the  long  contin- 
uance of  war  having  raised  their  hopes  to  the  highest 
pitch,  we  have  seen  them  become  dukes  and  princes 
without  being  astonished  at  the  fact,  and  end  by 
thinking  that  royalty  alone  could  worthily  crown  their 
destiny.  Enormous  sums  were  divided  among  them, 
and  every  kind  of  exaction  from  the  vanquished  was 
permitted  them;  some  of  them  made  immense  for- 
tunes, and,  if  most  of  these  disappeared  with  the  Gov- 
ernment under  which  they  had  been  amassed,  it  was 
because  they  had  been  acquired  so  easily  that  their 
upstart  possessors  naturally  spent  them  lavishly,  feel- 
ing confident  that  the  facilities  for  making  such  for- 
tunes would  never  be  exhausted. 

In  this  first  campaign  of  Napoleon's  reign,  although 
the  army  was  as  yet  subject  to  a  discipline  which  was 
afterward  considerably  relaxed,  the  vanquished  peo- 
ple found  themselves  a  prey  to  the  rapacity  of  the 
conqueror,  and  the  obligation  of  receiving  some  field 
officer  for  a  single  night,  or  even  for  a  few  hours, 
cost  many  a  great  Austrian  noble  or  prince  the  entire 
destruction  and  pillage  of  his  home.  The  common 
soldiers  were  under  discipline,  and  there  was  an  out- 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  381 

ward  appearance  of  order,  but  there  was  nothing  to 
hinder  a  marshal  from  taking  away  with  him,  on  his 
departure,  any  objects  which  had  caught  his  fancy. 
After  the  close  of  the  war,  I  have  often  heard  the 

wife  of  Marshal  X relate,  with  laughter,  that  her 

husband,  knowing  her  taste  for  music,  had  sent  her 
an  immense  collection  of  music-books,  which  he  had 
found  in  some  German  prince's  house ;  and  she  would 
add,  with  equal  ingenuousness,  that  he  had  dispatched 
so  many  packing-cases  full  of  lusters  and  Vienna 
glass,  which  he  had  picked  up  in  every  direction,  to 
their  house  in  Paris,  that  she  was  quite  at  a  loss  to 
know  where  to  put  them. 

While  the  Emperor  knew  so  well  how  to  hold  the 
pretensions  of  his  generals  in  check,  he  spared  no 
pains  to  encourage  and  satisfy  the  rank  and  file.  Af- 
ter the  taking  of  Ulm,  a  decree  was  issued  to  the  effect 
that  the  month  of  Vendemiaire,  which  was  just 
closed,  should  in  itself  be  reckoned  as  a  campaign. 

On  the  feast  of  All  Saints  a  solemn  Te  Deum  was 
sung  at  Notre  Dame,  and  Joseph  gave  several  enter- 
tainments in  honor  of  our  victories. 

Meanwhile  Massena  was  distinguishing  himself  by 
victories  in  Italy,  and  it  soon  became  certain  that  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  would  have  to  pay  dearly  for 
this  great  campaign.  The  Russian  army  was  hasten- 
ing by  forced  marches  to  his  aid,  but  had  not  yet 
joined  the  Austrians,  who  meanwhile  were  being  de- 
feated by  our  Emperor.  It  was  said  at  the  time  that 
the  Emperor  Francis  made  a  blunder  by  entering  upon 
the  war  before  the  Emperor  Alexander  was  in  a  posi- 
tion to  help  him. 

During  this  campaign  Bonaparte  induced  the  King 
of  Naples  to  remain  neutral,  and  agreed  to  rid  him 
of  the  French  garrison  which  he  had  hitherto  been 
obliged  to  maintain.  Several  decrees  relating  to  the 


382  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

administration  of  France  were  promulgated  from 
various  headquarters,  and  the  former  Doge  of  Genoa 
was  created  a  senator. 

The  Emperor  liked  to  appear  to  be  engaged  in  a 
number  of  different  affairs  at  once,  and  to  show  that 
he  could  cast  what  he  called  "  an  eagle  glance  "  in 
every  direction  at  the  same  instant.  For  this  reason, 
and  also  on  account  of  his  suspicious  disposition,  he 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  Minister  of  Police,  desiring  him 
to  keep  a  watchful  eye  on  the  Faubourg  St.  Germain, 
meaning  those  members  of  the  French  nobility  who 
remained  opposed  to  him,  and  stating  that  he  had 
been  informed  of  certain  things  that  had  been  said 
against  him  in  his  absence,  and  would  punish  them 
on  his  return. 

It  was  Fouche's  habit,  on  receiving  such  orders  as 
these,  to  send  for  the  persons,  both  men  and  women, 
who  were  more  specially  accused.  Whether  he  really 
thought  the  Emperor's  displeasure  was  excited  by 
mere  trifles,  and  that,  as  he  sometimes  used  to  say, 
it  was  foolish  to  prevent  French  people  from  talking, 
or  whether  he  desired  to  win  golden  opinions  by  his 
own  moderation,  after  advising  those  persons  for 
whom  he  had  sent  to  be  more  cautious,  he  wonid  con- 
clude by  admitting  that  the  Emperor  made  too  much 
ado  about  trivialities.  Thus,  by  degrees,  he  acquired 
a  reputation  for  justice  and  moderation,  which  did 
away  with  the  first  impressions  of  his  character.  The 
Emperor,  who  was  informed  of  this  conduct  on  his 
part,  resented  it,  and  was  secretly  on  his  guard  against 
one  so  careful  to  conciliate  all  parties. 

On  the  1 2th  of  November  our  victorious  army 
entered  the  gates  of  Vienna.  The  newspapers  gave 
full  details  of  the  circumstances,  and  these  accounts 
acquire  additional  interest  from  the  fact  that  they 
were  all  dictated  by  Bonaparte,  and  that  he  frequently 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  383 

took  upon  .himself  to  invent,  as  an  afterthought,  cir- 
cumstances or  anecdotes  likely  to  strike  the  popular 
imagination. 

"  The  Emperor,"  says  the  bulletin,  "  has  taken  up 
his  abode  in  the  palace  of  Schonbrunn ;  he  writes  in  a 
cabinet  in  which  stands  a  statue  of  Maria  Theresa. 
On  observing  this,  he  exclaimed:  'Ah!  if  that  great 
queen  were  still  living,  she  would  not  allow  herself 
to  be  led  by  such  a  woman  as  Mme.  de  Colloredo! 
Surrounded  by  her  nobles,  she  would  have  ascertained 
the  wishes  of  her  people.  She  would  never  have  al- 
lowed her  provinces  to  be  ravaged  by  the  Muscovites/ 
etc." 

Meanwhile  some  bad  news  came  to  temper  Bona- 
parte's success.  Admiral  Nelson  had  just  beaten  our 
fleet  at  Trafalgar.  The  French  navy  had  fought  with 
splendid  bravery,  but  had  been  disastrously  defeated. 
This  produced  a  bad  effect  in  Paris,  and  disgusted 
the  Emperor  for  ever  with  naval  enterprises.  He 
became  so  deeply  prejudiced  against  the  French  navy 
that  from  that  time  it  was  scarcely  possible  to  induce 
him  to  take  any  interest  in  or  pay  any  attention  to 
the  subject.  Vainly  did  the  sailors  or  soldiers  who 
had  distinguished  themselves  on  that  fatal  day  en- 
deavor to  obtain  recognition  or  sympathy  for  the  dan- 
gers they  had  encountered :  they  were  practically  for- 
bidden even  to  revert  to  the  disaster;  and  when,  in 
after-years,  they  wanted  to  obtain  any  favor,  they 
took  care  not  to  claim  it  on  the  score  of  the  admirable 
courage  to  which  only  the  English  dispatches  ren- 
dered justice. 

Immediately  on  the  Emperor's  return  to  Vienna, 
he  sent  for  M.  de  Talleyrand,  perceiving  that  the  time 
for  negotiations  was  at  hand,  and  that  the  Emperor 
of  Austria  was  about  to  treat  for  peace.  It  is  prob- 
able that  our  Emperor  had  already  decided  on  making 


384  MEMOIRS   OF   THE 

the  Elector  of  Bavaria  a  King,  on  enlarging  his 
dominions,  and  also  on  the  marriage  of  Prince 
Eugene. 

M.  de  Remusat  was  sent  to  Paris  in  order  that  he 
might  convey  the  Imperial  insignia  and  the  crown 
diamonds  to  Vienna.  I  saw  him  but  for  an  instant, 
and  learned  with  fresh  vexation  that  he  was  about  to 
leave  for  a  still  more  distant  country.  On  his  return 
to  Strasburg  he  received  orders  to  proceed  at  once  to 
Vienna,  and  the  Empress  was  directed  to  repair  to 
Munich  with  the  whole  Court.  Nothing  could  ex- 
ceed the  honors  rendered  to  her  in  Germany.  Princes 
and  Electors  crowded  to  welcome  her,  and  the  Elector 
of  Bavaria,  especially,  neglected  nothing  to  make  her 
reception  all  that  could  be  desired.  She  remained  at 
Munich,  waiting  for  her  husband's  return. 

M.  de  Remusat,  while  on  his  journey,  reflected 
sadly  upon  the  condition  of  the  countries  through 
which  he  passed.  The  land  still  reeked  of  battle. 
Devastated  villages,  roads  encumbered  with  corpses 
and  ruins,  brought  before  his  eyes  all  the  horrors  of 
war.  The  distress  of  the  vanquished  added  an  ele- 
ment of  danger  to  the  discomfort  of  this  journey  so 
late  in  the  season.  Everything  contributed  painfully 
to  impress  the  imagination  of  a  man  who  was  a  friend 
to  humanity,  and  who  lamented  the  disasters  which 
result  from  the  passions  of  conquerors.  My  hus- 
band's letters,  full  of  painful  reflections,  grieved  me 
deeply,  and  served  to  lessen  the  enthusiasm  which 
had  been  beginning  to  revive  as  I  read  accounts  of 
victories,  in  which  the  bright  side  only  was  shown  to 
the  public. 

When  M.  de  Remusat  reached  Vienna,  the  Em- 
peror was  no  longer  there.  The  negotiations  had 
lasted  but  a  short  time,  and  our  army  was  marching 
forward.  M.  de  Talleyrand  and  M.  Maret  remained 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  385 

at  Schonbrunn,  where  they  both  lived,  but  without 
intimacy.  M.  Maret's  familiarity  with  the  Emperor 
gave  him  a  sort  of  influence,  which  he  kept  up,  as  I 
have  already  said,  by  adoration,  true  or  feigned,  and 
displayed  in  all  his  words  and  actions.  M.  de  Talley- 
rand would  make  fun  of  this  sometimes,  and  quiz 
the  Secretary  of  State,  who  resented  such  conduct 
excessively.  He  was  therefore  always  on  hjs 
guard  against  M.  de  Talleyrand,  and  disliked  him 
sincerely. 

M.  de  Talleyrand,  who  was  thoroughly  weary  of 
Vienna,  greeted  M.  de  Remusat  on  his  arrival  with 
great  cordiality,  and  the  intimacy  between  them  in- 
creased during  the  idle  life  both  were  leading.  It  is 
very  likely  that  M.  Maret,  who  wrote  regularly  to 
the  Emperor,  reported  upon  this  new  friendship,  and 
that  it  was  displeasing  to  a  person  always  prone  to 
take  offense,  and  apt  to  detect  ulterior  motives  in  the 
most  unimportant  actions  of  life. 

M.  de  Talleyrand,  finding  scarcely  any  one  but  M. 
de  Remusat  who  could  understand  him,  disclosed  to 
him  the  political  views  with  which  the  victories  of  our 
armies  inspired  him.  He  warmly  desired  to  consoli- 
date the  peace  of  Europe,  and  his  great  fear  was  that 
the  glamour  of  victory  and  the  predilections  of  the 
military  men  surrounding  the  Emperor,  all  of  them 
having  again  become  accustomed  to  war,  would  in- 
duce the  latter  to  prolong  it.  "  When  the  moment 
comes  for  actually  concluding  peace,"  he  said,  "  you 
will  see  that  the  greatest  difficulty  I  shall  have  will  be 
in  treating  with  the  Emperor  himself,  and  it  will  take, 
much  talking  to  sober  the  intoxication  produced  by 
gunpowder."  In  these  moments  of  confidence  M.  de 
Talleyrand  would  speak  candidly  of  the  Emperor. 
While  he  admitted  the  great  defects  of  his  character, 
he  believed  him  to  be  destined  irrevocably  to  end  the 


386  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

Revolution  in  France,  and  to  found  a  lasting  govern- 
ment; and  he  also  believed  that  he  himself  should  be 
able  to  rule  the  Emperor's  conduct  with  regard  to 
Europe.  "  If  I  fail  to  persuade  him,"  he  said,  "  I 
shall,  at  any  rate,  know  how  to  fetter  him  in  spite  of 
himself,  and  to  force  him  to  take  some  repose." 

M.  de  Remusat  was  delighted  to  find  an  able  states- 
man, and  one  who  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the  Em- 
peror, full  of  projects  so  wise  in  themselves;  and  he 
began  to  regard  him  with  the  esteem  that  every 
French  citizen  owes  to  a  man  who  endeavors  to  con- 
trol the  effects  of  a  boundless  ambition.  He  often 
wrote  to  me  that  he  was  delighted  with  the  discov- 
eries which  his  intimacy  with  M.  de  Talleyrand 
enabled  him  to  make,  and  I  began  to  feel  interest 
in  one  who  alleviated  the  wearisome  exile  of  my 
husband. 

In  my  hours  of  solitude  and  anxiety,  my  husband's 
letters  were  my  only  pleasure  and  the  sole  charm  of 
my  existence.  Although  he  prudently  avoided  details, 
I  could  see  that  he  was  satisfied  with  his  position. 
Then  he  would  describe  to  me  the  different  sights  he 
had  seen.  He  would  tell  me  of  his  drives  or  walks  in 
Vienna,  which  he  described  as  a  large  and  beautiful 
city,  and  of  his  visits  to  certain  important  personages 
who  had  remained  there,  as  well  as  to  other  families. 
He  was  struck  by  their  extreme  attachment  to  the 
Emperor  Francis.  These  good  people  of  Vienna,  al- 
though their  city  was  conquered,  did  not  hesitate 
openly  to  express  their  hopes  of  a  speedy  return  to  the 
paternal  rule  of  their  master;  and,  while  they  sym- 
pathized with  him  in  his  reverses,  they  never  uttered 
a  single  reproach. 

Good  order  was  maintained  in  Vienna;  the  gar- 
rison was  under  strict  discipline,  and  the  inhabitants 
had  no  great  cause  of  complaint  against  their  conquer- 


EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE  387 

ors.  The  French  entered  into  some  of  the  amuse- 
ments of  the  place;  they  frequented  the  theatres,  and 
it  was  at  Vienna  that  M.  de  Remusat  first  heard  the 
celebrated  Italian  singer  Crescentini,  and  subse- 
quently engaged  him  for  the  Emperor's  musical 
service. 


Vol.  9  M-Memoirs 


CHAPTER  XV 
(1805.) 

THE  arrival  of  the  Russian  forces  and  the  severe 
conditions  exacted  by  the  conqueror  made  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  resolve  on  once  more  try- 
ing the  fortune  of  war.  Having  assembled  his  forces 
and  joined  the  Emperor  Alexander,  he  awaited  Bona- 
parte, who  was  advancing  to  meet  him.  The  two  im- 
mense armies  met  in  Moravia,  near  the  little  village  of 
Austerlitz,  which,  until  then  unknown,  has  become 
for  ever  memorable  by  reason  of  the  great  victory 
which  France  won  there. 

Bonaparte  resolved  to  give  battle  on  the  following 
day,  the  ist  of  December,  the  anniversary  of  his  coro- 
nation. 

The  Czar  had  sent  Prince  Dolgorouki  to  our  head- 
quarters with  proposals  of  peace,  which,  if  the  Em- 
peror has  told  the  truth  in  his  bulletins,  could  hardly 
be  entertained  by  a  conqueror  in  possession  of  his 
enemy's  capital.  If  we  may  believe  him,  the  surrender 
of  Belgium  was  demanded,  and  that  the  Iron  Crown 
should  be  placed  on  another  head.  The  envoy  was 
taken  through  a  part  of  the  encampment  which  had 
been  purposely  left  in  confusion ;  he  was  deceived  by 
this,  and  misled  the  Emperors  by  his  report  of  the 
state  of  things. 

The  bulletin  of  those  two  days,  the  ist  and  2d  of 
December,  states  that  the  Emperor,  on  returning  to  his 

388 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  389 

quarters  toward  evening,  spoke  these  words:  "This 
is  the  fairest  evening  of  my  life;  but  I  regret  to  think 
that  I  must  lose  a  good  number  of  these  brave  fellows. 
I  feel,  by  the  pain  it  gives  me,  that  they  are  indeed  my 
children ;  and  I  reproach  myself  for  this  feeling,  for  I 
fear  it  may  render  me  unfit  to  make  war." 

The  following  day,  in  addressing  his  soldiers,  he 
said :  '  This  campaign  must  be  ended  by  a  thunder- 
clap. If  France  is  to  make  peace  only  on  the  terms 
proposed  by  Dolgorouki,  Russia  shall  not  obtain  them, 
even  were  her  army  encamped  on  the  heights  of  Mont- 
martre."  Yet  it  was  decreed  that  these  same  armies 
should,  one  day,  be  encamped  there,  and  that  at  Belle- 
ville Alexander  was  to  receive  Napoleon's  envoy, 
coming  to  offer  him  peace  on  any  terms  he  chose  to 
dictate. 

I  will  not  transcribe  the  narrative  of  that  battle, 
so  truly  honorable  to  our  arms — it  will  be  found  in 
the  "  Moniteur  " ;  and  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  with 
characteristic  and  noble  simplicity,  declared  that  the 
dispositions  taken  by  the  Emperor  to  insure  success, 
the  skill  of  his  generals,  and  the  ardor  of  the  French 
soldiers,  were  all  alike  incomparable.  The  flower  of 
the  three  nations  fought  with  unflagging  determina- 
tion; the  two  Emperors  were  obliged  to  fly  in  order 
to  escape  being  taken,  and,  but  for  the  conferences  of 
the  following  day,  it  seems  that  the  Emperor  of  Russia 
would  have  found  his  retreat  very  difficult. 

The  Emperor  dictated  almost  from  the  field  of  battle 
the  narrative  of  all  that  had  taken  place  on  the  ist,  the 
2d,  and  the  3d  of  December.  He  even  wrote  part  of 
it  himself.  The  dispatch,  hurriedly  composed,  yet  full 
of  details  and  very  interesting,  even  at  the  present  day, 
on  account  of  the  spirit  in  which  it  was  conceived, 
consisted  of  twenty-five  pages  covered  with  erasures 
and  with  references,  and  was  sent  to  M.  Maret  at 


390  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

Vienna,  to  be  immediately  put  in  form  and  sent  to  the 
"  Moniteur  "  in  Paris. 

On  receiving  this  dispatch,  M.  Maret  hastened  to 
communicate  it  to  M.  de  Talleyrand  and  M.  de  Remu- 
sat.  All  three  were  then  residing  in  the  palace  of  the 
Emperor  of  Austria;  they  shut  themselves  up  in  the 
Empress's  private  apartment,  then  occupied  by  M.  de 
Talleyrand,  in  order  to  decipher  the  manuscript.  The 
handwriting  of  the  Emperor,  which  was  always  very 
illegible,  and  his  bad  spelling,  made  this  a  somewhat 
lengthy  task.  The  order  of  events  had  to  be  rear- 
ranged, and  incorrect  expressions  to  be  replaced  by 
more  suitable  ones,  and  then,  by  the  advice  of  M.  de 
Talleyrand  and  to  the  great  terror  of  M.  Maret,  cer- 
tain phrases  were  suppressed,  as  too  humiliating  to 
the  foreign  sovereigns,  or  so  directly  eulogistic  of 
Bonaparte  himself  that  one  wonders  he  could  have 
penned  them.  They  retained  certain  phrases  which 
were  underscored,  and  to  which  it  was  evident  he 
attached  importance.  This  task  lasted  several  hours, 
and  was  interesting  to  M.  de  Remusat,  as  it  gave  him 
an  opportunity  of  observing  the  very  different  meth- 
ods of  serving  the  Emperor  adopted  by  the  two 
Ministers  respectively. 

After  the  battle,  the  Emperor  Francis  asked  for  an 
interview,  which  took  place  at  the  French  Emperor's 
quarters. 

"This,"  said  Bonaparte,  "  has  been  my  only  palace 
for  the  last  two  months." 

"  You  make  such  good  use  of  it,"  replied  the 
Emperor  of  Austria,  "  that  it  ought  to  be  agreeable 
to  you." 

"  It  is  asserted,"  says  the  bulletin,  "  that  the  Em- 
peror, in  speaking  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  used 
these  words :  '  That  man  has  led  me  to  commit  an 
error,  for  I  could  have  followed  up  my  victory,  and 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  391 

have  taken  the  whole  Russian  and  Austrian  army 
prisoners;  but,  after  all,  there  will  be  some  tears  the 
less.' ' 

According  to  the  bulletin,  the  Czar  was  let  off  easily. 
Here  is  the  account  of  the  visit  which  Savary  was  sent 
to  make  to  him: 

'  The  Emperor's  aide-de-camp  had  accompanied 
the  Emperor  of  Germany  after  the  interview,  in  order 
to  learn  whether  the  Emperor  of  Russia  would  agree 
to  the  capitulation.  He  found  the  remnant  of  the 
Russian  army  without  artillery  or  baggage,  and  in 
frightful  disorder. 

"  It  was  midnight ;  General  Meerf eld  had  been 
repulsed  from  Golding  by  Marshal  Davoust,  and  the 
Russian  army  was  surrounded — not  a  man  could 
escape.  Prince  Czartoryski  presented  General  Savary 
to  the  Emperor. 

"  '  Tell  your  master,'  said  the  Czar,  '  that  I  am 
going  away;  that  he  did  wonders  yesterday,  that  his 
achievements  have  increased  my  admiration  for  him, 
that  he  is  predestined  by  Heaven,  and  that  my  army 
would  require  a  hundred  years  to  equal  his.  But  can 
I  withdraw  in  safety?'  'Yes,  sire,  if  your  Majesty 
ratifies  what  the  two  Emperors  of  France  and  Austria 
have  agreed  upon  in  their  interview.'  *  And  what  is 
that?  '  '  That  your  Majesty's  army  shall  return  home 
by  stages  to  be  regulated  by  the  Emperor,  and  that 
it  shall  evacuate  Germany  and  Austrian  Poland.  On 
these  conditions  I  have  it  in  commission  to  go  to  our 
outposts,  and  give  them  orders  to  protect  your  retreat, 
as  the  Emperor  is  desirous  to  protect  the  friend  of  the 
First  Consul.'  '  What  guarantee  is  required  ? '  '  Your 
word,  sire.'  '  I  give  it  you.' 

"  General  Savary  set  out  on  the  instant  at  full 
gallop,  and,  having  joined  Davoust,  he  gave  orders  to 
suspend  all  operations  and  remain  quiet.  It  is  to  be 


392  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

hoped  that  the  generosity  of  the  Emperor  of  France 
on  this  occasion  may  not  be  so  soon  forgotten  in 
Russia  as  was  his  sending  back  six  thousand  men  to 
the  Emperor  Paul,  with  expressions  of  his  esteem. 

"  General  Savary  had  an  hour's  conversation  with 
the  Emperor  of  Russia,  and  found  him  all  that  a  man 
of  good  sense  and  good  feeling  ought  to  be,  whatever 
reverses  he  may  have  experienced. 

"  The  Emperor  asked  him  about  the  details  of  the 
day.  *  You  were  inferior  to  me/  he  said,  *  and  yet  you 
were  superior  upon  all  the  points  of  attack.'  '  That, 
sire/  answered  the  General,  *  is  the  art  of  war,  and 
the  fruit  of  fifteen  years  of  glory.  This  is  the  fortieth 
battle  the  Emperor  has  fought.'  *  True.  He  is  a 
great  warrior.  As  for  me,  this  is  the  first  time  I  have 
seen  fighting.  I  have  never  had  any  pretension  to 
measure  myself  with  him.'  '  When  you  have  experi- 
ence, sire,  you  may  perhaps  surpass  him.'  '  I  shall 
now  go  away  to  my  capital.  I  came  to  lend  my  aid 
to  the  Emperor  of  Austria;  he  has  had  me  informed 
that  he  is  content,  and  I  am  the  same.' ' 

There  was  a  good  deal  of  speculation  at  that  time 
as  to  what  was  the  Emperor's  real  reason  for  con- 
senting to  make  peace  after  this  battle,  instead  of 
pushing  his  victory  further;  for,  of  course,  nobody 
believed  in  the  motive  which  was  assigned  for  it,  i.  e., 
the  sparing  of  so  many  tears  which  must  otherwise 
have  been  shed. 

May  we  conclude  that  the  day  of  Austerlitz  had  cost 
him  so  dear  as  to  make  him  shrink  from  incurring 
another  like  it,  and  that  the  Russian  army  was  not  so 
utterly  defeated  as  he  would  have  had  us  believe  ?  Or 
was  it  that  again  he  had  done  as  he  himself  expressed 
it,  when  he  was  asked  why  he  had  put  an  end  to  the 
march  of  victory  by  the  treaty  of  Leoben :  "  I  was 
playing  at  vingt-et-un,  and  I  stopped  short  at  vingt"? 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  393 

May  we  believe  that  Bonaparte,  in  his  first  year  of 
empire,  did  not  yet  venture  to  sacrifice  the  lives  of  the 
people  as  ruthlessly  as  he  afterward  sacrificed  them, 
and  that,  having  entire  confidence  in  M.  de  Talley- 
rand at  that  period,  he  yielded  more  readily  to  the 
moderate  policy  of  his  Minister?  Perhaps,  too,  he 
believed  that  he  had  reduced  the  Austrian  power  by 
his  campaign  more  than  he  really  had  reduced  it;  for 
he  said,  after  his  return  from  Munich,  "  I  have  left 
the  Emperor  Francis  too  many  subjects." 

Whatever  may  have  been  his  motives,  he  deserves 
praise  for  the  spirit  of  moderation  that  he  maintained 
in  the  midst  of  an  army  heated  by  victory,  and  which 
certainly  was  at  that  moment  desirous  of  prolonging 
the  war.  The  marshals  and  all  the  officers  about  the 
Emperor  did  everything  in  their  power  to  induce  him 
to  carry  on  the  campaign ;  they  were  certain  of  victory 
everywhere,  and  by  shaking  the  purpose  of  their  chief 
they  created  for  M.  de  Talleyrand  all  the  difficulties 
that  he  had  foreseen.  The  Minister,  summoned  to 
headquarters,  had  to  contend  with  the  disposition  of 
the  army.  He  maintained,  alone  and  unsupported, 
that  peace  must  be  concluded — that  the  Austrian 
power  was  necessary  to  the  equilibrium  of  Europe;  and 
it  was  then  that  he  said,  "  When  you  shall  have  weak- 
ened all  the  powers  of  the  center,  how  are  you  to 
hinder  those  of  the  extremities — the  Russians,  for 
instance — from  falling  upon  them?  "  In  reply  to  this 
he  was  met  by  private  interests,  by  a  personal  and 
insatiable  desire  for  the  chances  of  fortune  which  the 
continuance  of  the  war  might  offer;  and  certain  per- 
sons, who  knew  the  Emperor's  character  well,  said. 
"If  even  we  do  not  put  an  end  to  this  affair  on  the 
spot,  you  will  see  that  we  shall  commence  another 
campaign  by  and  by." 

As    for  the   Emperor  himself,   disturbed   by  this 


394  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

diversity  of  opinion,  urged  by  his  first  love  of  war,  and 
influenced  by  his  habitual  distrust,  he  allowed  M.  de 
Talleyrand  to  perceive  that  he  suspected  him  of  a 
secret  understanding  with  the  Austrian  ambassador, 
and  of  sacrificing  the  interests  of  France.  M.  de 
Talleyrand  answered  with  that  firmness  which  he 
always  maintains  in  great  affairs,  when  he  has  taken  a 
certain  line:  "You  deceive  yourself.  My  object  is 
to  sacrifice  the  interest  of  your  generals,  which  is  no 
concern  of  mine,  to  the  interests  of  France.  Reflect 
that  you  lower  yourself  by  saying  such  things  as  they 
say,  and  that  you  are  worthy  to  be  something  more 
than  a  mere  soldier."  The  Emperor  was  flattered  by 
being  praised  at  the  expense  of  his  former  companions 
in  arms ;  and  by  adroitness  -of  this  kind  M.  de  Talley- 
rand succeeded  in  gaining  his  ends.  At  length  he 
brought  the  Emperor  to  resolve  on  sending  him  to 
Presburg,  where  the  negotiations  were  to  take  place; 
but  it  is  a  strange  and  probably  unexampled  fact  that 
Bonaparte,  while  giving  M.  de  Talleyrand  powers  to 
treat  for  peace,  actually  deceived  him  on  a  point  of 
vital  importance,  and  placed  in  his  path  the  greatest 
difficulty  that  ever  a  negotiator  had  experienced. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  meeting  of  the  two  Emper- 
ors after  the  battle,  the  Emperor  of  Austria  consented 
to  relinquish  the  State  of  Venice ;  but  he  had  demanded 
that  the  portion  of  the  Tyrol  conquered  by  Massena 
should  be  restored  to  Austria,  and  Napoleon,  no  doubt 
affected  in  spite  of  his  mastery  over  his  emotions,  and 
a  little  off  his  guard  in  the  presence  of  this  vanquished 
sovereign,  who  had  come  to  discuss  his  interests  in 
person  on  the  battle-field  where  the  bodies  of  his  sub- 
jects who  had  fallen  in  his  cause  still  lay,  had  not  been 
able  to  maintain  his  inflexibility.  He  gave  up  the 
Tyrol;  but  no  sooner  had  the  interview  come  to  an 
end  than  he  repented  of  what  he  had  done,  and,  when 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  395 

giving  M.  de  Talleyrand  details  of  the  engagements 
to  which  he  had  pledged  himself,  he  kept  that  one 
secret. 

The  Minister  having  set  out  for  Presburg,  Bona- 
parte returned  to  Vienna,  and  took  up  his  abode  in  the 
palace  at  Schonbrunn.  He  occupied  himself  in  review- 
ing his  army,  verifying  his  losses,  and  reforming  each 
corps  as  it  presented  itself  for  inspection.  In  his  pride 
and  satisfaction  in  the  results  of  the  campaign,  he  was 
good-humored  with  everybody,  behaved  well  to  all 
those  members  of  the  Court  who  awaited  him  at 
Vienna,  and  took  great  pleasure  in  relating  the 
wonders  of  the  war. 

On  one  point  only  did  he  exhibit  displeasure.  He 
was  greatly  surprised  that  his  presence  produced  so 
little  effect  upon  the  Viennese,  and  that  it  was  so 
difficult  to  induce  them  to  attend  the  fetes  he  provided 
for  them,  and  the  dinners  at  the  palace  to  which  he 
invited  them.  Bonaparte  could  not  understand  their 
attachment  to  a  conquered  sovereign — one,  too,  so 
much  inferior  to  himself.  One  day  he  spoke  quite 
openly  about  this  to  M.  de  Remusat.  "  You  have 
passed  some  time  at  Vienna,"  he  said,  "  and  have  had 
opportunities  of  observing  them.  What  a  strange 
people  they  are!  They  seem  insensible  alike  to  glory 
and  to  reverses."  M.  de  Remusat,  who  had  formed  a 
high  opinion  of  the  Viennese,  and  admired  their  disin- 
terested and  loyal  character,  replied  by  praising  them, 
and  relating  several  instances  of  their  attachment  to 
their  sovereign  of  which  he  had  been  an  eye-witness. 
"  But,"  said  Bonaparte,  "  they  must  sometimes  have 
talked  of  me.  What  do  they  say  ?"  "  Sire,"  answered 
M.  de  Remusat,  "  they  say,  '  The  Emperor  Napoleon 
is  a  great  man,  it  is  true ;  but  our  Emperor  is  perfectly 
good,  and  we  can  love  none  but  him.'  "  These  senti- 
ments, which  were  all  unchanged  by  misfortune,  were 


396  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

incomprehensible  to  a  man  who  recognized  no  merit 
except  in  success.  When,  after  his  return  to  Paris, 
he  heard  of  the  touching  reception  given  by  the 
Viennese  to  their  vanquished  Emperor,  he  exclaimed : 
"What  people!  If  I  came  back  to  Paris  thus,  I 
should  certainly  not  be  received  after  that  fashion." 
A  few  days  after  the  Emperor's  return,  M.  de  Tal- 
leyrand arrived  at  Vienna  from  Presburg,  to  the 
great  surprise  of  everybody.  The  Austrian  ministers 
at  Presburg  had  brought  forward  the  subject  of  the 
Tyrol ;  he  had  been  obliged  to  admit  that  he  had  no 
instructions  on  that  point,  and  he  now  came  to  obtain 
them.  He  was  much  displeased  at  having  been 
treated  in  such  a  manner.  WThen  he  spoke  of  this  to 
the  Emperor,  the  latter  told  him  that  in  a  yielding 
moment,  of  which  he  now  repented,  he  had  acceded 
to  the  request  of  the  Emperor  Francis,  but  that  he  was 
quite  resolved  not  to  keep  his  word.  M.  de  Remusat 
told  me  that  M.  de  Talleyrand,  of  whom  he  saw  a 
great  deal  at  this  time,  was  really  indignant.  Not  only 
did  he  perceive  that  war  was  about  to  begin  again,  but 
that  the  Cabinet  of  France  was  stained  by  perfidy,  and 
a  portion  of  the  dishonor  would  inevitably  fall  upon 
him.  His  mission  to  Presburg  would  henceforth  be 
ridiculous,  would  show  how  little  influence  over  his 
master  he  possessed,  and  would  destroy  his  personal 
credit  in  Europe,  when  he  took  such  care  to  preserve. 
The  marshals  raised  their  war-cry  anew.  Murat,  Ber- 
thier,  Maret,  all  the  flatterers  of  the  Emperor's  ruling 
passion,  seeing  to  which  side  he  leaned,  urged  him  on 
toward  what  they  called  "  glory."  M.  de  Talleyrand 
had  to  bear  reproaches  from  every  one,  and  he  often 
said  to  my  husband,  bitterly  enough :  "  I  find  no  one 
but  yourself  here  to  show  me  any  friendship ;  it  would 
take  very  little  more  to  make  those  people  regard  me 
as  a  traitor."  His  conduct  at  this  period,  and  his 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  397 

patience,  did  him  honor.  He  succeeded  in  bringing 
the  Emperor  back  to  his  way  of  thinking  upon  the 
necessity  of  making  peace,  and,  after  having  extracted 
from  him  the  final  word  which  he  required,  he  set  out 
a  second  time  for  Presburg,  better  satisfied,  although 
he  could  not  obtain  the  restitution  of  the  Tyrol.  On 
taking  leave  of  M.  de  Remusat,  he  said,  "  I  shall  settle 
the  affair  of  the  Tyrol,  and  induce  the  Emperor  to 
make  peace,  in  spite  of  himself." 

During  Bonaparte's  stay  at  Schonbrunn  he  received 
a  letter  from  Prince  Charles,  to  the  effect  that,  being 
full  of  admiration  for  his  person,  the  Prince  wished 
to  see  and  converse  with  him.  The  Emperor,  flattered 
by  this  compliment  from  a  man  who  enjoyed  a  high 
reputation  in  Europe,  fixed  upon  a  small  hunting-lodge 
a  few  leagues  from  the  palace  as  the  place  of  meeting, 
and  directed  M.  de  Remusat  to  join  the  other  persons 
who  were  to  accompany  him.  He  also  bade  him  take 
with  him  a  very  richly  mounted  sword.  "  After  our 
conversation,"  said  he,  "  you  will  hand  it  to  me.  I 
wish  to  present  it  to  the  Prince  on  leaving  him." 

The  Emperor  joined  the  Prince,  and  they  remained 
in  private  conference  for  some  time.  When  he  came 
out  of  the  room  my  husband  approached  him,  accord- 
ing to  the  orders  he  had  received.  Bonaparte  impa- 
tiently waved  him  off,  telling  him  that  he  might  take 
the  sword  away ;  and  when  he  returned  to  Schonbrunn 
he  spoke  slightingly  of  the  Prince,  saying  that  he  had 
found  him  very  commonplace  and  by  no  means  worthy 
of  the  present  he  had  intended  for  him. 

I  must  now  relate  an  incident  which  concerned  M. 
de  Remusat  personally,  and  which  once  more  checked 
the  favor  that  the  Emperor  seemed  disposed  to  extend 
toward  him.  I  have  frequently  remarked  that  our 
destiny  always  arranged  matters  so  that  we  should 
not  profit  by  the  advantages  of  our  position,  but  since 


398  MEMOIRS    OF   THE 

that  time  I  have  often  felt  thankful  to  Providence;  for 
that  very  contrariety  preserved  us  from  a  more  disas- 
trous fall. 

In  the  early  years  of  the  Consular  Government  the 
King's  party  had  clung  to  the  hope  of  a  revival  of 
favorable  chance  for  him  in  France,  and  they  had  more 
than  once  tried  to  establish  an  understanding  with  the 
country.  M.  d' Andre,  formerly  a  deputy  to  the  Con- 
stituent Assembly,  an  emigre,  and  devoted  to  the  royal 
cause,  had  undertaken  Royalist  missions  to  some  of 
the  sovereigns  of  Europe,  and  Bonaparte  was  per- 
fectly aware  of  that  fact.  M.  d'Andre  was,  like  M.  de 
Remusat,  a  native  of  Provence,  and  they  had  been 
schoolfellows.  M.  d'Andre  had  also  been  a  magistrate 
prior  to  the  Revolution  (he  was  Councilor  to  the  Par- 
liament of  Aix),  and,  although  they  did  not  keep  up 
any  mutual  relations,  they  were  not  entirely  strangers. 
At  the  period  of  which  I  am  writing,  M.  d'Andre, 
disheartened  by  the  failure  of  his  fruitless  efforts,  con- 
vinced that  the  Imperial  cause  was  absolutely  victo- 
rious, and  weary  of  a  wandering  life  and  consequently 
straitened  means,  was  longing  to  return  to  his  own 
country.  Being  in  Hungary  during  the  campaign  of 
1805,  he  sent  his  wife  to  Vienna,  and  appealed  to  his 
friend  General  Mathieu  Dumas  to  obtain  leave  for 
him.  The  General,  although  rather  alarmed  at  having 
to  undertake  such  a  mission,  promised  to  take  steps 
in  the  matter,  but  advised  Mme.  d'Andre  to  see  M. 
de  Remusat  and  procure  his  interest.  One  morning 
Mme.  d'Andre  arrived.  My  husband  received  her  as 
he  conceived  he  ought  to  receive  the  wife  of  a  former 
friend;  he  was  much  concerned  at  the  position  in 
which  she  represented  M.  d'Andre  to  be,  and,  not 
knowing  that  there  were  particular  circumstances  in 
the  case  which  were  likely  to  render  the  Emperor 
implacable,  thinking  besides  that  his  victories  might 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  399 

incline  him  to  clemency,  consented  to  present  her 
petition.  His  official  position  as  Keeper  of  the  Ward- 
robe gave  him  the  right  to  enter  the  Emperor's  dress- 
ing-room. He  hastened  down  to  his  Majesty's  apart- 
ment, and  found  him  half  dressed  and  in  a  good 
humor,  whereupon  he  immediately  gave  him  an 
account  of  Mme.  d' Andre's  visit,  and  preferred  the 
request  which  he  had  undertaken  to  urge. 

At  the  mention  of  the  name  of  M.  d'Andre,  the 
Emperor's  face  darkened.  "  Do  you  know,"  said  he, 
"that  you  are  talking  to  me  of  a  mortal  enemy?" 

'  No,  Sire,"  replied  M.  de  Remusat; "  I  am  ignorant 
whether  your  Majesty  has  really  reason  to  complain 
of  him;  but,  if  such  be  the  case,  I  would  venture  to 
ask  pardon  for  him.  M.  d'Andre  is  poor  and  pro- 
scribed; he  asks  only  that  he  may  return  and  grow 
old  in  our  common  country."  "  Have  you  any  rela- 
tions with  him?  "  "  None,  Sire."  "  And  why  do  you 
interest  yourself  in  him?"  "  Sire,  he  is  a  Provengal; 
he  was  educated  with  me  at  Juilly,  he  is  of  my  own 
profession,  and  he  was  my  friend."  "  You  are  very 
fortunate,"  said  the  Emperor,  darting  a  fierce  glance 
at  him,  "  to  have  such  motives  to  excuse  you.  Never 
speak  of  him  to  me  again ;  and  know  this :  if  he  were 
at  Vienna,  and  I  could  get  hold  of  him,  he  should  be 
hanged  within  twenty-four  hours."  Having  said  these 
words,  the  Emperor  turned  his  back  on  M.  de 
Remusat. 

Wherever  the  Emperor  was  with  his  Court,  he 
habitually  held  what  was  called  his  levee  every  morn- 
ing. So  soon  as  he  was  dressed,  he  entered  a  recep- 
tion-room, and  those  persons  who  formed  what  was 
called  the  "  service  "  were  summoned.  These  were 
the  great  officers  of  his  household,  M.  de  Remusat,  as 
Keeper  of  the  Wardrobe  and  First  Chamberlain,  and 
the  generals  of  his  guard.  The  second  levee  was  com- 


400  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

posed  of  the  Chamberlains,  of  such  generals  of  the 
army  as  could  present  themselves,  and,  in  Paris,  of 
the  Prefect  of  Police,  the  Princes,  and  the  Ministers. 
Sometimes  he  greeted  all  these  personages  silently, 
with  a  mere  bow,  and  dismissed  them  at  once.  He 
gave  orders  when  it  was  necessary,  and  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  scold  any  one  with  whom  he  was  displeased, 
without  the  slightest  regard  to  the  awkwardness  of 
giving  or  receiving  reprimands  before  a  crowd  of 
witnesses. 

After  he  left  M.  de  Remusat,  the  Emperor  held  his 
levee;  then  he  sent  everybody  away,  and  held  a  long 
conversation  with  General  Savary.  On  its  conclusion, 
Savary  rejoined  my  husband  in  one  of  the  reception- 
rooms,  took  him  aside,  and  addressed  him  after  a 
fashion  which  would  appear  very  strange  to  any  one 
unacquainted  with  the  crudity  of  the  General's  prin- 
ciples in  certain  matters. 

"  Let  me  congratulate  you,"  said  he,  accosting  M. 
de  Remusat,  "  on  a  fine  opportunity  of  making  your 
fortune,  of  which  I  strongly  advise  you  to  avail  your- 
self. You  played  a  dangerous  game  just  now  by 
talking  to  the  Emperor  of  M.  d'Andre,  but  all  may  be 
set  right  again.  Where  is  he?  But,  now  I  think  of  it, 
he  is  in  Hungary — at  least,  his  wife  told  me  so.  Ah, 
bah  !  don't  dissimulate  about  it.  The  Emperor  believes 
that  he  is  in  Vienna;  he  is  convinced  that  you  know 
where  he  is,  and  he  wants  you  to  tell."  "  I  assure 
you,  General,"  replied  M.  de  Remusat,  "  that  I  am 
absolutely  ignorant  of  where  he  is.  I  had  no  corre- 
spondence with  him.  His  wife  came  to  see  me  to-day 
for  the  first  time ;  she  begged  me  to  speak  for  her  hus- 
band to  the  Emperor;  I  have  done  so,  and  that  is  all." 
"  Well,  then,  if  that  be  so,  send  for  her  to  come  to  you 
again.  She  will  have  no  suspicion  of  you.  Make  her 
talk,  and  try  to  elicit  from  her  where  her  husband  is. 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  401 

You  can  not  imagine  how  much  you  will  please  the 
Emperor  by  rendering  him  this  service." 

M.  de  Remusat,  utterly  confounded  at  this  speech, 
was  quite  unable  to  conceal  his  astonishment! 
'*  What !  "  he  exclaimed,  "  you  make  such  a  proposal 
as  that  to  me?  I  told  the  Emperor  that  I  was  the 
friend  of  M.  d'Andre;  you  also  know  that,  and  you 
would  have  me  betray  him,  give  him  up,  and  that  by 
means  of  his  wife,  who  has  trusted  me!"  Savary 
was  astonished,  in  his  turn,  at  the  indignation  of  M. 
de  Remusat.  "  What  folly !  "  said  he.  "  Take  care 
you  do  not  spoil  your  luck!  The  Emperor  has  more 
than  once  had  occasion  to  doubt  that  you  are  as  entirely 
devoted  to  him  as  he  would  have  you  to  be.  Now, 
here  is  an  opportunity  for  removing  his  suspicions,  and 
you  will  be  very  unwise  if  you  let  it  escape." 

The  conversation  lasted  for  some  time.  M.  de 
Remusat  was,  of  course,  unshaken ;  he  assured  Savary 
that,  far  from  seeking  out  Mme.  d'Andre,  he  would 
not  even  consent  to  see  her,  and  he  informed  her, 
through  General  Mathieu  Dumas,  of  the  failure  of  his 
mission.  Savary  returned  to  the  subject  in  the  course 
of  the  day,  and  said,  over  and  over  again :  "  You  are 
throwing  away  your  chances;  I  confess  I  can  not  make 
you  out."  "  That  does  not  matter,"  my  husband 
would  reply. 

And,  in  fact,  the  Emperor  did  resent  this  refusal, 
and  assumed  toward  M.  de  Remusat  the  harsh,  icy 
tone  which  was  always  a  mark  of  his  displeasure. 
M.  de  Remusat  endured  it  with  resignation,  and  com- 
plained only  to  Duroc,  the  Grand  Marshal  of  the 
Palace,  who  understood  his  difficulty  better  than 
Savary  could,  but  regretted  that  anything  should  have 
occurred  to  diminish  his  favor  with  Bonaparte.  He 
also  congratulated  my  husband  on  his  conduct,  which 
seemed  to  him  an  act  of  the  greatest  courage ;  for  not 


402  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

to  obey  the  Emperor  was,  in  his  eyes,  the  most  won- 
derful thing  in  the  world. 

Duroc  was  a  man  of  a  singular  character.  His 
mind  was  narrow;  his  feelings  and  thoughts  were 
always,  perhaps  deliberately,  confined  to  a  small  circle ; 
but  he  lacked  neither  cleverness  nor  clear-sightedness. 
He  was  filled,  perhaps,  rather  with  submission  than 
devotion  to  Bonaparte,  and  believed  that  no  one  placed 
near  him  could  use  any  or  every  faculty  better  than  in 
exactly  obeying  him. 

In  order  not  to  fail  in  this,  which  he  considered  a 
strict  duty,  he  would  not  allow  himself  even  a  thought 
beyond  the  obligations  of  his  post.  Cold,  silent,  and 
impenetrable  as  to  every  secret  confided  to  him,  I 
believe  he  had  made  it  a  law  to  himself  never  to  reflect 
on  the  orders  he  received.  He  did  not  flatter  the 
Emperor;  he  did  not  seek  to  please  him  by  tale-bear- 
ing, which,  though  often  tending  to  no  result,  was  yet 
gratifying  {o  Bonaparte's  naturally  suspicious  mind; 
but,  like  a  mirror,  Duroc  reflected  for  his  master  all 
that  had  taken  place  in  his  presence,  and,  like  an  echo, 
he  repeated  his  master's  words  in  the  same  tone  and 
manner  in  which  they  had  been  uttered.  Were  we 
to  have  fallen  dead  before  his  eyes  in  consequence  of 
a  message  of  which  he  was  the  bearer,  he  would  still 
have  delivered  it  with  imperturbable  precision. 

I  do  not  think  he  ever  inquired  of  himself  whether 
the  Emperor  was  or  was  not  a  great  man;  he  was 
the  master,  and  that  was  enough.  His  obedience 
made  him  of  great  use  to  the  Emperor;  the  interior  of 
the  palace,  the  entire  management  of  the  household 
and  its  expenditure,  was  his  charge,  and  everything 
was  regulated  with  perfect  order  and  extreme 
economy,  and  yet  with  great  magnificence. 

Marshal  Duroc  had  married  a  Spanish  lady  of  great 
fortune,  little  beauty,  and  a  good  deal  of  intelligence. 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  403 

She  was  the  daughter  of  a  Spanish  banker  named 
Hervas,  who  had  been  employed  in  some  second-rate 
diplomatic  capacity,  and  had  subsequently  been  created 
Marquis  d'Abruenara.  He  was  Minister  in  Spain 
under  Joseph  Bonaparte.  Mme.  Duroc  had  been 
brought  up  at  Mme.  Campan's  school,  where  Mme. 
Louis  Bonaparte,  Mme.  Savary,  Mme.  Davoust,  Mme. 
Ney,  and  others,  had  also  been  educated. 

She  and  her  husband  lived  together  on  good  terms, 
but  without  that  perfect  union  which  is  so  great  a 
source  of  consolation  to  those  who  have  to  endure  the 
restraints  of  a  Court.  He  would  not  allow  her  to  hold 
an  opinion  of  her  own  on  passing  events,  or  to  have 
any  familiar  friend ;  and  he  had  none  himself.  I  have 
never  known  any  one  who  felt  less  need  of  friendship, 
or  who  cared  less  for  the  pleasures  of  conversation. 
He  had  not  the  slightest  idea  of  social  life;  he  did  not 
know:  the  meaning  of  a  taste  for  literature  or  art;  and 
this  indifference  to  things  in  general,  which  he  combined 
with  the  most  perfect  obedience  to  orders,  while  he 
never  showed  any  sign  of  weariness  or  constraint,  nor 
yet  the  slightest  appearance  of  enthusiasm,  made  him 
quite  a  remarkable  character,  and  interesting  to 
observe.  He  was  greatly  esteemed  at  Court,  or  at 
any  rate  was  of  great  importance.  Everything  was 
referred  to  him,  and  to  him  all  complaints  were  ad- 
dressed. He  attended  to  everybody,  seldom  offering 
an  opinion,  still  less  a  counsel;  but  he  listened  with 
attention,  faithfully  reported  what  was  said,  and  never 
showed  either  the  slightest  mark  of  ill  will  or  the  least 
sign  of  interest. 

Bonaparte,  who  had  great  skill  in  utilizing  men, 
liked  to  be  served  by  one  who  stood  so  completely 
apart  from  others.  There  was  no  danger  in  aggran- 
dizing such  a  man  as  this;  he  therefore  loaded  him 
with  honors  and  riches.  His  gifts  to  Savary,  which 


404  MEMOIRS    OF    THE 

were  also  very  considerable,  were  dictated  by  a  differ- 
ent motive.  "  That  is  a  man,"  he  used  to  say,  "  who 
must  continually  be  bought;  he  would  belong  to  any 
one  who  would  give  him  a  crown  more  than  I  do." 
And  yet,  strange  to  say,  notwithstanding  this  feeling, 
Bonaparte  trusted  him,  or  at  any  rate  believed  the 
tales  he  brought.  He  knew,  in  truth,  that  Savary 
would  refuse  him  nothing,  and  he  would  say  of  him 
sometimes,  "  If  I  ordered  Savary  to  rid  himself  of 
his  wife  and  children,  I  am  sure  he  would  not  hesi- 
tate." 

Savary,  though  an  object  of  general  terror,  was,  in 
spite  of  his  mode  of  life  and  his  actions,  hidden  or 
otherwise,  not  radically  a  bad  man.  Love  of  money 
was  his  ruling  passion.  He  had  no  military  talent, 
and  was  even  accused  by  his  brave  comrades  of  being 
wanting  in  courage  on  the  battle-field.  He  had,  there- 
fore, to  build  up  his  fortune  in  a  different  fashion 
from  that  of  his  companions  in  arms.  He  perceived 
a  way  open  to  him  in  the  system  of  cunning  and  tale- 
bearing which  Bonaparte  favored;  and,  having  once 
entered  on  it,  it  was  not  possible  for  him  to  retrace  his 
steps.  He  was,  intrinsically,  better  than  his  reputa- 
tion; that  is,  his  first  impulses  were  superior  to  his 
subsequent  action.  He  was  not  wanting  in  natural 
ability;  could  be  kindled  to  a  momentary  enthusiasm 
of  the  imagination;  was  ignorant,  but  with  a  desire 
for  information,  and  had  an  instinctively  right  judg- 
ment. He  was  rather  a  liar  than  a  deceitful  man; 
harsh  in  manner,  but  very  timid  in  reality.  He  had 
reasons  of  his  own  for  knowing  Bonaparte  and  trem- 
bling before  him.  Nevertheless,  while  he  was  Min- 
ister, he  ventured  on  some  show  of  opposition,  and 
then  appeared  to  entertain  a  certain  desire  to  gain 
public  esteem.  He,  perhaps,  like  many  others,  owed 
the  development  of  his  views  to  the  times  he  lived  in, 


EMPRESS   JOSEPHINE  405 

which  stifled  the  better  side  of  his  character.  The 
Emperor  sedulously  cultivated  evil  passions  in  the 
men  who  served  him,  and  they  flourished  abundantly 
under  his  reign. 

To  return.  M.  de  Talleyrand's  negotiations  were 
slowly  advancing.  In  spite  of  every  obstacle,  he  suc- 
ceeded, by  means  of  correspondence,  in  persuading  the 
Emperor  to  make  peace ;  and  the  Tyrol,  that  stumbling- 
block  of  the  treaty,  was  ceded  by  the  Emperor  Francis 
to  the  King  of  Bavaria.  When,  a  few  years  after- 
ward, the  Emperor  had  quarreled  with  M.  de  Talley- 
rand, he  would  angrily  refer  to  this  treaty,  and  com- 
plain that  his  Minister  had  wrested  from  him  the  fruit 
of  victory,  and  brought  about  the  second  Austrian 
campaign  by  leaving  too  much  power  in  the  hands  of 
the  sovereign  of  that  country. 

The  Emperor  had  time,  before  leaving  Vienna,  to 
receive  a  deputation  from  four  of  the  mayors  of  the 
city  of  Paris,  who  came  to  congratulate  him  on  his 
victories.  Shortly  afterward  he  departed  for  Munich, 
having  announced  that  he  was  about  to  place  the  regal 
crown  on  the  head  of  the  Elector  of  Bavaria,  and  to 
conclude  the  marriage  of  Prince  Eugene. 

The  Empress,  who  had  been  staying  at  Munich  for 
some  time,  was  overjoyed  at  a  union  which  would 
ally  her  son  with  the  greatest  houses  of  Europe.  She 
greatly  wished  that  Mme.  Louis  Bonaparte  should 
be  present  at  the  ceremony;  but  the  request  met  with 
an  obstinate  refusal  from  Louis,  and,  as  usual,  his  wife 
was  obliged  to  submit. 

The  Emperor,  who  also  wished  to  introduce  a  kins- 
woman to  the  Bavarians,  summoned  Mme.  Murat  to 
Munich.  She  came  thither  with  mingled  feelings. 
The  pleasure  of  being  regarded  as  a  person  of  im- 
portance, and  of  displaying  herself,  was  damped  by 
the  elevation  of  the  Beauharnais  family;  and  she  had 


406  EMPRESS    JOSEPHINE 

some  difficulty,  as  I  shall  presently  relate,  in  conceal- 
ing her  dissatisfaction. 

M.  de  Talleyrand  returned  to  the  Court  after  sign- 
ing the  treaty,  and  once  more  peace  seemed  restored  to 
Europe — at  any  rate,  for  a  time.  Peace  was  signed 
on  Christmas  Day,  1805. 

In  this  treaty  the  Emperor  of  Austria  recognized 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  as  King  of  Italy.  He  ceded 
the  Venetian  States  to  the  kingdom  of  Italy.  He 
recognized  the  Electors  of  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemburg 
as  kings,  ceding  to  the  former  several  principalities 
and  the  Tyrol,  to  the  latter  a  number  of  towns,  and 
to  the  Elector  of  Baden  part  of  the  Brisgau. 

The  Emperor  Napoleon  undertook  to  obtain  the 
principality  of  Wurzburg  from  the  King  of  Bavaria 
for  the  Archduke  Ferdinand,  who  had  been  Grand 
Duke  of  Tuscany.  The  Venetian  States  were  to  be 
handed  over  within  a  fortnight.  These  were  the 
principal  conditions  of  the  treaty. 


